CONTEXT HAS PLAYED A PROMINENT role in shaping social work practice and research. Hardcastle, Powers, and Wenocur (2011) compare the importance of context to the importance of location in the selling of real estate: “Location, location, location,” is to real estate what “context, context, context,” is to social work practice.
Neighborhoods and communities represent key elements of the way in which context is conceptualized in social work. The profession has a long and distinguished history of embracing neighborhoods and communities as the focus of interventions, the context from which to understand behaviors of individuals, particularly those who are undervalued by society. In essence, communities are an integral part of social work’s history and future (Chaskin, 2013). This, however, is not meant to minimize the incredible conceptual and practical challenges that practitioners of community-based interventions face in reaching marginalized population groups (Hardcastle, Powers, & Wenocur, 2011; Reisch, Ife, & Weil, 2013). Fortunately, the rewards associated with community practice far outweigh the challenges.
This chapter builds upon the discussion of assets in the preceding chapters by examining the potential of baby boomers of color to make significant contributions to their communities and society through various forms of community service, referred to here collectively as civic engagement (Delgado, 2008; Kaskie et al., 2008; Perry, 2007; Saint Paul Foundation, 2007). Historically, civic engagement has been primarily associated with White, non-Latino/a, and middle-class and upper-middle-class groups who formally participate in organized programs (Delaney, 2012). This chapter will aim to broaden the discussion of civic engagement. As the reader will see, boomers of color can provide services to their communities either formally or informally, in traditional and nontraditional settings, and across the entire lifespan into later older adulthood (Delgado, 1999).
Even though there is widespread agreement concerning the potential benefits of civic engagement for boomers of color, their opportunities for formal volunteering may be limited, especially given their lifelong histories of low-wage employment. In essence, a subgroup of boomers cannot “afford” to volunteer because of financial needs or familial responsibilities. Monetary compensation, such as money for gasoline/transportation or meals, increases the likelihood of volunteering (Hong & Morrow-Howell, 2013).
Low-income and low-wealth boomers and older adults of color do not represent a sizable portion of volunteer corps, but arguably this has more to do with the lack of sustained efforts at reaching them, rather than unwillingness on their part to engage. African American/Black older adults are less likely than their White, non-Latino/a, and counterparts to volunteer. However, one study found that, once engaged, they can be expected to commit more time and enjoy perceived greater psychosocial benefits from volunteering (Tang, Copeland, & Wexler, 2012).
COMMUNITY AS CONTEXT
The use of community as a context for interventions of any kind is well understood in social work. Ammann and Heckenroth (2012) argue for the importance of intergenerational neighborhoods and the role that government can play in fostering connectedness between generations, with all generations and society as a whole benefiting from these relationships.
Similarly to family, community represents a lens through which we can better understand boomers of color and the significance of their contributions. However, unlike family, the concept of “community” as a unit of analysis is quite broad and consists of flexible boundaries and settings. This conceptualization, as a result, brings with it a host of rewards and challenges. Austin, Des Camp, and Flux, for example, advocate for a broader conceptualization of social work practice that encompasses an assets paradigm and community development: “Gerontological social work practice has been shaped in the context of health care, where workers attend to psycho-social concerns within the dominant medical model. A broader framework for gerontological social work practice is emerging, one that includes community development and new approaches to volunteerism. Older adults can be engaged in a variety of activities that build on their diverse backgrounds and experiences, creating community capacity and social capital” (Austin, Des Camp, & Flux, 2005, p. 1).
As a result of this broader conceptualization of practice, this chapter presents the reader with some of the latest examples of exemplary efforts to reach baby boomers within an urban community context, with special attention paid to baby boomers of color. Culp (2009) argues that baby boomers are unlike any other generation of volunteers, with different experiences and views pertaining to retirement and volunteering, necessitating different approaches toward civic engagement. This argument can also be applied to boomer subgroups without histories of formally volunteering.
