Notes

These notes contain several references to the work of Antonio Gramsci. Where these refer to passages from the published selections of his prison notebooks, or to the complete edition of them currently in progress, I have followed the convention of also giving their source in the original notebook (Q) and note (§) after the publication page number.

Preface

*. As its subtitle suggests, the second collection, We Cannot Escape History: Nations, States, Revolutions, will be organized along thematic lines.

1. Vladimir I. Lenin [1913], “The Three Sources and Component Parts of Marxism,” in Collected Works, vol. 19, March–December 1913 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1963), 23–24.

2. See, for example, Eric J. Hobsbawm, “In the Era of Anti-Fascism, 1929–4,” in How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism, 1840–2011 (London: Little, Brown, 2011), 283, 285, 298–99.

3. See, for example, Naomi Klein, “What’s Next? The Movement against Global Corporatism Doesn’t Need to Sign a Ten-Point Plan to Be Effective,” in Fences and Windows: Dispatches from the Front Lines of the Globalization Debate (London: Harper Perennial, 2005), 26–27.

4. Alex Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” International Socialism 2:137 (Winter 2013), 127.

5. Tom Nairn, “The Question of Scotland,” in Faces of Nationalism: Janus Revisited (London: Verso, 1997), 189.

6. Neil Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2012), 436–39, 446–65; Alex Callinicos, Trotskyism (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1990), chapters 4 and 5. Callinicos discusses Max Shachtman, C. L. R. James, and Cornelius Castoriadis in a chapter called “Heresies” and devotes a separate chapter to Tony Cliff and his cothinkers called “Reorientations.” Although I agree that Cliff did more than anyone else to defend the revolutionary core of Trotsky’s thought, in several areas by abandoning or revising specific positions or predictions, I prefer to see these thinkers (and Raya Dunayevskaya) as existing on a continuum or spectrum of “heretical reorienteers” with Castoriadis at one end and Cliff on the other. It is only in the light of Cliff’s reversion to aspects of orthodox Trotskyism between 1968 and 1975–particularly in terms of party organization and economic catastrophism–that his relationship to these other thinkers has been obscured.

7. Daniel Bensaïd [2002], “Who are the Trotskyists?,” in Strategies of Resistance and “Who Are the Trotskyists?” (London: Resistance Books, 2009), 96.

8. Walter Benjamin [1940], “On the Concept of History,” in Selected Writings, vol. 4, 1938–1940, edited by Howard Eiland and Michael J. Jennings (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), 391.

9. Frederick Engels [1877], Anti-Dühring: Herr Eugen Dühring’s Revolution in Science, in Collected Works, vol. 25 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1987), 145; Walter Benjamin [1940], “Paralipomena to ‘On the Concept of History,’” in Selected Writings, vol. 4, 402.

Chapter 1: Tom Nairn and the Inevitability of Nationalism

1. Originally published in International Socialism 2:82 (Spring 1999) as “In Perspective: Tom Nairn.”

2. The major works in order of appearance were: Tom Nairn, The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nationalism (London: New Left Books, 1977); Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism (London: Taylor and Francis, 1977); John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982 and 1993); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Rise and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983, 1991, and 2006); Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations And Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Nigel Harris, National Liberation (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990); Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991); Liah Greenfield, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1992); and Ernest Gellner, Nationalism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1997). The books by Anderson, Harris, and Hobsbawm, and the first by Gellner, were reviewed in Chris Harman, “The Return of the National Question,” International Socialism 2:56 (Autumn 1992), 41–49.

3. Tom Nairn [1975], “The Modern Janus,” in The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nationalism (Second, expanded edition, London: Verso, 1981), 329.

4. Tom Nairn, Faces of Nationalism: Janus Revisited (London: Verso, 1997).

5. For an example of the first, see Nicolai Gentchev, “Lambs to the Slaughter?,” Socialist Review 218 (April 1998), 29–30; for an example of the second, see Ian Bell, “Spirit of Nationhood Alive and Kicking as the World Goes Global,” The Scotsman (February 9, 1998).

6. “The fortunes of the SNP have of course affected the intensity of national consciousness, but such consciousness is greater than the number of votes won by that party at elections. It is not necessarily concerned, as is the SNP with national self determination, or with political devolution. It is rather an expression of Scottishness on the part of an amorphous group of interests and individuals, whose identity is caught up with that of Scotland.” James G. Kellas [1973], The Scottish Political System (Second edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 119.

7. Tom Nairn, “The Question of Scotland,” in Faces of Nationalism, 189.

8. Willie Thompson, “Tom Nairn and the Crisis of the British State,” Contemporary Record 6, no. 2 (Autumn 1992), 308. This interesting if over-reverential article is based in part on an interview with Nairn conducted on December 17, 1991, and is a useful source of information about his career. See also Perry Anderson, “Foreword,” English Questions (London: Verso, 1992), 3.

