The United States of America should have a foundation free from the influence of the clergy.
WHEN ANN KRAWET and her husband, Dave, moved from New York City to Monroe, New York, in 1968, they weren’t looking for anything unusual—just a nice, safe home and a smaller, more manageable community. Ann and Dave, a Reform Jewish couple expecting their third child, had been living in a one-and-a-half-bedroom walk-up apartment in Brooklyn and were desperate for more space.
Upstate in Orange County, they found a classic cedar-shingle home in a little subdivision that had been neatly cut into a tree-covered hill so that all of the homes remained surrounded by woods. Ann thought the small round windows on the second level—just under the eaves—were “darling.” A living room at the far end of the house had huge sixteen-pane windows that looked over a large lawn bordered by trees. They had found their paradise in a town named in honor of our fifth president, James Monroe, officially a Virginia Episcopalian but more likely a deist.
Monroe, an old colonial town west of the Hudson and about an hour northwest of the Bronx, had approved several subdivisions in the 1960s, including the one where Ann and Dave found their home. They had been attracted to Monroe for a few reasons. First, it was about equidistant between Dave’s job at the old US Custom House in lower Manhattan (a two-hour commute) and Ann’s parents’ home in Sullivan County (west of Orange County, on the border between New York and Pennsylvania); second, since Monroe necessitated a long commute to Manhattan, the prices were cheaper than in closer suburbs (Ann and Dave were able to buy in a subdivision with two-acre lots); finally, the presence of the old town of Monroe added a touch of authentic “small-town” feel to the benefits of good public schools and bucolic splendor offered by such bedroom communities.
Orange County was named after the Dutchman William of Orange, who took over England at the end of the seventeenth century. Originally owned by the Dutch, New York was called New Netherland until the British kicked them out and, in keeping with the reign of King Charles II and his family, renamed it after the Duke of York, brother of the king. About fifteen years after taking over New Netherland from the Dutch, Charles’s family lost control of England to the Dutch leader, William. This occurred as part of the “glorious revolution of 1688,” when the Protestants took England back from the Catholics one more time. William was married to Mary, daughter of the English king, and invaded successfully. Religious disputes have always weighed heavily in the area. Although William didn’t change the name back to New Netherland, he didn’t protest when some appreciative Dutch colonists named the southwest area of the Hudson Valley “Orange County.”
When the town of Monroe was chartered in the early eighteenth century by Queen Anne, the area of mostly high, rocky hills and swampy valleys was sparsely populated, and the situation wasn’t much different eighty years later when the American Revolution was sweeping the colonies. The region saw a fair amount of action during the wars at the end of the eighteenth century. Along with the Mohawk’s great chief Joseph Brant, Claudius Smith and his “cowboys” were particularly active in the area around present-day Monroe, defending loyal British from the “American” paramilitary operations. In fact, during his retreat toward Pennsylvania after the disastrous Battle of Brooklyn, George Washington stayed in a farmhouse in Orange County. With its tactical advantages and commanding plateau overseeing the Hudson River, Orange County has been home to the US Military Academy at West Point since 1802.
Monroe was built on a relatively level raised plain in a region of marshy farmland that few farmed because nobody knew how, until some Poles and Volga Germans showed up at the turn of the twentieth century, found it familiar terrain, and immediately began to grow onions. Before the arrival of these hardy farmers, this part of Upstate New York had clung to a way of life that would have been recognizable to Diedrich Knickerbocker. These days, bridges have replaced ferries, bringing the west bank of the Hudson within easy reach of Manhattan; the empire of the automobile bought out the onion farms, and the landscape has become a patchwork of suburbs and outlet malls, interspersed with the few remaining colonial towns and a large regional airport.
When Ann and Dave Krawet arrived in the late 1960s, agriculture still dominated a landscape that was ever so slowly evolving into rural suburbia. Cow crossings continued to bring traffic to a standstill on Highway 17, the major east-west corridor, as the cattle were ushered to the milking barns where Velveeta cheese, the 1917 invention of a Swiss immigrant who had settled in Monroe, was still made. The Krawets loved the charm of the area. It seemed they had arrived just at the right time.
