“Concrete Proposals” and “Stepping Stones”: two undated documents by Father Alec Reid
A Concrete Proposal for an Overall Political Strategy to Establish Justice and Peace in Ireland
This paper sets out:
1. The fundamental principles of the proposed strategy;
2. Suggested stepping stones towards an agreement in principle on the strategy;
3. Some comments on the background and the validity of the whole proposal.
The fundamental principles of the proposed strategy
1. The Principle of Self-Determination. This principle guarantees and if put into practice would implement the right of the Irish people as a whole to determine their own constitutional and political future freely, independently and democratically amongst themselves and without any interference or dictation by the British authorities. This springs from the basic human rights of the Irish people as a whole. The fundamental principle of the proposed strategy, it may be stated formally as follows: “The free, independent and democratic consent of the Irish people as a whole is the only basis for a just and lasting peace.”
2. The Principle of Definition. The Principle of Self-Determination leads naturally to the Principle of Definition because “the Irish people as a whole” to whom the right of self-determination belongs must be defined before this right can be implemented. While the facts of geography identify the Irish people as “the people who live in the 32 counties of Ireland”, the facts of history, politics, religion and culture define them as “the Irish people of the nationalist tradition and the Irish people of the unionist tradition who live in Ireland as a whole”. Dictated by the realities of the situation therefore this principle may be stated formally as follows: “The Irish people as a whole are defined by the historical, political, religious and cultural realities of the present situation as the Irish people of the nationalist tradition and the Irish people of the unionist tradition who live in Ireland taken as a whole.”
3. The Principle of Consent. The Principle of Self-Determination and the Principle of Definition lead naturally to the Principle of Consent because the right to self-determination can only be realized through the consent of the Irish people as a whole and this consent, as the Principle of Definition implies, must be defined as twofold in its very nature because of the composition of the Irish people as a whole. This, the crucial principle of the proposed strategy, is dictated therefore by the realities of the situation and indeed by the very nature of a just and lasting peace. It may be stated formally as follows: “The free, independent and democratic consent of the Irish people as a whole, which is the only basis for a just and lasting peace, is defined by the historical, political, religious and cultural composition as the twofold consent of the Irish people of the nationalist tradition and the Irish people of the Unionist tradition who live in Ireland taken as a whole.”
4. The Principle of Dialogue. The Principle of Consent leads naturally to the Principle of Dialogue because the consent of the Irish people as a whole, since it is twofold in nature, can only be achieved through political dialogue between the people of the nationalist tradition and the people of the unionist tradition. This principle sets out the procedure, the only procedure through which the people of both traditions can reach consensus and agreement about their constitutional and political future. It is the principle at the heart of the proposed strategy because it embodies and expresses that spirit of respect and compassion of people of all traditions which is the only spirit from which peace can really flow and live. The Principle of Dialogue springs therefore from the very nature of peace and must be seen as the life principle at the very heart of the strategy that would create it. It may be stated formally as follows: “Because it is twofold in nature the consent of the Irish people as a whole can only be achieved through political dialogue between the people of the nationalist tradition and the people of the unionist tradition.”
5. The Principle of Commitment. An agreement between the main leaders and the main parties concerned to accept the foregoing principles as the fundamental principles of an overall political strategy for justice and peace would lead naturally to the Principle of Commitment. There is a need to formalize such an agreement to guarantee its honour and integrity. This principle therefore would secure the commitment of the people of our two traditions and of all parties concerned to the fundamental principles of the strategy and to their proper implementation. It would guarantee that in an ongoing way the people of both traditions and all the parties concerned would abide faithfully and consistently by these principles and by their implementation until a final agreement on the constitutional and political future of Ireland had been reached. It may be stated formally as follows: “The leaderships of the main parties concerned would make a formal commitment to abide fully and faithfully by all the fundamental principles of the strategy and by their proper implementation until a final agreement about the constitutional and political future of Ireland had been reached, no matter how long or how short the time factor involved might be.”