Viewing boomers of color as assets within a community brings numerous rewards and challenges for the social work profession. Community practice is often very labor intensive and demands that social workers be prepared to find themselves in the middle of such arenas as community politics.
Social work’s embrace of a socioecological framework and social justice values means that the profession must include community within any discussion of interventions, regardless of their focus (micro, mezzo, or macro). In essence, the profession cannot afford not to venture into communities, particularly when it seeks to reach out to marginalized groups, as in the case of low-income/low-wealth boomers of color.
CIVIC ENGAGEMENT: DEFINITION AND DIMENSIONS
The subject of civic engagement has received considerable national attention, even among baby boomers and older adults (Cole & MacDonald, 2010; Harvard School of Public Health, 2004; Morrow-Howell & Greenfield, 2010). Civic engagement is viewed as a way of spurring civic forms of participation:
With a record-setting wave of older Americans now reaching retirement age, the demand for community services is growing at an unprecedented rate. But do communities across the country have the capacity to keep up with it? In fact, they do—although they may not yet realize it. While it’s true that some “young” older adults require support services, a large number remain vital, active, and socially engaged, constituting a rich pool of available talent. Many are highly skilled, and a significant percentage has managerial or professional experience. For nonprofit community-service organizations, they represent an abundant, burgeoning, and untapped resource.
(National Council on Aging, 2010, p. 3)
The professional literature on volunteering has been conceptualized as falling into two categories: (1) antecedents to volunteering and (2) the actual experience of volunteering. Wilson (2012) argues that the former has received the bulk of the attention. (One could argue that a third category, postvolunteering, could be added to address what happens to those individuals who stop volunteering.) Eisner and colleagues (2009), for example, estimate that one-third of those who formally volunteer in nonprofits do not return for the second year, resulting in an estimated $38 billion in lost labor for these institutions. Examining retention rates is an important topic on par with understanding how to recruit volunteers in the first place.
Not surprisingly, most volunteering is accomplished at the community level. Brown (1999) found that religious organizations, education, youth development, and human service organizations (“church, children and charity”) accounted for 75 percent of all voluntary activity in the United States. It is estimated that 66 percent of boomer volunteers fifty-five and older got involved through their houses of worship, because they were asked, or as a result of children’s activities (Culp, 2009).
The topic of civic contributions has expanded to take into account a growing older adult sector, particularly those entering the baby boomer phase (Elnolf, 2008; Freedman, 1999, 2006–2007; Rozario, 2006–2007; Wilson & Harlow-Rosentraub, 2009; Wilson & Simson, 2006). Van Den Bogaard, Henkens, and Kalmijn (2013) note that with a transition to retirement comes decisions and opportunities for civic engagement: “Retirement is an event that often brings about great changes in a person’s personal and social life. For many people, work is not only a way to fill time and earn money, but also important for their identity and meaning in life. After retirement, these benefits of work are lost, and it is expected that people will seek substitutes for this loss.”
Dr. Edwin Tan (director of the Senior Corps program at the Corporation for National and Community Service) raises an important question regarding boomers: “What we have with the transition of the boomers across the traditional age of retirement is a great opportunity…. The question for us is how we as a country cannot afford to mobilize this huge source of human capital to meet the vital needs of our communities” (Kerr & Biese, 2012).
Hales (2012) notes how older adults wanted to volunteer during the Mississippi Gulf disaster but could not due to a host of factors related to lack of opportunities, not being asked, and lack of accessibility to these efforts. A tremendous potential community resource was simply unable to help or simply overlooked. Morrow-Howell (2010) reviewed the research literature on volunteering in later life and concluded that it does not decline significantly until the mid seventies, with older adults volunteering more hours than their younger counterparts.
Friedman and colleagues, in a rare multiracial/ethnic study of boomers and older adults, found community and civic engagement to be perceived as beneficial by all the multiethnic and racial groups in the study: “Examples of community engagement included: joining discussion groups; volunteering; going to a senior center; shopping; singing at banquets; going to church; participating in Bible study; participating in school board meetings, golf, or bingo; and going out for dinner or coffee with friends. All participants stressed the importance of being proactive and getting involved in the community” (Friedman et al., 2011, p. 42). This list illustrates the wide range of activities that are community centered and can accommodate a variety of cultural traditions, interests, and opportunities.
