1. H. More, Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education (1799), p. 44.
2. R. C. Russell, History of Elementary Schools & Adult Education in Nettleton and Caistor (Caistor, 1960), pp. 5, 7.
1. W. Wilberforce, A Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians (1797), pp. 405–6.
2. See L. Radzinowicz, op. cit., III, pp. 504–6, and Parts 3 and 4 passim. See also G. R. Taylor, op. cit., p. 36: ‘… the period of decisive moral change was not at the time of Victoria’s accession, or even in the nineteenth century at all, but… during the decade 1790–1800’.
1. The reader will recall Hardy’s Wessex novels. For an account of some of the fairs in the 1830s, see First Report of the Constabulary Commission, pp. 30–42.
2. Beswick MS. Diary, cited in G. R. Taylor, op. cit., p. 16.
1. B. T. Barton, Historical Gleanings of Bolton (Bolton, 1881), I, p. 263.
2.11 September 1825.
3. Sherwin’s Weekly Political Register, 15 September 1817.
1. Early Days, chs. 13 to 16.
1. J. Lawson, Progress in Pudsey, passim.
2. Cobbett springs to mind. But William Hone perhaps did more to record old customs, publishing his Date Book, Every-Day Book, and Table Book, as well as Strutt’s Sports and Pastimes, all in the 1820s.
3. See the Hammonds, The Black Age, ch. 6.
1. Apologists had some difficulty with the reference in Ecclesiastes to ‘a time to dance’. But since ‘no instances of dancing are found upon record in the Bible, in which the two sexes united in the exercise’, it was argued that the permission could only extend to members of one sex (segregated from the other) dancing upon a sacred occasion in full daylight on a weekday. (No such occasions are recorded.) See A. Young, A Time to Dance (Glasgow, n.d.); also Southey, op. cit. pp. 546–9.
2. Rev. James Wood, An Address to the Members of the Methodist Societies (1799), passim.
1. The Wakes were important kinship occasions, when the townsfolk visited their kin in the country, and ‘the married daughter came to her former home with her children’. Howitt, who described them as ‘a short pause in the otherwise ever-going machinery of servitude’, recounted how old people in the villages, when asked about their sons and daughters in the towns, would say: ‘Well, well, we shall see them at the wake.’ Even the disciplinary Wedgwood was defeated by the Wakes, which ‘must be observ’d though the World was to end with them’: R. E. Leader, Reminiscences of Old Sheffield (Sheffield, 1876), pp. 200–202; W. Howitt, Rural Life of England (1838), I, p. 59, pp. 245–54; N. McKendrick, op. cit., p. 46.
2. Lovett, op. cit., I, p. 8.
1. The Manufacturing Population of England, p. 64.
1. W. Dodd, The Factory System Illustrated, p. 194. Margaret Hewitt discusses some of the evidence, in the main from post-1840 sources, in Wives and Mothers in Victorian Industry (1958), esp. ch. 5.
2. W. Paley, Concise Admonitions for Youth (1809), p. 68. See also T. Gisborne, Enquiry into the Duties of the Female Sex (1797), esp. pp. 226–9.
3. Black Dwarf, 9 and 30 September 1818; for Carlile and the Owenites, see below, ch. 16.
1. For the increase in the number of women weavers during the Wars, see Ivy Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution (1930), pp. 164–6.
2. Passages in the Life of a Radical (1893 edn), pp. 141–2.
3. J. Wade, History of the Middle and Working Classes (1835), pp. 570–71.
1. The initiation of another tradition may be noted in an informer’s report on the Manchester Political Union, 17 November 1819: ‘The Union is miserably poor, having to solicit aid from the Female Union, not being able to pay their way’ (H.O. 42.198).
2. Political Register, 23 October, 29 December 1819; Courier, 15 July 1819.
1. Wadsworth and Mann, op. cit., pp. 345–7.
1. Working people attached an exceptional valuation to the ceremony-of funeral. A pauper funeral was the ultimate social disgrace. And ceremony bulked large in folk-lore, and preoccupied dying men. ‘I could wish,’ wrote a condemned Luddite ‘for John Rawson, John Roberts, and John Roper to be my bearers; dear wife, choose the other three thyself’: The Surprising… History of ‘General Ludd’ (Nottingham, n.d.), p. 239.