The Constitutional Conference
While the manner in which the strategy for justice and peace would be actually implemented would be a matter for discussion and decision between the main parties concerned, it is clear that a suitable framework for the necessary political dialogue between the people of the two traditions would have to be set up and, in part at least, would have to take the form of a constitutional conference which would remain in existence and continue to function until a final agreement about the future of Ireland had been reached. The membership of this conference would consist of the constitutional representatives who would have been elected by the people of both traditions to achieve the aims of the conference. The details of how these representatives would be elected by the people of both traditions and of the mandates that the people would give them would be a matter for discussion and decision by all the parties concerned. Any necessary interim constitutional and political arrangements for the time between the setting up of the conference and the time when a final agreement on the future of Ireland would have been reached would be a matter for dialogue, agreement and decision between the constitutional representatives attending the conference. This conference would be open to submissions from all significant organizations in Ireland, for example the churches, the trade union movement, the women’s movement, etc.
Note: The phrase “all the parties concerned” as used above refers to 1) the leaderships of the main nationalist parties, North and South; 2) the leadership of the republican movement; 3) the leaderships of the main unionist parties; 4) the British authorities.
The attitude which the British authorities would take to such a conference
I am satisfied from expert advice on their present policies towards Ireland that the British authorities would stand aside from such a conference in the sense that they would not interfere with its deliberations or attempt to influence or much less dictate its decision. I am also certain that they would be prepared to sponsor such a conference in the sense that they would encourage it and facilitate it in every way possible to them. I am satisfied too, again on expert advice, that they would respond with the necessary legislation to any constitutional and political decisions about the future of Ireland which such a conference might make.
The British authorities and the proposed strategy
I am satisfied, from an authentic and authoritative explanation of present British policy towards Ireland, that the proposed strategy would be acceptable in principle to the British authorities provided it becomes acceptable to the main nationalist, republican and unionist parties. I am also satisfied from expert advice that the British have no longer any colonial interest in Ireland, that is, they have now no political, economic, strategic or military interests of their own for remaining in Ireland or for exercising authority there. I am satisfied too, again from expert advice, that they are willing to declare this ending of any self-interest in staying in Ireland publicly and authoritatively provided that they are convinced that such a declaration would make a significant contribution to the cause of peace in Ireland. I am convinced from expert advice and from an authentic and authoritative explanation that their reasons for refusing, the British authorities will not set aside the 1920 Government of Ireland Act or declare that they intend to withdraw from Ireland at some future date. They will not set aside the 1920 Act or declare that they intend to set it aside until alternative constitutional and governmental provisions have been worked out and agreed by the Irish people themselves. If and when this happens they will set aside the 1920 Act. We can say then in the proposed strategy that the British authorities would withdraw politically from the central forum of dialogue and decision-making which would shape the constitutional future of Ireland. They would, in effect, hand over the power of constitutional decision-making to the Irish people themselves. Their role would be to facilitate such a dialogue and decision-making and then to respond to it with the necessary legislation. We may add another principle therefore to the proposed strategy: the Principle of British Withdrawal.
6. The Principle of British Withdrawal. In the proposed strategy the British authorities would agree to withdraw politically from the central procedures of political dialogue and decision-making which, on the basis of the twofold consent already defined, would take place among the Irish people as a whole to work out a new constitution for Ireland. At the same time, however, these authorities would agree to facilitate this dialogue and decision-making and to respond to its results with the necessary legislation.
Suggested Stepping Stones to an Agreement in Principle on an Overall Nationalist Political Strategy for Justice and Peace
1. An agreement in principle that an overall nationalist political strategy would help the cause of justice and peace in Ireland and so benefit the Irish people as a whole.
2. An agreement in principle that the free, independent and democratic consent of the Irish people as a whole is the only basis for a just and lasting peace.
3. An agreement in principle that the overall strategy should, therefore, be designed to create a new Ireland, structured and governed under a new Constitution.
4. An agreement in principle that the Irish people as a whole should decide the form of this new Constitution on the basis of free, independent and democratic dialogue among themselves.
5. An agreement in principle that the Irish people as a whole are defined by the historical, political, religious and cultural realities of the present situation as the Irish people of the nationalist tradition and the Irish people of the unionist tradition who live in Ireland taken as a whole.
6. An agreement in principle that the free, independent and democratic consent of the Irish people as a whole, which is the only basis for a just and lasting peace, is defined by their historical, political, religious and cultural composition as the twofold consent of the Irish people of the nationalist tradition and the Irish people of the unionist tradition who live in Ireland taken as a whole.