Ann resigned her job as a social studies teacher to concentrate on raising the family’s three children but soon found she had time on her hands. She started volunteering for a variety of activities at Temple Beth-El, the local Reform synagogue. The temple had been founded during the days when Monroe was just a vacation rental area for people on their way to the big resorts in the Catskills (known as the Borscht Belt because of the primarily Eastern European, Jewish clientele). It was during those first few years volunteering at the temple and for school activities that Ann made lasting friendships in town and was introduced to the whole panoply of local government and community issues with which any vibrant town buzzes. Things were going great: the older kids loved the schools, Ann felt at home in the community, and Dave, despite the long commute, was proud that he could provide his family a lifestyle that, in comparison to the postwar Brooklyn where he had grown up, was one of pastoral luxury.
Then one day a mysterious real estate developer from Montreal purchased about three hundred acres of a recently cleared wasteland north of Highway 17, in Monroe Township. The land near Stewart Air Force Base had been deemed suitable for industrial use. When those plans collapsed, the land was on the market, and relatively cheap. Rumors spread, one of the more accurate beginning at the local Lions Club, where a member who was a state trooper let it be known that he had inspected several different vans that week that had been parked illegally along Routes 44 and 17. In each case, he said, the van had been full of strange men with big beards and some kind of religious cult outfit. The trooper’s account was soon confirmed by someone at the chamber of commerce, who knew someone whose nephew worked at the county records office.
Who were these people, with their odd appearance and customs, and what did they want with such a large parcel of land?
Many people understand Hasidic Jews to be “ultra-Orthodox” or some other label that indicates rigid adherence to (even preoccupation with) divinely designated rules for Jewish living. That is not wholly inaccurate, but it is simplistic and unfair and does rather miss the point of Hasidism, which began as a reform movement in Eastern European Jewry in the eighteenth century.
The Hasidim follow a kind of religious life advocated by Rabbi Yisroel ben Eliezer, known as the Baal Shem Tov, a man who lived in Eastern Europe in the late 1600s. The Baal Shem Tov, though quite a brilliant scholar himself, felt that the benefits of Judaism, the benefits of that special relationship with God, belonged to all Jews—not just great scholars. He wanted to shift the focus of Jewish devotion from scholarship and asceticism to prayer and rejoicing. Of course, this was still Judaism, so study of holy scripture and strict attention to the laws laid down in those scriptures remained central to the life of the community, but what changed was the goal of the religious life: for the Jewish community to recognize and joyously participate in God’s actual presence in the entire world.
Not without controversy, but definitely with success, Eliezer’s reforms swept through the Jewish enclaves of Eastern Europe. Dynasties of revered rabbis in the new Hasidic tradition exercised total control over the communities they led. Competition was fierce, with disaffected heirs taking adherents off to start new congregations throughout the pale of settlement in Eastern Europe.
One branch of the complicated Hasidic dynasty settled in the city of Satu Mare in Hungary, near the Transylvanian border. Satu Mare had been an important metropolis for centuries, and by the outbreak of World War II, more than fifty thousand Jews lived there under the rule of Rabbi Joel Teitelbaum, a Talmudic scholar who had become its rebbe in the early twentieth century, and later became grand rebbe.
The grand rebbe himself was saved from concentration camps and sent to Switzerland, where he survived the war, but the vast majority of his community perished in the camps. Not being a Zionist*—in fact, Rebbe Teitelbaum became famous throughout the Orthodox community for his scholarly refutation of Zionism—the grand rebbe stopped only briefly in Jerusalem after the war before making his way to Brooklyn, where other Hasidim had preceded him, in 1946.
Although there was a thriving Hasidic community in Brooklyn before the war, popular culture and assimilation of the various strands of the Jewish community into the New York City melting pot had—at least in a very limited way—encroached on their customs, and the stricter devotees of the sect had, to some extent, given in to what might be described as moderate zealotry. Who could tell what would happen to the rich Hasidic traditions and way of life in a generation, or three? What was the long-term threat to the Orthodox hegemony?