Civic engagement activities can transpire in a variety of community settings. Anderson and Dabelko-Schoeny (2011) advocate for the use of civic engagement activities among residents of nursing homes, noting that there is no sector involving older adults that cannot benefit from civic engagement. Nevertheless, offering civic engagement opportunities does not necessarily result in getting and keeping volunteers.
Principles of Civic Engagement
The popularity of civic engagement has benefited from the development of practice principles. These principles, as noted in the work done by the National Council on Aging that follows, helps both define the dimensions of civic engagement and identify the most common goals associated with it.
Principles serve as a bridge between theory, research, and practice, as well as a guide, and possibly a moral compass, that can help practitioners in reaching and serving communities, such as baby boomers of color. For this reason, the author wishes to include ten principles for civic engagement among adults aged fifty-five and older, as identified by the National Council on Aging (Endres & Holmes, 2006):
(1) Integration and alignment of participant and organizational interests
(2) Valuing the assets of aging
(3) Building intentional relationships
(4) Creating empowered participation
(5) Learning as a pathway to engagement
(6) Developing capacity by actualizing leadership
(7) Embracing cultural competency
(8) Putting meaning into partnership
(9) Producing evidence and accountability
(10) Reestablishing the foundation of community
Each of these principles addresses key sociocultural dimensions of civic engagement. Enacting these principles helps ensure that organizations reach out to all sectors of the boomer community in the spirit of cooperation, mutual benefits, and affirming of cultural values.
Rewards of Civic Engagement
Civic engagement brings with it numerous benefits to the individual and community, which will be discussed over the following pages.
Individual benefits: As already noted, the concept of “productive aging” has stressed the importance of boomers and older adults remaining active in their retirement years, and continuing to occupy an important role in their community and society (Achenbaum, 2009). Productively engaging baby boomers of color brings with it a host of positive outcomes, such as increased functional status and self-rated health (Brown, Consedine, & Magai, 2005; Hinterlong, 2006) and even delayed mortality (Harris & Thoresen, 2005).
Psychological/social benefits: Boomer and older adult volunteers derive a great number of psychological and social benefits from civic engagement (Piercy, Cheek, & Teemant, 2011). In their study of older adults, Black, Dobbs, and Young found that meaningful involvement in volunteering enhanced volunteer sense of self-worth: “The importance of ‘making a difference’ and ‘giving back’ are part of what matters most and enhances dignity and independence according to the community participants” (Black, Dobbs, & Young, 2012, p. 13).
Flatt and Hughes (2013) note that although research has shown that regular engagement in social activities is critical to maintaining cognitive health, researchers are not sure why this is the case. The role of enjoyment, or happiness, achieved through participation plays a prominent part in cognitive health. A better understanding of the elements associated with enjoyment and activities, including a cultural dimension, can have a significant impact in other spheres, too, including civic engagement.
The importance of psychological/social benefits, and more specifically cognitive functioning, is well understood. We do know, however, that informal helping, altruistic attitudes, and volunteering make unique contributions to life satisfaction and positive affect in later life (Kahana et al., 2013).
Physical/health benefits: The physical benefits of civic engagement can be significant, regardless of age, and wide-ranging (Rozario, 2006–2007). Ristau points out how social interaction increases brain health among older adults: “Research shows that people with regular social ties demonstrate significantly less cognitive decline when compared to those who are lonely or isolated. Some researchers believe that socialization boots brain reserve, and is an essential component of a brain-healthy lifestyle” (Ristau, 2011, p. 70).