9. Tom Nairn [1977], “The Twilight of the British State,” in The Break-Up of Britain, 75.

10. Leon D. Trotsky [1931–2], The History of the Russian Revolution (London: Pluto Press, 1977), 27; [1925], “Where is Britain Going?,” in Collected Writings and Speeches on Britain, vol. 2, edited by R. Chappell and Allan Clinton (London: New Park Publications, 1974), 14, 39–40.

11. Alex Callinicos, “Exception or Symptom? The British Crisis and the World System,” New Left Review I/169 (May-June 1988), 103.

12. The literature on the “Nairn-Anderson thesis” is too vast to be listed here. Virtually the only contribution to the debate to treat Nairn as seriously as it did Anderson was the first, Edward P. Thompson’s “The Peculiarities of the English” (1965). This great (and extremely funny) essay is best savored in the complete version published in The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays (London: Merlin Press, 1978). A brief but pointed critique of the “thesis” from a perspective similar to mine can be found in Callinicos, “Exception or Symptom?” Various misconceptions about working-class politics during the nineteenth century are corrected in Chris Bambery, “Myth and Reality in British Working Class Struggle,” in Essays on Historical Materialism, edited by John Rees (London: Bookmarks, 1998), although Bambery takes Anderson rather than Nairn as the starting point for his discussion.

13. Jack Brand, The National Movement in Scotland (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), 258–262.

14. Tom Nairn, “The Three Dreams of Scottish Nationalism,” New Left Review I/49 (May-June 1968), 7.

15. Ibid., 13.

16. Ibid., 16.

17. Ibid., 18.

18. David Caute, Sixty-Eight: Year of the Barricades (London: Paladin Books, 1988), 308–10. See also the documents assembled in Students and Staff of Hornsey School of Art, The Hornsey Affair (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1969).

19. Tom Nairn [1968], “Notes towards the Definition of Anti-Culture,” in The Hornsey Affair, 24.

20. Tom Nairn, “Why it Happened,” in Angelo Quattrocchi and Tom Nairn, The Beginning of the End: France, May 1968 (London: Panther Books, 1968), 123, 126. Nairn’s contribution is dated: “July 1968. Hornsey College of Art, London, in the sixth week of the student occupation, in a classroom where I was once paid to explain this century to those too young to understand it.” See ibid., 173. A review of the Verso reissue of this book by Jonathan Neale recommends that readers “skip the second half of the book, by Tom Nairn.” See “1968: The Year the Monolith Cracked,” Socialist Review 219 (May 1998), 17. It is true that in comparison with Quattrocchi’s Situationalist fireworks Nairn’s contribution seems rather drab, but in comparison with the latter’s other work, both before and since, it positively soars.

21. Tom Nairn, “The Three Dreams of Scottish Nationalism,” in Memoirs of a Modern Scotland, edited by Karl Miller (London: Faber and Faber, 1970), 52, 53–54.

22. Ibid. The reference is of course to the phrase often ascribed to Voltaire: “All the great ones of the earth and all nobles should be hanged, and strangled with entrails of the priests.” These words were actually written by Jean Meslier (1664–1729), the parish priest of Etrepigny in the Champagne district of France. They appear in a testament found after he had starved himself to death during a dispute with the feudal superior, which reveals him to have held atheist and, indeed, virtually Communist views. Parts of the manuscript were published by Voltaire in 1762 as Extrait des sentiments de Jean Meslier and it is from this publication that the association with him derives.

23. Tom Nairn, “The Left against Europe?,” New Left Review I/75 (September-October 1972), 116–19.

24. Tom Nairn [1974], “Scotland and Europe,” in The Break-Up of Britain, 99, 96.

25. Tom Nairn, “Old Nationalism and New Nationalism,” in The Red Paper on Scotland, edited by Gordon Brown (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Student Publications Board, 1975), 47, 49; The Break-Up of Britain, 179. The majority of the quoted passages were not included in the later version of this essay.

26. Nairn, “Old Nationalism and New Nationalism,” 24; The Break-Up of Britain, 130.

27. For an example of the first: “After the dark, the unspeakable 17th century, it was 1688 which marked the real dawn in Scotland.” See The Break-Up of Britain, 109. For an example of the second, see: “[Kailyard culture] is recognisably intertwined with that prodigious array of Kitsch symbols, slogans, ornaments, banners, war-cries, knick-knacks, music-hall heroes, icons, conventional sayings and sentiments (not a few of them ‘pithy’) which have for so long resolutely defended the name of ‘Scotland’ to the world. Annie Swan and [A J] Cronin provided no more than the relatively decent outer garb for the vast tartan monster. In their work the thing trots along doucely enough, on a lead. But it is something else to be with it (e.g.) in a London pub on International night, or in the crowd at the annual Military Tattoo in front of Edinburgh Castle. How intolerably vulgar! What unbearable, crass, mindless philistinism! One knows that Kitsch is a large constituent of mass popular culture in every land: but this is ridiculous!” See The Break-Up of Britain, 162. On second thought, given the success of Braveheart, and the recent announcement that April 6 is henceforth to be celebrated in the USA as “Tartan Day,” perhaps Nairn does not exaggerate too grossly after all.