Grand Rebbe Teitelbaum had one goal in later life: to rebuild in America the lost cultural community of Satu Mare. By virtue of his position, Rebbe Teitelbaum was something of an autocrat—a benevolent one to be sure, but an autocrat nonetheless—and he used that power quite effectively.
When Teitelbaum suggested that all Satmar relocate to New York City, they came from all over the world. When he taught that his followers should have absolutely nothing to do with American culture (no baseball games, no radio, no TV, no English-language newspapers, no hamburgers, no golf, no blue jeans), they fervently accepted that too. And when he suggested that, in order to repopulate, married couples should have as many children as possible, they conformed (the average Satmar family has more than eight children). When he taught that young Satmar boys should be trained the way they had been in Satu Mare—studying the Torah and Talmud at yeshivas from 7 AM to 7 PM, starting around the age of five and continuing until a few years after marriage—yeshivas sprang up all over the Brooklyn neighborhood.
But by the mid-1970s Rebbe Teitelbaum had grown increasingly skeptical that American culture could be kept at bay, especially with all the temptations in New York City. Because he feared ausgegrunt (“the green wearing off,” or the lost zeal of younger generations that is endemic to devotional sects; witness the second generations of the Puritans in England and America) and lacked faith in the ability of any of his potential successors, he suggested that the community buy a large plot of upstate land and start building an even more isolated community of insular purity—unwittingly following in the tradition of American religious utopias upstate (including secular, socialist Zionist Jewish camps). On the way to the summer bungalows in the Catskills, the elders of the community had noticed a sparsely populated area off Route 17.
That would do nicely.
Monroe locals had a lot of fun arguing over whether the strange appearance of Satmar was a good or bad thing.
Many of the suburbanites had lived in New York City at some point in their lives, and these former New Yorkers fancied themselves sophisticates and sought to demonstrate their liberal open-mindedness by making an ostentatious show of their commitment to diversity, noting how nice it would be to get kosher meat and relating to anyone who would listen their worldly experience with Hasidic shops or neighborhoods in the city of New York. A fair number of those who had moved to Monroe from such “outposts” as Syracuse, Buffalo, and Rochester listened to the sophisticates with curiosity and anticipation.
The naysayers, on the other hand, were excited because they had something to complain about: it was the end of the “traditional community” as far as they were concerned. They feared the newcomers would destroy property values and ruin the school district, and they warned everyone about doing business with the untrustworthy Satmar.
Ann and Dave Krawet were certainly not fear-stricken, nor were they predisposed to dislike the Satmar. But they were nervously curious, because the area where the Satmar were building was near their own subdivision, and the Krawets remembered family members and other adults complaining about the Hasid as shanda fur die goyim: doing something embarrassing to Jews in the presence of non-Jews.* They soon met a few Satmar and found them pleasant and interesting people. The Satmar claimed that they wanted to be good neighbors and the Krawets, with a shrug, were more than willing to give them a chance.
As was Sotirios “Steve” Lagakos, owner of the classic Monroe Diner. A short, tough man with a deep Mediterranean tan and a razor-sharp triangular mustache, Lagakos had arrived in America in the late 1960s, fresh out of the Greek air force and able to speak only halting English.
After working tirelessly for a few years at a diner in Manhattan, saving every cent so he could eventually own his own diner, one night Lagakos found himself driving around upstate in the first automobile he ever owned, a destined-for-the-junk-heap Chrysler he got for twenty dollars. He was searching for a location for his dream diner but had no idea where he was going. His rather erratic driving caught the attention of two state troopers, who pulled him over on Route 17. Upset that he had embarrassed himself while searching for his place in the American Dream, Lagakos started crying. The officers initially suspected he was nuts or drunk and asked him to accompany them to the station (or, as he put it, “the brig”). With one trooper driving ahead and one following close behind, Lagakos made his way to the barracks. Along the way, he saw a shuttered diner with a For SALE SIGN. He slammed on his brakes, causing the trooper to rear-end his Chrysler. He excitedly jumped out of the car—it was raining by this time—and hastily scribbled down the information from the sign. The troopers took this as further evidence that he was crazy, and when he tried to explain by pointing vigorously at the sign and shouting, “I buy diner! I buy diner!” they were convinced of it.