Friedman and colleagues (2011) researched the views of boomers and older adults (African Americans, American Indians, Chinese Americans, Latino/as, Vietnamese Americans, and White, non-Latino/as) on how to stay “mentally sharp.” They found that all groups, regardless of their language abilities and ethnic and racial backgrounds, agreed that social interactions and mental stimulation (particularly involving reading) were critical to maintaining mental sharpness. All groups also mentioned that community engagement resulted in benefits. However, Chinese and African Americans found this form of engagement particularly beneficial. Fuller and colleagues (2012) illustrate how a community-level demonstration project on awareness of cognitive function can be successful in reaching African Americans boomers and older adults.
Not surprisingly, there is reciprocity in volunteering with both the volunteers and those they help benefiting from this relationship. Tan and colleagues (2009, p. 304) studied older African American women volunteers and found that they had a higher likelihood of achieving increased sustained levels of physical activity, with important implications for civic engagement and health promotion. Swinson (2006) goes so far as to highlight the health benefits of volunteering as part of a recruitment strategy targeting boomers.
Community benefits: It is important to point out that civic engagement in communities of color can transpire in both formal and informal ways. The literature on civic engagement tends to emphasize formal efforts, such as volunteering with businesses or nonprofits, at the expense of informal efforts, such as community celebratory events (e.g., festivals, parades, heritage weeks) or neighbors helping neighbors, thereby providing a very limited understanding and appreciation on civic engagement. A comprehensive understanding of boomer civic engagement needs to examine all forms of boomer and older adult contributions to their community, formal as well as informal.
Four aspects of community benefits have been selected for special attention in this section: (a) mentoring, (b) owners of community businesses, (c) financial, and (d) religious institutions. Each emphasizes different rewards (monetary and nonmonetary), institutions, and activities and has great potential for innovative initiatives.
Mentoring: Taylor (2007) suggests ways that baby boomers and older adults can engage in mentoring. Chaudhuri and Ghosh (2012) advance the concept of “reverse mentoring” as a way of having boomers mentor younger generations.
Boomers can be role models. Denmark and Williams (2012) suggest that mentoring among boomer and older adult women can be a means of empowerment, as well as a way of giving back to their community. Bergmann (2008) advocates for mentoring by boomers in the legal profession. Stewart (2006) recommends that mentoring opportunities be made available for boomer nurses.
Clearly we are not at a loss for finding mentoring opportunities for those in the skilled professions. But what happens in the case of those boomers who did not work in white-collar jobs? Postretirement mentoring should not be relegated to professionals.
Owners of community businesses: Small businesses do not generally receive much attention from the social work profession, even though they often represent critical elements of communities (Delgado, 2011). Nevertheless, baby boomer owners of small businesses often can play influential roles in the life of the community beyond that of selling a product or a service. To successfully run a small business, owners should be actively involved in the life of their community. These individuals must be well respected and deeply rooted. They can be tapped for roles on community boards, advisory committees, and task forces.
Local businesses serving communities of color can play important roles in helping baby boomers. Carlton-LaNey and Washington (2009) address the influential role these small businesses play in the lives of African American older adults. Delgado (2011) addresses the role that Latino/a small businesses have played in their communities (including those that are owned and run by baby boomers) from the perspective of the range of services they often provide.
Small businesses often play a central role in the life of the communities they serve by sponsoring community cultural events such as fairs, parades, sports teams/leagues, donating food in natural disasters, and serving as a focal point for distributing important information to the community. Small business owners often contribute goods, services, and money to community organizations. It is not unusual to find them serving as a social broker for residents. Asian- and African American–owned small businesses have received considerable attention in the scholarly literature (Delgado, 2011). Their businesses, like those of their Latino/a counterparts, often give owners an opportunity to provide important social support, which can cast them as spokespersons and leaders in their search for social justice.