28. Craig Beveridge and Ronald Turnbull, “Scottish Nationalist, British Marxist: the Strange Case of Tom Nairn,” in The Eclipse of Scottish Culture (Edinburgh: Polygon Books, 1989), 59, 60.

29. Nairn, “The Twilight of the British State,” 89–90.

30. Nairn, “The Modern Janus,” 339–340, 348–349, 354.

31. Tom Nairn, “The National Question,” internal SLP document, cited in Henry M. Drucker, Breakaway: the Scottish Labor Party (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Student Publications Board, 1978), 124.

32. Andrew Marr, The Battle for Scotland (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1992), 162.

33. Nairn, Faces of Nationalism, 227 note 1.

34. Tam Dalyell, Devolution: The End of Britain? (London: Jonathan Cape, 1977), 306.

35. Eric Heffer, Never a Yes Man (London: Verso, 1991), 165. Heffer records how his views were received in parliament: “In the Commons I made speeches drawing attention to what the Austro-Marxists and [Rosa] Luxemburg had argued. They cut little ice.” It is part of the tragedy of his political career that he ever imagined they would in this setting.

36. Tom Nairn, “Postscript 1981: Into Political Emergency,” in The Break-Up of Britain, 288, 397–398.

37. See ibid., 402–404 and, more optimistically, an article called, inevitably, “The Crisis of the British State,” New Left Review I/130 (November-December 1981), 41–44. Words, like currency, lose value through inflation. Thanks to Nairn, the word “crisis,” especially when conjoined to the phrase “British state,” is worth about as much as a Weimar deutschmark.

38. Thompson, “Tom Nairn and the Crisis of the British State,” 320. Ironically, Anderson himself abandoned the classical Marxist perspective shortly afterwards. His own account dates this from the mid-1980s. See Perry Anderson, “Foreword,” in A Zone of Engagement (London: Verso, 1992), xii-xiii.

39. Tom Nairn, “Cities and Nationalism,” in Faces of Nationalism, 123.

40. Tom Nairn, “Introduction: On Studying Nationalism,” in Faces of Nationalism, 10–11.

41. Ibid., 13.

42. Ibid., quoting Steve Jones, In the Blood: God, Genes and Destiny (London: Houghton Miffin, 1997), ix.

43. Tom Nairn, “Does Tomorrow Belong to the Bullets or the Bouquets?,” New Statesman and Society (June 19, 1992), 31.

44. Pat Kane, “Scotland by Starlight,” in Tinsel Show: Pop, Politics, Scotland (Edinburgh: Polygon Books, 1992), 198.

45. Tom Nairn [1993], “Demonising Nationality,” in Faces of Nationalism, 63.

46. Tom Nairn [1996], “The Curse of Rurality: Limits of Modernization Theory,” in Faces of Nationalism, 90–92, 101–102, 109–110.

47. Tom Nairn, “Reflections of Nationalist Disasters,” New Left Review I/230 (July/August 1998), 149.

48. Zygmunt Bauman [1989], Modernity and the Holocaust (Second edition, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), 46, 61.

49. Geoff Eley, “The British Model and the German Road: Rethinking the Course of German History before 1914,” in David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 154.

50. Norman Stone, Europe Transformed: 1878–1919 (Glasgow: Fontana Books, 1983), 160.

51. Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust, x.

52. Nairn, “The Curse of Rurality,” 149.

53. Tom Nairn [1994–6], “Micro-States,” in Faces of Nationalism, 143–149.

54. Tom Nairn [1990], “The Owl of Minerva,” in Faces of Nationalism, 52.

55. Nairn, “Demonising Nationality,” 57–58.

56. Bob Arnot and Kirill Buketov, “The Political Economy of Russian Labor: From Acquiescence to Action?,” Abertay Sociology Papers 1, no. 2 (Dundee: University of Abertay, 1998), 7, 9.

57. Tom Nairn, “The Question of Scale,” in Faces of Nationalism, 134.

58. Tom Nairn [1980], “Internationalism: A Critique,” in Faces of Nationalism, 32.

59. Ibid., 30.

60. Ibid., 35.

61. Even this apparent recognition that internationalism once sprung unforced from a prelapsarian proletariat is designed to emphasize the supposed extent of the subsequent fall. In fact, even in their formative years, most proletarians have had to overcome reformist consciousness, strategy, and organization–of which nationalism is inevitably a component.

62. Nairn, “Internationalism,” 30–31.

63. Ibid. 32–33, 36.

64. Ibid., 39, 41, 45.

65. Alex Callinicos, Theories and Narratives: Reflections on the Philosophy of History (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), 179.

66. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations, 11–12.

67. Ibid., 8.

68. Gellner, Nationalism, 7–8.

69. Nairn, “Introduction: On Studying Nationalism,” 7. This is a good example of one of Nairn’s most annoying habits: quoting an argument against one of his positions in a knowing kind of way, then carrying on without actually answering the point.

70. Tom Nairn [1995], “Union and Empire,” in Faces of Nationalism, 209.

71. In particular, Ernest Gellner, “Nationalism,” in Thought and Change (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964). See the references in The Break-Up of Britain, 96, 99, 133, 317, 338, 342 and 358. As we saw above, his attitude to the Gellner thesis has now undergone a significant alteration.

72. Nigel Harris, Of Bread and Guns: The World Economy in Crisis (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1983), 24.

73. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 36.

74. Harman, “The Return of the National Question,” 42, 43.

75. The problem for both Anderson and Nairn may have been their incomprehension at the conflicts between supposedly socialist–or at least “post-capitalist”–states in Indochina from 1978 onward. Compare Anderson, Imagined Communities, xi, 1–2, and Nairn, “Postscript 1981,” 371.

76. George Kerevan, “The Origins of Scottish Nationhood: Arguments within Scottish Marxism,” The Bulletin of Scottish Politics 1, no. 2 (Spring 1981), 118–119.

77. Occasionally the mask slipped even prior to 1989. When Khieu Samphan, one of the leaders of the Khmer Rouge, was interviewed in January 1981, his response was rather different: “No more socialism. No more socialist revolution. Our ideal is the survival of Cambodia. As for Communism, we saw it as the way to lead Cambodia to independence and survival means only, not the ideal. Now, through the flesh and blood of people, we have been given the experience to know that we cannot follow this way.” Quoted in Grant Evans and Kevin Rowley, Red Brotherhood at War: Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos since 1975 (London: Verso, 1984), 251.

78. This was true even during the First World War, which Nairn repeatedly cites as an example of spontaneous national feeling. The issue has been dealt with in Megan Trudell, “Prelude to Revolution: Class Consciousness and the First World War,” International Socialism 2:76 (Autumn 1997), 71–85, supplemented by Ian Birchall, “The Vice-Like Hold of Nationalism? A Comment on Megan Trudell’s ‘Prelude to Revolution,’” International Socialism 2:78 (Spring 1978).

79. The following two paragraphs are based on information and–in the case of the first–analysis contained in Alex Callinicos and Mike Simons, The Great Strike, International Socialism 2:27/28 (Spring/Summer 1985), 84–92, and Keith Aitken, The Bairns O’ Adam: The Story of the STUC (Edinburgh: Polygon Books, 1997), 273–281. The latter is a semiofficial history of the Scottish TUC.

80. Quoted in Miners 1984–1994: A Decade of Endurance, edited by Joe Owens (Edinburgh: Polygon Books, 1994), 91. The editor and the interviewee are not the same person.

81. Aitken, The Bairns O’ Adam, 292.

82. Ibid., 295.

83. Alex Law, “Neither Colonial nor Historic: Worker’s Organization at Rosyth Dockyard, 1945–1995,” in The History of Work and Labor Relations in the Royal Dockyards, edited by Anna Day and Kenneth Lunn (London: Mansell, 1999). One the TGWU stewards was Alex Falconer, who became the Labor MEP for Fife and Mid-Scotland in 1984.

84. John Pilger, “The Dockers,” in Hidden Agendas (London: The New Press, 1998), 351.

85. Nairn, “From Civil Society to Civic Nationalism,” 87, 88. My emphasis.

86. Ibid., 84.

87. Tom Nairn [1991], “Identities in Scotland,” in Faces of Nationalism, 187.

88. Ibid., 193.

89. Ray Burnett, “Socialists and the SNP,” in The Red Paper on Scotland, 121.

90. The Scotsman (June 5, 1998).

91. Joyce McMillan, “Foreign Lesson in Pressing for Home Rule,” Scotland on Sunday (August 22, 1993).

92. The Scotsman (July 1, 1998).

93. See Neil Davidson and Keir McKechnie, “Riotous Assembly?,” Socialist Review 219 (May 1998), 4–5.

94. Tom Nairn [1997], “Sovereignty after the Election,” in Faces of Nationalism, 221.

95. Ibid., 223. The reference here to “recalling” Parliament presumably alludes to the feudal estates that dissolved themselves on 28 April 1707!

96. Tom Nairn, “British Sovereignty since the Election,” Scottish Affairs, special issue, Understanding Constitutional Change (1998), 36. Nairn’s contribution began with an unseemly grovel to the late Donald Dewar, “our last and greatest Scottish Secretary of State,” who had preceded him on the platform: so much for the iniquities of the Labour Party. See ibid., 13.

97. William Ferguson, The Identity of the Scottish Nation: A Historic Quest (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1998), 316.