The troopers (“They treat me very nice”) released him to his brother, after giving him a cup of coffee and an hour to “sober up.” But Lagakos came back to Monroe a few days later. He walked into the local Chase Manhattan bank branch, announced he was buying the diner and dumped more than $70,000 in $100 bills onto the loan officer’s desk. It was all the money he had in the world, a combination of his mother’s life savings and the cash Steve and his brother had literally stashed under a mattress. He scraped and saved to afford improvements to the restaurant, sleeping on a blanket in the basement for a year.
It was the 1970s, the heyday of the American diner, and Steve did a brisk business. By the end of the decade he was well on his way to having five diners throughout the region, owning a large home, sending his kids to college, and employing his entire extended family.
Lagakos remembers welcoming the new Satmar residents and businessmen, wanting to give them the same chance that he had been given. After all, when he arrived in town, he was as foreign as the Satmar, but the community had fully embraced him, respecting his work ethic and the quality of his business sense. Didn’t the newest arrivals deserve the same? Steve thought so—as long as they played by the rules, as he and other immigrants had done.
True to everyone’s expectations, the Satmar quickly began to develop the big subdivision they had purchased, giving the streets Hasidic-sounding names and redeveloping a strip mall to serve their need for religious-oriented items. People were both a little surprised at the speed with which the Satmar were moving in and a little disappointed that they didn’t see much of their exotic neighbors. After the first six months or so, however, rumors spread. The houses going up in the Satmar subdivision began to look strange—in fact, they were row houses! Some were three stories, and many of them seemed to be duplexes. One particularly large building looked like a condominium. Some of the local tradesmen who had worked on the subdivision told stories of supposedly single-family homes with four or five kitchens and as many bathrooms. Plumbers told of odd sewer hookups.
It was obvious to anyone who drove by the area that the Satmar were flagrantly breaking building regulations and zoning ordinances. The houses did not meet code. The roads did not meet code. The wells and sewers did not meet code. It was beginning to look like … Brooklyn!—the borough from which many local residents had escaped.
Public sentiment that had been indifferent to or had even favored the “interesting” Satmar turned to panic. The town council, the school board, and the PTA had an emergency meeting. County politicians were called in. “Who the hell do these people think they are?” became the universal outcry.
The locals had been anticipating something attractive and pastoral—something along the lines of a Jewish version of Amish communities and their roadside markets. Kugel stands, perhaps? Nobody was expecting an Eastern European shtetl or ghetto. And beyond the important emotional fact of disappointed expectations (however fanciful and ill-formed), there were the rules to think about. It may have been the late twentieth century, but the double-barreled sobriety of this half-Yankee, half-Dutch community retained a capacity to be offended at the idea that anyone would intentionally break the rules. Rules, after all, are rules. Those who weren’t swept into the anti-Satmar camp in defense of the principle of the laws came in defense of the spirit of the law—“We didn’t move out here to have to look at urban blight!” It was one thing to break a rule here or there, but to completely subvert the pastoral character of the area was something else entirely. On the practical side, folks were not at all sure that the sewer system and water supply could handle development on the scale the Satmar seemed to be contemplating.
Those who had warned about the Satmar from the beginning were turned to for advice, but they only provided horror stories—tales of a town called New Square, and of East Ramapo—once-happy suburbs and school districts that had, according to the tales, been torn apart by Hasidic or ultra-Orthodox development. They multiply like rabbits! They’ll vote down the school budgets! They’ll tap the wells dry! Others—especially some secular, Zionist Jews from the area—spread even more far-fetched rumors: the Satmar would throw stones at the cars of those with whom they disagreed, and do the same to immodestly dressed women. They would riot if men and women swam in the lake together.* Rumors and speculation passed far beyond sinks per square foot and storm-gutter placement.