7. And agreement in principle that because it is twofold in nature the consent of the Irish people as a whole can only be achieved through political dialogue between the people of the nationalist tradition and the people of the unionist tradition.
8. An agreement in principle on points (a),(b),(c),(d) and (e) of the following statement which relates to the setting up of a Constitutional Conference.
(a) While the manner in which this strategy for justice and peace would be actually implemented would be a matter for discussion and decision between the main parties concerned, it is clear that a suitable framework for the necessary political dialogue between the people of the two traditions would have to be set up and, in part at least, would have to take the form of a Constitutional Conference which would remain in existence and continue to function until a final agreement about the future of Ireland had been reached.
(b) The membership of this Conference would consist of the constitutional representatives who would have been elected by the people of both traditions to achieve the aims of the Conference.
(c) The details of how these representatives would be elected by the people of both traditions and of the mandates that the people would give them would be a matter for discussion and decision by all the parties concerned.
(d) Any necessary interim constitutional and political arrangements for the time between the setting up of the Conference and the time when a final agreement on the future of Ireland would have been reached, would be a matter for dialogue, agreement and decision between the constitutional representatives attending the Conference.
(e) This Conference would also be open to submissions from all significant organizations in Ireland, for example, the churches, the trade union movement, the women’s movement etc.
9. An agreement in principle that the British authorities should withdraw politically from the central procedures of political dialogue and decision-making which, on the basis of the twofold consent already defined, would take place among the Irish people as a whole to work out a new Constitution for Ireland and that, at the same time, they should agree to facilitate this dialogue and decision-making and to respond to its results with the necessary legislation.
10. An agreement in principle that the nationalist-republican parties will combine their political forces to persuade the British authorities to declare:
(i) that they will set aside the 1920 Government of Ireland Act when the Irish people themselves provide them with a viable alternative;
(ii) that, whatever the situation may have been in the past, they no longer have any self-interest in remaining in Ireland or in exercising authority here;
(iii) that they will support and facilitate the kind of constitutional Conference that would enable the Irish people to decide their own constitutional and political future through free, independent and democratic dialogue among themselves;
(iv) that they would not interfere in the deliberations of such a Conference or attempt to influence or, much less, dictate its decisions;
(v) that they would respond, with the necessary legislation, to any constitutional and political decisions about the future of Ireland which such a Conference might make.
11. An agreement in principle that, if the proposed strategy proves to be acceptable in principle, an advisory committee or conference, representative of the leaders and parties concerned, should be set up immediately to proceed with the organization of the strategy.
The function of this committee or conference, in part at least, would be:
(i) to consult and advise on the tactics of the strategy;
(ii) to consult and advise on ways and means of presenting, explaining and publicizing it;
(iii) to consult and advise on ways and means of winning support for it at home and abroad but especially from the main nationalist-republican parties, the main Unionist parties and the British authorities;
(iv) to consult and advise on the form of a new Constitution for Ireland.
12. An agreement in principle that, when those first concerned have discussed the proposed strategy between themselves, they would then approach others whom it would be necessary to approach to explain it to them, and to obtain their views on it.
Some Comments on the Background and on the Validity of this Proposal
This proposal for an overall political strategy for peace emerged from discussions and communications which took place over the past two years or so and which involved people who, from their knowledge and experience, were able to give expert advice on the present attitudes and policies of the nationalist parties, the republican movement, the unionist parties and the British authorities.
The proposed strategy is based on this advice so it may be said that it was not thought out in any abstract or a priori way but that it emerged from the heart of the conflict. This fact alone should guarantee its validity as a viable and realistic strategy for peace.
I believe that a comparative examination of the political principles of the strategy and the political principles of the main parties engaged in the conflict will show that they are in keeping with one another; that the principles of the strategy do not essentially contradict the principles of any of these parties but that, in a true sense, they respect, encourage and embody them.
I suggest therefore that this strategy is in keeping with the realities and the needs of the conflict in that it faces and meets them with a peace dynamic which is powerful enough to bridge the gaps and to reconcile the divisions that are at the heart of it.
Its inherent and enduring viability as a strategy for peace is also guaranteed by its commitment to the ongoing use of the principles of political dialogue, political persuasion and political force—the only principles through which agreement on a constitutional and political framework for a just and lasting peace can be worked out and put into effect.