98. Paul Surridge, Lindsay Patterson, Alice Brown, and David McCrone, “The Scottish Electorate and the Scottish Parliament,” in Scottish Affairs, special issue, Understanding Constitutional Change, 43.

99. Nairn, “Empire and Union,” 208.

100. “Scots Awa,” Economist (May 26-June 1, 1990), 18–19.

101. Andrew Gowers, “L’Ecosse Libre,” Financial Times (August 14, 1998).

102. Andrew Neil, “Scotland the Self-Deluded,” Spectator (August 15, 1998), 12. I am unable to recall the source of this memorable piece of Nairnian invective–aimed for once at a deserving target–but it springs to mind every time Neil’s sanctimonious features loom out over one of his odious op-ed pieces in The Scotsman, a paper that regularly falls, under his regime as editor-in-chief, to new lows of right-wing hysteria.

103. Tom Nairn, “Race and Nationalism,” Faces of Nationalism, 121.

104. Nairn, “Why it Happened,” 173.

105. Nairn, “The Three Dreams of Scottish Nationalism,” in Memoirs of a Modern Scotland, 54.

106. Leon D. Trotsky [1933], “The Tragedy of the German Proletariat: the German Workers Will Rise Again–Stalinism, Never!,” in The Struggle against Fascism in Germany, edited by George Breitman and Merry Maizel (New York: Pathfinder Books, 1971), 377.

Chapter 2: Marx and Engels on the Scottish Highlands

1. Originally published in Science and Society 65, no. 3 (Fall 2001).

2. The only existing attempt to list all the references by Marx and Engels to the Scottish Highlands is in Fraser Grigor, “Marx and Engels on the Highlands,” Scottish Marxist 13 (Spring 1977), 40–45, although it is incomplete.

3. James D. Young, Racism, the Origins of Inequality and Socialism (Glasgow: Clydeside Press, no date identified), 22.

4. Ibid.

5. Christopher Harvie, Scotland and Nationalism: Scottish Society and Politics, 1707 to the Present (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1977), 26. Harvie is not primarily concerned with attacking Marxism, which he–along with the vast majority of contemporary intellectuals–seems to regard as being long past its sell-by date. Indeed, his lack of interest in the subject is indicated by the impressive error rate in the sentence quoted above. It was, of course, the Duchess rather than the Duke of Sutherland whom Marx specifically attacked and his comments are to be found in Capital vol. 1 rather than vol. 2. See also the dismissive comments in “Modern Scotland: Remembering the People,” in Why Scottish History Matters, edited by Rosalind Mitchison (Edinburgh: Saltire Society, 1991), 80.

6. Alan Armstrong, “Back to the Future–Part Two: 1492 and 1992–Redemption, Improvement and Progress,” Cencrastus 51 (Spring 1995), 36, 37.

7. John Strawson, “Culture and Imperialism,” Socialist History 14 (1999), 113–114.

8. Robert J. C. Young, White Mythologies: History Writing and the West (London: Routledge, 1990), 3. There are writers on the left who agree that this was the position taken by Marx and Engels, but find it commendable. The most comprehensive statement of this position was given by Bill Warren in his critique of the Marxist theory of imperialism in its Leninist form: “Perhaps the least important reason for such a reevaluation is that the bulk of current Marxist analyses of and propaganda about imperialism actually reverse the views of the founders of Marxism, who held that the expansion of capitalism into pre-capitalist areas of the world was desirable and progressive.” Not the least difficulty with this completely undialectical position is the way in which it justifies the charges of Eurocentrism regularly leveled against the Marxist tradition as a whole by writers like Strawson and Robert Young. See Bill Warren, Imperialism: Pioneer Of Capitalism (London: Verso, 1980), 3.

9. Eric J. Hobsbawm, “Introduction,” in Karl Marx, Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations (New York: International Publishers, 1965), 50.

10. Teodor Shanin, “Late Marx: Gods and Craftsmen,” in Late Marx and the Russian Road, edited by Teodor Shanin (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983), 6–8, 15.

11. Franklin Rosemont, “Karl Marx and the Iroquois,” Arsenal/Surrealist Subversion 4 (1989), 210. Rosemont is followed in this assertion by Peter Fryer, “Engels: A Man of His Time,” in The Condition of Britain: Essays on Frederick Engels, edited by John Lea and Geoff Pilling (London: Pluto Press, 1996), 149–150 and by Young, Racism, the Origins of Inequality and Socialism, 13–14, 41. Armstrong and Young both refer, with Shanin, to an “early,” “middle,” and “late” Marx, although only Armstrong cites Shanin in this connection.

12. Friedrich Engels [1845], The Condition of the Working Class in England: From Personal Observations and Authentic Sources, in Collected Works, vol. 4 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1975), 319.

13. Friedrich Engels [1848], “Extraordinary Revelations–Abd-El-Kader–Guizot’s Foreign Policy,” in Collected Works, vol. 6 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1976), 471–472.

