Fame came suddenly to Sirimavo Bandaranaike of Sri Lanka in 1960 when she was made the world’s first female prime minister. Newspapers around the world had gentle fun speculating about the auguries of this event. No one predicted that her reign would be remembered by many with loathing. The continuing conflict between the Tamils and the majority Sinhalese, which so far has claimed more than 60,000 lives, had its origin in policies Mrs Bandaranaike pursued.
Historians may decide that Mrs Bandaranaike was an innocent, inheriting policies whose consequences she did not at first understand. That could be true. When she took over, Sri Lanka had been independent for 12 years, but the Buddhist Sinhalese felt that not enough had been done to restore the ascendancy of their pre-colonial “golden age”. Mrs
Bandaranaike’s husband, Solomon, had become prime minister in 1956 promising to end privileges said to be enjoyed by the Tamils.
Whether the mainly-Hindu Tamils had more privileges than the Sinhalese under the British, or were simply more enterprising, is open to question. But the Sinhalese believed they had and were resentful that many Tamils had prospered in government and the professions under colonial rule, and had held on to their jobs after independence. Solomon Bandaranaike was murdered in 1959 by a Buddhist monk who wanted Sinhala rule speeded up. Mrs Bandaranaike became leader of Solomon’s party. In a general election, the “weeping widow”, as she was known, was swept to victory.
It does indeed seem that she may have started as a political innocent. Solomon was a male chauvinist. Whenever he invited some friends to their home to discuss political affairs, her only role was to serve tea. All the same, Mrs Bandaranaike had a sharp mind. She had received a solid education at a local Roman Catholic school and had done social work among the rural poor. And, once in office, she quickly learnt the power of racial politics.
Sirimavo Bandaranaike headed two administrations, in 1960–65 and 1970–77. William McGowan, in his book Only Man Is Vile, quotes her as saying, “The Tamil people must accept the fact that the Sinhala majority will no longer permit themselves to be cheated of their rights.” She made Sinhala the sole official language, replacing English and ignoring Tamil. Sinhalese were favoured for university places and government jobs. School history books were rewritten to give prominence only to Sinhalese heroes.
Her government nationalised the country’s main industries, and placed Sinhalese in charge. Even the tea estates, which were well run by Tamils, were turned over to Sinhalese control. The number of parliamentary seats Tamils could win was cut.
It took a long time for the Tamils’ resentment to turn into civil war, and to a demand for their own state in the north-east of the island. It wasn’t just the racism; the government was a bad manager. There was high unemployment and soaring inflation. At one stage clothing and sugar were rationed. An insurrection, stirred by Marxist slogans and manned by the unemployed, was put down with great brutality.
State-controlled newspapers sought to prop up Mrs Bandaranaike’s declining popularity with pictures of her with Tito, Nehru and others in the “non-aligned movement”, and she won their praises by expelling the American “peace corps” and closing the Israeli embassy. American aidwas cut off; Soviet aid came in. Eventually she lost power to Junius Jayewardene (see page 164), who reshaped Sri Lankan politics, transferring most power to the presidency. Mrs Bandaranaike was expelled from parliament and deprived of her civil rights for six years for abuse of office.
These days, Sri Lanka is in some ways a different place. Many of the state industries have been privatised. But a Bandaranaike is back in power. The former prime minister’s daughter, Chandrika Kumaratunga, is president. For the past six years she has been trying to end the conflict between Sinhalese and Tamils ignited back in those reckless times nearly half a century ago; and now kept going by Velupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the Tamil Tigers guerrilla group, who, says Mrs Kumaratunga, probably correctly, is mentally ill. Why so many Tamils are willing to be led by an apparent madman may perhaps be explained by their deep and unshifting suspicion of the Sinhalese, even though Mrs Kumaratunga has long rejected Sinhala nationalism.
Mrs Kumaratunga was blinded in one eye last December when she was caught in the blast from a Tiger suicide bomber. Any time she leaves her presidential palace in Colombo, she takes the risk of another bomb attack. She has never publicly criticised her mother for her part in fomenting the Tamils’ grievances. She has always been the fond daughter, and made her mother prime minister, a position that became a ceremonial one under her presidency. Sirimavo Bandaranaike did undoubtedly believe that she was doing good. She gave the country its present Sinhalese name, changing it from Ceylon. It means “resplendent island”.