About this time, Ann Krawet recalls, she woke up to an unfamiliar sound.
Ann’s street, Mountain View, is a narrow one-lane road in the town of Monroe, slightly outside the village of Kiryas Joel but close enough that some of the Satmar were buying houses near hers with a plan toward expanding the village. The topmost branches of the trees on either side of the road almost touch as they reach out across the pavement. Narrowing the street further, extra family cars are frequently lined up along the curbs. This was the last place Ann expected to see three forty-foot buses grunting up the street in noisy low gears. Dumb-founded, she watched as the buses crawled along, stopping in front of the homes of her Satmar neighbors just long enough to let a small stream of men of various ages pile in for their daily commute to Manhattan, where some worked in the Forty-Seventh Street diamond district and others owned stores selling cameras and other wares. When the first bus reached the end of the road, it executed a groaning three-point turn. Now heading back down the street, it edged past the other two, each of which then executed the same clumsy 180-degree turn and drove away.
That was odd, Ann remembers thinking. When the same thing happened the next day, and the next, she grew concerned and made inquiries of her neighbors, who said they knew nothing about it. When the same thing happened every day for a week, she started complaining. No one had anticipated an unregulated municipal bus system. It’s dangerous! It’s noisy and smoggy and inappropriate for this street! But the buses kept coming. Her Satmar neighbors—especially the wives—told Ann privately that they really did agree with her about the buses, but that when they had complained, their leaders told them that it “was good for Kiryas Joel” and so there was nothing more they could do. Finding the situation intolerable (and disappointed by what she saw as the spinelessness of her Satmar neighbors in the face of their leadership), Ann decided to complain at the next meeting of the Monroe Town Council.
That was when Ann was introduced, firsthand, to the community crisis that the Satmar had precipitated.
One woman complained that a Satmar neighbor had, without a permit, built a swimming pool, visible from the front yard, and had hung eight-foot-high, electric-blue curtains around it. Ann stood up and complained about the buses. A group of three homeowners, whose lots bordered the village of Kiryas Joel, followed Ann and complained that their wells, which they had dug decades ago, had run dry. A fourth person was complaining about used tires and an old refrigerator that had been left for weeks on the lawn of a Satmar neighbor.
The town council members were squirming. It was obvious that the new residents didn’t give a whit about zoning, deed restriction, sanitation, and utility rules that applied to everyone else. But the council was torn between citizenry who insisted that the town enforce its rules equally and a Satmar community that was crassly willing to exploit the Holocaust: Every time someone stood up to lodge a complaint, a group of Satmar would jump to their feet and shout them down. “This is just how the Nazis talked!” “That’s what they said before the Holocaust!” “Can you believe we came to this country which is supposed to be free from anti-Semitism, but it is just like the old country? It will be back to the ovens before we know it!” One elderly Satmar man had rolled up his sleeve and was pointing at the faded tattoo on his arm and shouting about his experiences in a concentration camp.
As a Jew, Ann was appalled and disgusted at the notion of being accused of anti-Semitism by people who seemed to her to be self-righteous cultists and who failed to realize how much of their non-Hasidic audience was Jewish. She was embarrassed to be in the presence of anyone who could dare to compare zoning disputes to genocide and livid that people of her own faith would so cavalierly invoke the Holocaust to excuse the dumping of trash in their yards or using long-haul commuter buses like taxis on suburban cul-de-sacs!
Even more infuriating was to see the effect of the Satmar’s fulminations on the secular or Christian members of the community. Any self-respecting liberal would be terrified by such accusations of anti-Semitism and would have no idea how to proceed—which is presumably just what the Satmar wanted.
Ann recalls talking to one of the political leaders of the Satmar about the bus problem on her street. “I went up to him very quietly—he was in the back watching or directing the meeting—and I asked, ‘How come you can’t compromise, use smaller buses? Why does it have to be these gigantic buses?’ And he told me, ‘Because we get these buses for free from the government.’” They were surplus retired buses from larger municipalities.