14. Friedrich Engels [1849], “The Magyar Struggle,” in Karl Marx, Political Writings, vol. 1, The Revolution of 1848 (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1974), 221–22, 225–26.

15. Friedrich Engels [1866], “What Have the Working Classes To Do With Poland?,” in Karl Marx, Political Writings, vol. 3, The First International and After (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1974), 383.

16. John Stuart Mill [1861], Representative Government, in Collected Works, vol. 19 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), 556.

17. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Program, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 34–35.

18. Mathew Arnold [1866], “On the Study of Celtic Literature,” in The Complete Prose Works of Matthew Arnold, vol. 3, Lectures and Essays in Criticism, edited by R. H. Super (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962), 296–297, 384. In fairness to Arnold, we should note the defense by Russell Jacoby of his “aggressive defence of public education and social equality [and] his assault on the market.” See The End of Utopia: Politics and Culture in an Age of Apathy (New York: Basic Books, 2000), 67–68, 89–99.

19. Engels to Bernstein, 22 and 25 February 1882, in Collected Works, vol. 46 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1992), 206.

20. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1845–46], The German Ideology: Critique of Modern German Philosophy According to Its Representatives Feuerbach, B. Bauer and Stirner, and of German Socialism According to Its Various Prophets, in Collected Works, vol. 5 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1975), 146.

21. Karl Marx [1847], The Poverty of Philosophy: Answer to The Philosophy of Poverty by M. Proudhon, in Collected Works, vol. 6 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1976), 173.

22. Karl Marx [1853], “Elections–Financial Clouds–the Duchess of Sutherland and Slavery,” in Collected Works, vol. 11 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1979); [1853] “Forced Emigration–Cossack and Magyar–the Refugee Question–Election Bribery in England–Mr. Cobden,” in Collected Works, vol. 11; [1853] “The War Question–Financial Matters–Strikes,” 7 October 1853, in Collected Works, vol. 12 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1979); [1854] “Attack Upon Sebastopol–Clearing of Estates in Scotland,” in Collected Works, vol. 13 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1980).

23. Marx, “Elections–Financial Clouds–the Duchess of Sutherland and Slavery,” 494.

24. Karl Marx [1867], Capital: a Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1976), 890.

25. Young, Racism, the Origins of Inequality and Socialism, 22.

26. Karl Marx [1853], “The British Rule in India,” in Political Writings, vol. 2, Surveys from Exile (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1974), 306–07. Like many of their contemporaries Marx and Engels often used the term “England” in place of “Britain” (which in turn means “England and Wales and the Scottish Lowlands”). Since this substitution occurs several times in subsequent quotations, readers should simply take “England” to mean “Britain,” unless the context makes it clear that a more restricted usage is intended.

27. James Mill [1818], The History of British India, vol. 1 (Fifth edition, London: James Madden, 1858), 218, 320.

28. Karl Marx [1853], “The British India Company–Its History and Prospects,” in Surveys from Exile, 310.

29. Edward Said, Orientalism (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1985), 155.

30. John Carstairs Matheson, “Socialism and Nationalism,” Socialist (November 1910). The inspiration for this passage is not Marx, but Lord Macaulay, who makes a very similar comparison in his History of England, which began publication in 1848: “Few people seemed to be aware that, at no remote period, a MacDonald or a MacGregor in his tartan was to a citizen of Edinburgh or Glasgow what an Indian hunter in his war paint is to an inhabitant of Philadelphia or Boston. Artists and actors represented Bruce and Douglas in striped petticoats. They might as well have represented Washington brandishing a tomahawk, and girt with a string of scalps.” Thomas B. Macaulay [1848–54], The History of England from the Accession of James II, vol. 2 (London: Dent, 1906), 451.

31. Ephraim Nimni, “Marx, Engels and the National Question,” S cience and Society 53, no. 3 (Fall 1990), 314, 324.

32. Marx, “Forced Emigration–Cossack and Magyar–the Refugee Question–Election Bribery in England–Mr. Cobden,” 529.

33. Macaulay, The History of England from the Accession of James II , vol. 2, 493.

34. Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England, 319, 391.

35. Ibid., 559.

36. Nimni, “Marx, Engels and the National Question,” 314.

37. Roman Rosdolsky [1948], Engels And the “Non-Historic Peoples”: The National Question in the Revolution of 1848, edited by John-Paul Himka, Critique 18/19 (1986), 129.

38. Neil Davidson, The Origins of Scottish Nationhood (London: Pluto Press, 2000), 72–74.

39. Tom Nairn [1975], “Old and New Scottish Nationalism,” in The Break-Up of Britain, 147.

40. Even Rosdolsky, in an otherwise perceptive passage, makes too many concessions to the notion of a Highland nation before 1746, noting that “the reactionary conduct of the Highland Scots . . . proceeded . . . not from the reactionary character of their nationality, but from specific social, economic and political conditions that drove this ‘national refuse’ into opposition to the revolution (and so their very nationality became an expression of this opposition).” See Engels and the “Non-Historic Peoples,” 12.