Financial: Contrary to popular opinion, there is a history and willingness for boomers of color to provide financial assistance that often goes unrecognized. African American charitable giving among baby boomers, for example, has yet to receive the attention it deserves (Carter & Marx, 2007). One Prudential study (2011) found that African American boomers have a greater likelihood (68 percent versus 55 percent) than the general population to cite charitable donations as an important element in achieving financial retirement goals. Unfortunately, similar studies regarding Asians/Pacific Islanders, Latino/as, and Native Americans have not yet been conducted. However, Banks’s (2013) study of later-life decision making among Latinos in Southern California found that philanthropy was considered important in their lives.
Ho (2008) described Asian American giving circles, which pool together funds from various individuals and make donations to Asian American community organizations. Boomers play an important role in the decision-making process of these ventures. These efforts are predicated upon the embrace of cultural values that stress intergenerational and interdependent obligations. These types of organized efforts, however, generally go unrecognized by mainstream organizations and scholars and, as a result, are not factored in discussion of the financial contributions of baby boomers of color to their communities.
Religious institutions: Religious institutions often are expected to play influential roles within their communities. They are not restricted to serving spiritual or religious needs, however. Baby boomers may often be involved in volunteer opportunities through their religious organizations, which demonstrate the breadth of their civic engagement, and the potential for future involvement (Marler & Hadaway, 2002). Landau and colleagues (2013), for example, describe a long-term care model program for provision of sustainable spiritual care that relies upon leadership from a professional chaplain and taps into a pool of potential volunteers within respective houses of worship.
It is important to pause and note a distinction between spirituality and religion since not all baby boomers may be religious or spiritual, and this distinction has important service delivery consequences:
The baby boomer generation or the “senior boomers” is a group that is as diverse spiritually as they are politically and socially. This poses a problem for many seniors and senior community directors. For the past several decades, one of the most common benefits listed for activities has been church services. Now, activities directors must consider a broader spectrum of spiritual options. They have to consider the spiritual but not religious baby boomers, baby boomers who converted to Buddhism, Hinduism, Sikhism and other non-Abrahamic religions during the 60s and 70s as well as secular boomers. So, what options should communities consider for this variety of spiritual beliefs since “church services” may not apply?
(LivingSenior, 2012)
Consequently, an approach involving using spirituality or religion must be tailored to be most effective in reaching boomers and boomer subgroups. Carter-Edwards and colleagues (2011) argue that innovative models are needed regarding African American boomers and older adult health, and the Black church and Black clergy can play important roles in this area.
Houses of worship represent a promising community venue for reaching boomer and older adult women of color. Quinn and Guion (2010) advocate the use of faith-based and culturally competent approaches to promoting self-efficacy and regular exercise among boomer and older adult women. Religious settings have space, are nonstigmatizing, and often are geographically accessible to residents, facilitating their use for a variety of nonreligious activities.
Boomers can be providers as well as recipients of services, assuming leadership roles, for example. An assessment of their formal and informal needs and assets provides a comprehensive picture of this age cohort, including their current and potential contributions to their communities and society.
Organizational benefits: The budgetary restraints faced by many human service organizations will increase their reliance on volunteers in the immediate future as a way of maintaining staffing patterns and services (Piercy, Cheek, & Teemant, 2011). Organizations serving boomers of color will likely feel these budgetary constraints even more severely because of the wide range of health and human services they are required to provide, making volunteers that much more indispensable. Nevertheless, it is important not to view these volunteers as mere supplements to budgets, but rather as bringing innovation, energy, and purpose to the organization. Boomers bring a wide range of talents in addition to their time. Organizational benefits will be addressed through a focus on three types: (a) financial, (b) bold initiatives, and (c) empowerment.
Financial: A National Council on Aging (2010) study found that older adult volunteers provide an 800 percent return on investment for nonprofits. While this financial impact is considerable, one should also include the nonmonetary aspects of how they can influence community well-being. There is a propensity to measure the contributions of boomer and older adult volunteers from a financial perspective, particularly since that is relatively easy to calculate. There is a tendency to assign a minimum wage amount to volunteer services (although that may be significantly underestimating their financial worth). This wage perspective, although attractive to organizations wishing to quantify and promote their contributions to communities and society, and funders wishing to impress with how their dollars are being stretched, represents a very narrow interpretation of “worth.”