Given this understanding of the strategy, there is, I believe, no reason in principle, why any of the main parties concerned should refuse to accept it as an overall political strategy for peace.
How the principles of the strategy relate to the principles of the main parties concerned
The nationalist parties: the principles of the strategy, especially its basic ones (the Principle of Self-Determination and the Principle of Consent or Co-determination) are in keeping with the traditional principles of the Nationalist parties, North and South.
The principles of the strategy are also in keeping with the principles which, from a nationalist point of view, underlie the Anglo-Irish Agreement insofar as this Agreement formulates and expresses the Irish, unionist and British dimensions of the conflict because these dimensions imply the Principles of Self-Determination and Co-determination or at least open the door to the kind of political dialogue which would develop and apply them.
I believe, therefore, that the proposed strategy should be acceptable in principle to the leadership of the main nationalist parties, North and South.
The republican movement: I am satisfied, from my knowledge of the spirit and principles of the republican movement, that this strategy should be acceptable in principle to its leadership provided they are convinced that the other parties concerned would genuinely commit themselves to it until a final agreement about the constitutional and political future of Ireland had been reached.
I say this, first of all, because the cardinal principle of the republican movement is the right of the Irish people as a whole to self-determination and this is also the cardinal principle of the peace strategy. Up to now, as the republican movement have seen it, the first step in the actual implementation of this principle of self-determination would be a declaration by the British authorities that they intend to leave Ireland at some future date or that they intend to set aside the 1920 Government of Ireland Act with a view to introducing an alternative constitutional arrangement.
One or other of these declarations would imply that the British authorities intended to give the Irish people, as a whole, the freedom and the independence to decide their own constitutional and political future. This strategy of “withdrawal” by the British authorities and its relationship to the implementation of the Principle of Self-Determination are also embodied in the proposed strategy, not in the sense in which, up to now, the republican movement has understood them but in the sense that, in keeping with a situation in which all the parties concerned had accepted the proposed strategy, the British authorities would withdraw from the central area of historical, political, religious and cultural conflict in Ireland and allow the parties to it, that is, the people of the nationalist tradition and the people of the unionist tradition, to resolve it through free, independent and democratic dialogue among some themselves.
In this definition of a “British withdrawal” the British authorities would act as the facilitators and the sponsors of the dialogue between the two traditions but they would not interfere in it, much less, dictate to it. While this definition of a withdrawal by the British authorities is not the same as the definition which, up to now, the republican movement has given it, it embodies the same principle.
It also gives the same strategic reason for such a withdrawal, namely, the creation of a situation in which the Irish people, through dialogue among themselves, could determine their own future without interference or dictation from the British authorities. Given then that the proposed strategy is in keeping with the policy of the republican movement insofar as both embody the Principle of Self-Determination and the strategy of a British withdrawal, it follows that the Principle of Consent, as defined by the proposed strategy, is also in keeping with their policy because, as this strategy notes, the people of Ireland as a whole, to whom the principle of self-Determination applies, are defined, by the realities of the situation, as the people of the nationalist tradition and the people of the unionist tradition. The Principle of Self-Determination cannot therefore be implemented without the consent of both traditions.
There is no reason of principle, therefore, why the republican movement should refuse to accept the principle of consent as defined by the proposed strategy.
It may also be said that, were they to refuse, they would be going against the whole spirit of their own movement, because, by its own definition, it exists to resist the oppression of the Irish people by what it sees as colonial interests. It would be a strange turnabout, to say the least, if such a movement were itself to become an oppressor and colonizer of Irish people by trying to coerce the consent of Irish loyalists.
The British authorities: I am satisfied, from an authentic and authoritative explanation of present British policy towards Ireland, that the proposed strategy would be acceptable, in principle, to the British authorities provided it becomes acceptable to the main nationalist, republican and unionist parties (see page 6 of the document “A Concrete Proposal for an Overall Political Strategy to Establish Justice and Peace in Ireland”).
The unionist parties: I am satisfied, on expert advice, that there is no reason why the main unionist parties and the people whom they represent should refuse to accept the proposed strategy provided they are assured that the main nationalist parties and Republican movement would genuinely commit themselves to it as an overall political strategy for peace.