1. Laws and Orders of the Friendly Society who meet at the House of Mr Wm Forster… (N. Shields, 1795), p. 11; Rules and Orders of the Brotherhood of Maltsters (Newcastle, 1796), p. 6; Articles, Laws and Rules of the Glass-makers Friendly Society (Newcastle, 1800), pp. 5, 11, 15; Articles… of the Friendly Society of Watermen (Newcastle, 1804), p. 11; Articles of the Unanimous Society (Newcastle, 1804), p. 11; Articles… of the Friendly Society of All Trades (Newcastle, 1804), p. 9; Articles… of the Society of Cordwainers (Hexham, 1806), p. 8; Rules of the Philanthropic Society of House-Carpenters and Joiners (Newcastle, 1812), p. 7; Articles… of the Miners Society (Newcastle, 1817).
2. A Short Account of the Benevolent Society…at Messrs Angus Manufactory (Newcastle, 1816).
1. For the legal status of friendly societies at this time, see P. H. J. Gosden, The Friendly Societies in England (Manchester, 1961), p. 5. For the social composition of societies in Sheffield, see G. C. Holland, op. cit., ch. 17.
2. T. A. Ward, op. cit., p. 78. See also J. H. Priestley, ‘Ripponden Female Society’, Trans. Halifax Antiq. Soc., 1943.
1. It was a continual complaint of the authorities that friendly societies allowed members to withdraw funds when on strike. Macclesfield was described in 1812 as ‘a nest of illicit association’, ‘full of sick and burial societies which are the germ of revolution’: C. S. Davies, History of Macclesfield (Manchester, 1961), p. 180.
2. [E. C. Tuffnell], The Character, Objects and Effects of Trades’ Unions (1834, reprinted 1934), pp. 42 ff.
3. Rules… of the Sociable Society (Newcastle, 1812); Articles of the Friendly Society at West Boldon (Sunderland, 1811); Rules of the Good Intent Society (Newcastle, 1815); Articles of the Unanimous Society (Newcastle, 1804); see also H. J. Maltby, ‘Early Bradford Friendly Societies’, Bradford Antiquary, VII, 1933, for examples of Methodist influenced rules.
1. Culture and Society (Penguin edn), pp. 312–14.
1. Cooke Taylor, op. cit., pp. 37–9. Taylor was writing at the time of the cotton depression of 1842.
1. Wallas, op. cit., p. 146.
2. A Member of the Manchester Committee for relieving the Sufferings of the 16th of August, 1819 [J. E. Taylor], Notes and Observations Critical and Explanatory on the Papers relative to the Internal State of the Country… (1820).
4. Trades Newspaper, 11 September 1825.
1. Companies represented included the tanners, skinners, glovers, cord-wainers, carpenters, butchers, vintners, tailors, smiths, mercers and drapers. See Leeds Mercury, 4 September 1802.
2. J. James, History of Bradford (1866), pp. 164–7; J. Burnley, Yorkshire Stories Retold, (Leeds, n.d.), p. 165–75.
1. For the formation of ‘Middle-Class Consciousness’ between 1780 and 1846, see Professor Briggs’s article with this title, Past and Present, April 1956. For the importance of the notion of ‘the Trade’ in the Luddite movement, see blow, pp. 595–8.
2. Trades Newspaper, 14, 21, 28 August 1825. The caulkers had about 300 members, the ropemakers 200, the shipwrights about 1,500.
1. ‘Reminiscences of Thomas Dunning’, ed. W. H. Chaloner, Trans. Lancs. & Cheshire Antiq. Soc., LIX, 1947. This flamboyant display of strength was followed by the arrest of the Nantwich officers in the general assault on the unions in 1834.
2. For a further discussion of the artisan culture, see below, pp. 781–819.
1. Evidence of a Bolton employer, S.C. on Hand-loom Weavers’ Petitions (1834), p. 419.
2. Engels, op. cit., pp. 125–6; Cooke Taylor, op. cit., pp. 153–5; Newcastle Chronicle, Inquiry into the Condition of the Poor (Newcastle, 1850), pp. 32, 56. See also Dodd, op. cit., pp. 181,186.