41. Friedrich Engels [1878–82], [“On the Early History of the Germans”], in Collected Works, vol. 26 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 30. According to Anthony D. Smith, primordialists “claim that nations and ethnic communities are the natural units of history and integral elements of human experience.” See The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 11.

42. Friedrich Engels [1884], “The Decay of Feudalism and the Rise of Nation States,” in Collected Works, vol. 26, 559–561.

43. Davidson, The Origins of Scottish Nationhood, 28–37.

44. Karl Marx [1855], “Ireland’s Revenge,” in Collected Works, vol. 14 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1980), 80.

45. Engels to Marx, 23 May 1856, in Collected Works, vol. 40 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983), 50. Earlier in the same letter Engels refers to the low productivity of land, with one notable exception: “ . . . towards Limerick, the hills are excellently cultivated, mostly by Scottish farmers.” These were the descendants of the Protestant settlers from the Lowlands.

46. Friedrich Engels [1865], “Plan of Chapter Two, and Fragments for The History of Ireland,” in Collected Works, vol. 21 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1985), 312.

47. Marx to Meyer and Vogt, 9 April 1870, in The First International and After, 168–169.

48. Friedrich Engels [1870], “[ The History of Ireland],” in Collected Works, vol. 21, 147–48.

49. Engels to Kautsky, 7 February 1882, in Collected Works, vol. 46, 193.

50. Engels, “The Magyar Struggle,” 217.

51. James D. Young, “Letter to Cencrastus,” Cencrastus 52 (Summer 1995), 23; Young, Racism, the Origins of Inequality and Socialism, 21.

52. Karl Marx [1856], “Speech at the Anniversary of The People’s Paper,” in Surveys from Exile, 299–300.

53. Aijaz Ahmad, “Marx on India: A Clarification,” in In Theory (London: Verso, 1992), 226.

54. Alex Callinicos, Theories and Narratives: Reflections on the Philosophy of History (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), 154.

55. Ahmad, “Marx on India,” 241, 227–228.

56. Karl Marx [1853], “The Future Results of the British Rule in India,” in Surveys from Exile, 319, 323, 324–25.

57. Callinicos, Theories and Narratives, 154–60.

58. Karl Marx [1881], “[Third Draft],” “[Drafts of the Letter to Vera Zasulich],” in Collected Works, vol. 24 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1989), 365.

59. Engels to Kautsky, 7 February 1882, in Collected Works, vol. 46, 322–23.

60. Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 889–95.

61. Grigor, “Marx and Engels on the Highlands,” 44–45.

62. Karl Marx [1857–58], Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft), (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 133.

63. Thomas M. Devine [1987], “The Highland Clearances,” in Exploring the Scottish Past (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1995), 140.

64. Roy H. Campbell, “Too Much on the Highlands? A Plea for Change,” Scottish Economic and Social History 14 (1994), 58–64.

65. Armstrong, “Back to the Future–Part Two,” 36–37.

66. Karl Marx [1877], “[Letter to Otechesivenniye Zapiski],” in Collected Works, vol. 24, 199, 200.

67. Marx to Zasulich, 8 March 1881, Collected Works, vol. 46, 72.

68. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1882], “Preface to the Second Russian Edition of The Manifesto of the Communist Party,” in Collected Works, vol. 24, 42.

69. Friedrich Engels [1884], The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State: In the Light of the Recent Researches of Lewis H. Morgan, in Collected Works, vol. 26 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 232, 235.

70. Although of Irish descent, Connolly was born in Edinburgh in 1868 and lived there until he went to Ireland in 1882 as a private in the King’s Liverpool Regiment. He returned in 1889 and only left permanently in 1896. See C. Desmond Greaves, The Life and Times of James Connolly (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1961), 17–25.

71. The SDF became the British Socialist Party in 1912 after merging with some dissident branches of the Independent Labor Party.

72. John Maclean [1920], “Literary Note,” in In the Rapids of Revolution, edited by Nan Milton (London: Alison and Busby, 1978), 221.

73. John Maclean [1920], “All Hail, the Scottish Workers’ Republic!,” in In the Rapids of Revolution, 218.

74. John Maclean [1920], “Irish Stew,” in In the Rapids of Revolution, 219.

75. class="italic">The Origin of the Family was in fact one of the few complete works by Marx or Engels available in Britain before the Russian Revolution of 1917 (the English-language edition was published in 1902). The availability of English-language works by Marx and Engels down to 1933 is given in Stuart MacIntyre, A Proletarian Science: Marxism in Britain, 1917–1933 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1986), 91–92. For the publication history of the letter to Zasulich, see David Ryazanov, “The Discovery of the Drafts (1924),” in Late Marx and the Russian Road, 127–33.