Bold initiatives: Bold initiatives generate organizational excitement, energy, and high expectations, which can carry over to other organizational services. The need for bold new initiatives for program development that take an asset perspective toward baby boomers in general, and boomers of color in particular, is urgent (Delgado, 2008; Martin & Pardini, 2009; National Council on Aging, 2010).
Nonprofit institutions must facilitate the inclusion of boomers of color in a manner that is empowering and culturally competent (Tang, Morrow-Howell, & Hong, 2008), through leadership positions whenever possible. Organizations and older adult volunteers mutually benefit from their participation, and this mutuality must be exploited in the development of outreach and programming (Tang, Choi, & Morrow-Howell, 2010).
Empowerment: The concept of empowerment is one that has been around for several decades (Gutierrez, 1990; Lee, 1994; Solomon, 1976), and its appeal for groups that are marginalized is certainly well understood by the social work profession. However, I do not believe it has fully taken hold among boomers and older adults (Haber, 2009). (There are exceptions; McHugh (2012) specifically addresses the role and importance of empowerment for older adult women, for example.) Nevertheless, this “oversight” on marginalized boomers and older adults will no doubt be corrected as they, and particularly those with multiple forms of oppression, confront their marginalization (Mulbauer & Christer, 2012).
The benefits of empowerment, although widely applauded, are not easily measured. Nevertheless, empowerment can be a goal, process, philosophy, or outcome. The value of an empowerment stance, particularly among boomers and older adults of color, is critical to interventions. Tang, Copeland, and Wexler proved this to be the case when studying African American older adults, finding “that black older adults have more to gain from volunteer engagement and feel empowered through meaningful involvement in the community and improved physical and emotional quality of life” (Tang, Copeland, & Wexler, 2012, p. 89).
The rewards associated with civic engagement must be tempered with an understanding of the varied challenges organizations will face in engaging boomers of color. These challenges are not insurmountable, but do wield significant influence in the implementation of innovative programs targeting boomers of color. Five challenges will be addressed: (a) caution, (b) finances, (c) healthy aging, (d) reaching and engaging, and (e) new models needed.
Caution: A word of caution is in order as we embrace civic engagement and boomers. Several scholars (Martinson & Minkler, 2006; Minkler & Holstein, 2008; Netting, 2011) raise cautions and concerns about how civic engagement and older adults is conceptualized and the importance of providing options for engagement on the part of those who cannot afford to volunteer because of their economic status. An inability to volunteer must not be equated with a lack of desire to do so, nor does it make boomers and older adults less “worthy.”
Scholars have also raised serious questions about why older adults must be active in order to feel valued by society. Further, they argue for a broader interpretation of civic engagement to include social activism, citing the work of the Gray Panthers as an example (Sanjek, 2009). Delgado (2008) raises concerns about how nonprofits need to consider creative ways of engaging older adults of color with limited financial means and familial obligations. Walker (2005) also cautions us not to view older adults as free labor or a surplus labor pool that can be tapped at will without regard to their social and economic circumstances.
Finances: The prospects of encouraging boomers of color with lifetime low-income histories to volunteer raises a financial challenge that cannot be ignored. Efforts such as Title V of the Older Americans Act’s Senior Community Service Employment Program has been successful in training unemployed boomers and older adults of color and is worthy of expansion to make it even more inclusive for engaging boomers of color:
Title V of the Older Americans Act, the Senior Community Service Employment Program (SCSEP), is a 40+-year-old federal program providing subsidized community service and employment training to low-income, unemployed individuals aged 55 and older. It is the only nationally mandated workforce training program for seniors. Because of SCSEP’s dual mission, participants added 48 million hours of community service (valued at almost $1 billion) to the U.S. economy in 2008. Almost half (48.9%) of the participants are racial or ethnic minorities, which makes it crucial to understand the program experience of these individuals.