1. Fynes, op. cit., p. 19; Thomas Burt, Autobiography (1924), p. 34; T. A. Devyr, The Odd Book of the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1882), pp. 184–5.
1. The first Census, in 1821, gave a figure of 6,803,000.
2. T. S., 11.3510 A (2); Trial of the Rev. Wm. Jackson (1795), pp. 80–81.
3. See E. H. S. Jones, The Invasion that Failed (Oxford, 1950).
1. For the considerable Irish colony in eighteenth-century London, see M. D. George, London Life in the Eighteenth Century, pp. 113 ff.
2. Boston Gazette, in Alfred, 21 September 1811.
1. For the migration generally, see Redford, op. cit., pp. 114 ff.; for an excellent summary of its economic and social causes, see E. Strauss, Irish Nationalism and British Democracy (1951), esp. chs. 9 and 10.
2. Third Report of the Commissioners for Inquiring into the Condition of the Poorer Classes in Ireland (1836), p. 3.
3. Report on the State of the Irish Poor in Great Britain (1836), p. vii.
1. Report on the State of the Irish Poor in Great Britain (1836), pp. v, vii–ix, xxx–xxxi; Strauss, op. cit., ch. 14, ‘The Irish in Great Britain’; First Annual Report Poor Law Commissioners (1836), pp. 305–6; G. C. Lewis, Remarks on the Third Report of the Irish Poor Inquiry Commissioners (1837), p. 24; John Wade, History of the Middle and Working Classes, pp. 242–3; Sir G. Head, A Home Tour of Great Britain (1835), pp. 190–91.
2. Report on the State of the Irish Poor in Great Britain, pp. ix, xxx–xxxi.
1. State of the Irish Poor in Great Britain, pp. x, xvi–xvii, x; First Report of the Constabulary Commissioners (1839), pp. 167–9.
1. H. M. Richardson, Reminiscences of Forty Years in Bolton (Bolton; 1885), pp. 129–31; Mayhew, op. cit., I, pp. 109, 121.
1. Ibid., I, p. 12; E. Wakefield, An Account of Ireland (1812), II, p. 557; Halévy, op. cit., III, pp. 93–5; Dr Hussey, Pastoral Letter to the Catholic Clergy (Waterford, 1797).
1. Mayhew, op. cit., I, pp. 243, 252–3.
1. See, e.g. Sherwin’s Political Register, 19 and 26 July 1817; Hone’s Reformists’ Register, 19 July 1817; Cobbett’s Political Register, 17 January 1818; Cap of Liberty, 8 September 1819; Cole, Life of William Cobbett (1924), pp. 308–9; D. Read and E. Glasgow, Feargus O’Connor (1961), pp. 12–14, 19. Roger O’Connor’s connexion with the English movement was complicated by his claim to be the lawful King of Ireland (a claim which Feargus inherited). Roger’s proposal to stand for Westminster was quashed by Cobbett on these grounds: ‘No: we want not a multitude of Royal Families: the one Royal Family that we have is quite enough to satisfy any nation not destitute of all conscience.’
1. See Halévy, op. cit., II, pp. 28–30; Wakefield, op. cit., II, pp. 763 ff.; Strauss, op. cit., pp. 88–9; Trials of the Caravats and Shanavests in Howell, State Trials (1823), XXXI, pp. 419, 423, 464; Devyr, op. cit., pp. 93, 101.
1. Report on the State of the Irish Poor, p. xxiii; Strauss, op. cit., pp. 125–30; Engels, op. cit., p. 124. See also Rachel O’Higgins, ‘The Irish Influence in the Chartist Movement’, Past and Present, XX, November 1961, pp. 84–5.
1. C. P. Snow, The Two Cultures (1959); F. R. Leavis, ‘The Significance of C. P. Snow’, Spectator, 9 March 1962.
1. Philosophy of Manufactures, pp. 18–19.
1. ‘Nottingham and the Mining Country’, Selected Essays (Penguin edn), pp. 119, 122.