As the Satmar population grew—and it grew rapidly, both from a high birth rate and a high influx from Brooklyn—so grew the influence of the Satmar in local elections. This is natural in a democracy, of course, but Ann and other like-minded citizens in Monroe felt that the Satmar had purchased a double standard with their votes. They noticed that the town council looked the other way whenever a Satmar failed to follow “ordinary” rules of suburban life, whether it was putting the wrong kind of trash out on the wrong day or failing to seek approval for remodeling or drilling wells. “All we wanted was for them to follow the rules,” she recalls, “but there were never any consequences. And they just kept growing!”
Ironically, it is the complaint against their growth that the Satmar found most difficult to understand: the point of Satmar organization is to increase the number of Satmar Jews. Hasidic culture simply lacks any pejorative connotation to population growth. Positive, even divine, associations with genetic expansion go back to the biblical era, to the foundational covenant with Abraham.
Of course the Satmar were interested in the low crime and larger houses that living in the suburbs afforded them, but they didn’t seem to associate those things with all the other principles of suburban planning. Since they have virtually no crime within their community (or, perhaps more accurately, no reported crime; the sect deals with its troublemakers on its own terms), the Satmar didn’t understand how they could be seen as bad neighbors. Suburban aesthetics—timely trash disposal, taking deed restrictions seriously, controlling development—simply meant nothing to most of them.
Community leaders prepared to take the Satmar community to court, but a funny thing happened on the way to the courthouse.
Under an obscure provision in the New York State statutes, any group of people who live contiguously can band together and declare themselves a village when they reach a population of 500. In 1977, when the Satmar community grew to 525 people, they did just that, naming their new development Kiryas Joel. Instantly, a brand-new village—one in which virtually every single resident was aligned with a single religious sect with a very specific agenda—appeared on the map. The implications were clear: villages have their own mayors, the power to tax and spend, and the authority to establish their own zoning regulations and building codes. The ordinances and rules of the surrounding town no longer necessarily applied. The Satmar were now free to build just about anything they wanted, any way they wanted.
The citizens of Monroe felt bullied, cheated, hoodwinked, abused, and angry.
Very, very angry.
Although the residents of Monroe had heard of Rebbe Teitelbaum, few had seen him. In 1979, just two years after the village was incorporated, Teitelbaum died. More than a hundred thousand Jews are said to have attended his funeral. To this day, if you ask just about anyone in town about the Satmar, they will respond with some version of what happened when the rebbe died. They’ll tell you that there were so many cars and buses that mourners could not find parking places, so they simply left their cars on the highways and walked. Some will give hugely inflated numbers: up to two hundred thousand mourners—every Orthodox Jew in the eastern United States!
In any case, the grandness was a sign of respect to the great rebbe but also a commemoration of Rebbe Teitelbaum as a symbol for something more than himself. His was the passing of one of the last great scholars in the old tradition, someone who had been born and grew to manhood in the nineteenth century, who had seen Eastern European Jewry at the height of its sophistication as a civilization, and who had not only survived the Holocaust but also personally sown the seeds for the incredible rebirth of that civilization in outposts scattered throughout the West and the Levant. More than anything that had led up to it, the observances of the grand rebbe’s passing impressed upon the suburbanites of Orange County the magnitude of both the Satmar community and the Satmar’s plans for Kiryas Joel.
After the grand rebbe’s burial in Kiryas Joel, the village’s population continued to soar, but the tensions between the communities settled somewhat. There were occasional blow-ups—especially when the Satmar bought and annexed a second large parcel of land. Ann Krawet and some of her friends from the town council and the Reform synagogue started Save Monroe, an organization dedicated to forcing the town leaders to hold the Satmar to the laws of the land; a village, though it enjoys considerable autonomy, it is still part of a town. “All we wanted,” she remembers, “is that the rules be applied to everyone the same. But no matter what, whenever the town tried to hold the Satmar to the rules, they reacted as if they were being punished for being Satmar. I mean, hello, how can it be anti-Semitism when all anyone is asking is for you to obey the law?”