(Washko et al., 2011, p. 182)
Offering to pay boomer volunteers offers great promise for engaging boomers who cannot afford to volunteer but still wish to help their communities. Healthy aging: Aging is a natural process that has physical, cognitive, social, political, and cultural dimensions and is not a linear process (Barondess, 2008). One significant challenge for social workers will be to develop a definition of healthy aging that is grounded within local circumstances, culture, and takes into account a nuanced view of boomers of color and their environmental surroundings. Further, practitioners must be prepared in their definition to take into account the vast distinctions among boomers based on racial, ethnic, sexual orientation, and other factors.
Reaching and engaging: The importance of effective outreach and engagement cannot be underestimated. Reaching and actively engaging boomers of color and older adults as volunteers is a challenge that is well recognized in the field of gerontology. This challenge goes beyond identifying them and bringing them into activities. It also involves engaging them in culturally based activities that are meaningful, lead to growth (educational, social, and psychological), and taps their talents and needs for meaningful contributions to their communities.
Sundeen, Raskoff, and Garcia (2007) found that three key factors influence formal volunteering, all of which have implications for boomers in general: (1) lack of time, (2) lack of interest, and (3) ill health. Sander and Putnam (2006, p. 35) note that even if a small percentage of this age-group volunteers, their significance can be great: “Given their large numbers, even modest changes in the boomers’ trajectory could have dramatic consequences…. All parents and grandparents should hope that these efforts succeed as they will directly shape how civically nutritious a culture and legacy our children and grandchildren will inherent.”
Not being asked to volunteer is an important factor not touched upon by many scholars focused on formal volunteering. One AARP study (Bridgeland, Putnam, & Wofford, 2008), for example, found that 58 percent of the respondents have never been asked to volunteer.
McNamara and Gonzales (2011) examined volunteer transitions among older adults, including baby boomers, and specifically focused on the use of a capital concept, with specific attention on human, social, and cultural capital, as a way to better understand how these forms of capital facilitated volunteering. They found that increasing capital, particularly among those with lower socioeconomic status can result in an increase in volunteering activities and intensity. McNamara and Gonzalez concluded that “with regard to human capital, policies and programs that enhance older adults’ educational levels, assets, and health are critical as these factors are positively associated with volunteering engagement and intensity and negatively associated with cessation. Enhancing human capital may also reduce volunteer turn-over and the costs associated with volunteer termination and training” (McNamara & Gonzalez, 2011, p. 499).
New models needed: Having boomers of color playing active and decision-making roles in community organizations necessitates the creation of bold initiatives that have participatory democratic principles guiding their focus. That, however, is much easier said than done. New models for initiatives are often reliant on an ability to “think outside of the box,” with the requisite funding and time. Consequently, even though these types of initiatives are exciting and generate a great deal of energy and hope, as noted earlier, they also pose incredible challenges for the field.
Funding, of course, plays a critical role in launching and sustaining initiatives. However, the challenges in dictating restrictions and demands upon organizations go beyond funding and entail at least three significant types that help ground these initiatives in a comprehensive manner: (1) administrative support, (2) documentation to determine impact, and (3) requisite training/education of all participants, staff as well as boomers themselves.
Boomers of color have a prominent place within their communities and families. The existence of concepts and mechanisms for tapping volunteers offers much promise for the field. However, the field must be prepared to expand its definition of “community contributions” beyond the narrow confines of civic engagement and formal human service organizations. Such a narrow lens does a disservice to boomers and older adults of color and their communities by ignoring the active and meaningful role they occupy. Their involvement in incidentally assisting within nontraditional settings goes beyond houses of worship and can include those that are deeply steeped in cultural history and traditions.
This chapter has highlighted the rewards associated with identifying, mobilizing, and incorporating community assets into interventions focused on boomers of color. The reader’s appreciation of these assets, however, must not go without an understanding of the myriad challenges associated with this form of practice. The final chapters that follow in
part 3 of this volume highlight policy and practice and research implications.