Save Monroe had some early successes by publicizing some of the more blatant abuses. For instance, the Monroe council agreed to enforce a town-wide ban on oversized vehicles on suburban streets. The victory, however, was short lived, as the Satmar realized that the ban did not apply to municipal vehicles, and—sure enough—buses are municipal vehicles.
In time, the Satmar adopted a more tactical approach—due in no small measure to the emergence of Abraham Wieder as the key temporal leader of Kiryas Joel.
Elected mayor and head of the United Talmudic Academy (the organization in charge of the yeshivas in both Kiryas Joel and Williamsburg), Wieder was a very smart, politically savvy man. He saw the mistakes that the Satmar had made in the early clashes with the community, and he preferred to work behind the scenes, using the overwhelming and undeniable demographics of his community to get what he wanted.
In the 1970s Wieder had bought Monroe Wire and Cable, an old wire-manufacturing company, and set about transforming it into a powerhouse of military contracting. By the mid-1980s Monroe Wire and Cable was benefitting from the largesse of major US Navy contracts (including the contract to produce wires for nuclear submarines), and the Satmar had been placed on the affirmative action fast track for military contract bids (by President Ronald Reagan, at the behest of New York senator Al D’Amato and local congressman Ben Gilman, the chair of the House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Relations). With this political assistance, Abe Wieder became the largest employer and wealthiest person in the Satmar community.
He was also far too sophisticated, and connected, for Save Monroe to handle. No matter how much attention Ann and her group drew to the double standard in Monroe or the blindness of the town council in the face of blatant rule-breaking by the Satmar, nothing seemed to change. Once every few years, Save Monroe would shame the town into passing an ordinance or enforcing a zoning rule, but as soon as a single Satmar was held accountable, members of the town council would be replaced or would mysteriously change their votes at the next election, and it would be back to business as usual. Kiryas Joel was growing fast, it voted as a bloc, and now in Abraham Wieder it had a leader who knew exactly how to exploit those advantages.
By the late 1980s the Satmar were approaching the ability not only to control a majority of the town council and a local assembly district (sending a friendly non-Hasidic member to the state legislature in Albany) but also to heavily influence the local state senate seat. Only a few short years after the village was established, Kiryas Joel had the votes and know-how to influence both local and state politics.
Many local residents began to believe that the state, county, and town government officials gave the sect whatever they wanted, including the attendant funding. As Lagakos, the diner owner, puts it, “It’s this way. They go to the politicians and say, ‘We have this many votes and we want such and such. Is it yes or no?’ And for them, the answer is always ‘Yes.’”
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* To this day, the Satmar oppose the state of Israel on the grounds that Jews are supposed to remain in exile until their deliverance with the arrival of the Messiah. According to a November 11, 2012, article in the New York Post (“No to Israel, Yes to Obama” by Gary Buiso), residents of Kiryas Joel were instructed to vote for President Obama and against his challenger, Mitt Romney, because the former was deemed less friendly to Israel. That in itself obviously puts the Satmar at great odds with mainstream Jewish organizations, as well as most Jewish people.
* That has remained an issue. When the local media reported in mid-2014 that 93 percent of the residents of Kiryas Joel were on Medicaid, a blogger at the Jewish Worker opined, “This is driving animosity for Orthodox Jews as they are being looked upon as drains on the government treasury…. In the past Jews (including Orthodox Jews) have been looked upon as a model population in the US, educating their children and contributing/succeeding economically. Now the picture has changed radically and Orthodox Jews are looked upon as a drain on society. I don’t know how much longer this can go on” (http://jewishworker.blogspot.com/2014/06/93-in-kiryas-yoel-on-medicaid.html). As a Jew myself, I too worry about backlash.
* In fact, one of the agreements that the Satmar made with the town before being granted permission to develop their land was that they would keep a pond open to swimmers (the tradition of swimming in public ponds remains alive throughout the rural Northeast). But the pond had already been filled with construction rubbish, and the more cynical of the skeptics were sure this had been done on purpose to prevent men and women from swimming together.