76. Marx, “Elections–Financial Clouds–the Duchess of Sutherland and Slavery,” 491.

77. Friedrich Engels, “Afterword (1894) [to On Social Relations in Russia],” in Collected Works, vol. 27 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 421–22.

78. The influence of the Scottish Enlightenment also entered their work indirectly from a source usually taken to be one of the other “sources and component parts” of Marxism: the writings of Hegel. For the influence of the Scottish Enlightenment on Hegel, with special reference to the division of labor, see Norbert Waszek, “The Division of Labor: From the Scottish Enlightenment to Hegel,” The Owl of Minerva 15 (Fall 1983). The link had previously been made in Georg Lukács [1938], The Young Hegel (London: Merlin Books, 1975) and Alasdair MacIntyre, Marxism: An Interpretation (London: Student Christian Movement Press, 1953), 27.

79. Walter Scott [1817], “Author’s Introduction,” in Rob Roy (London: Dent, 1986), 330.

80. Scott to Lord Dalkeith, 23 November 1806, in The Letters of Sir Walter Scott 1787–1807, edited by H. J. C. Grierson (London: Constable, 1932), 385.

81. Eleanor Marx [1895], “Recollections of Mohr,” in Marx and Engels on Literature and Art, edited by Lee Baxandall and Stephan Morawski (New York: International General, 1974), 150.

82. Paul Lafargue [1890], “Reminiscences of Marx,” in Marx and Engels on Literature and Art, 152.

83. Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, 235.

84. Lewis H. Morgan [1877], Ancient Society, or Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarism to Civilization (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1903), 386.

85. Their other major source was William F. Skene, The Highlanders of Scotland: Their Origins, History and Antiquities (London: John Murray, 1837). See The Ethnological Notebooks of Karl Marx: Studies of Morgan, Phear, Maine, Lubbock, edited by Lawrence Krader (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1972), 307.

86. Morgan, Ancient Society, 318.

87. Armstrong has attempted to classify Highland clan society as an example of the tributary mode: “Like many other societies such as the ‘mir’ in Russia, Scottish clan society was based on the community working the land.” Both societies were supposedly characterized by the fact that “chieftains and their immediate kin exacted various tributes from those working the land.” They exacted tributes; therefore this must have been . . . a “tributary” society! Armstrong appears to be drawing too literally on the references by Marx to “tribute” in “ . . . the Duchess of Sutherland and Slavery.” See “Back to the Future—Part Two,” 38. In fact, as Chris Wickham has argued, the tributary mode involves a “state class” based on a public institution, with political rights to extract surplus from a peasantry that it does not tenurially control. Far from being dominated by a centralized state bureaucracy, Highland society was characterized by an extreme fragmentation and localism that made it the precise opposite of states like Byzantium for whom the tributary mode is the most appropriate analytic tool. See “The Uniqueness of the East,” Journal of Peasant Studies 12, no. 2/3 (January/April 1985), 170–71.

88. T. C. Smout [1969], A History of the Scottish People, 1560–1830 (Glasgow: Fontana Books, 1972), 33.

89. Michael H. Brown, “Scotland Tamed? Kings and Magnates in Late Medieval Scotland: A Review of Recent Work,” Innes Review 45, no. 2 (Autumn 1994), 126–146.

90. Robert A. Dodgson, Land and Society in Early Scotland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 153–54.

91. Max Weber [1919–20], General Economic History (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1923), 15.

92. Robert A. Dodgson, “‘Pretence of Blude’ and ‘Place of Their Dwelling’: The Nature of the Scottish Clans, 1500–1744,” in Scottish Society, 1500–1800, edited by Robert A. Houston and Ian D. Whyte (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 187.

93. Engels, “Afterword (1894) [to On Social Relations in Russia],” 423, 424, 425–26, 431. Shanin has claimed that twentieth-century revolutions in backward or developing societies (he cites Russia 1905 and 1917, Turkey 1906, Iran 1909, Mexico 1910, China 1910, 1927 and 1949) have vindicated the position that Marx tentatively outlined with respect to Russia in his letter to Zasulich. See Shanin, “Late Marx,” 24, 25. They do not. It would take us too far afield to discuss the nature of these revolutions, but as Trotsky pointed out, first for Russia, then more generally, the very possibility of socialism emerging depended on the existence of a working class, and hence on that of capitalism and the prior dissolution of the peasant commune. This is in line with the last comments of Engels quoted above, and not that of the Populists, whose position was that socialism could be built on the basis of the peasant commune.

94. James D. Young, “Marxism, Liberalism and the Process of Industrialization,” Survey 70–71 (1969), 215 and Young, “Letter to Cencrastus,” 23.

95. Jeffrey Vogel, “The Tragedy of History,” New Left Review I/220 (November/December 1996), 56, 58.

96. The reasons for that failure lie far beyond the scope of this article, although the weakness of trade unions in Scotland during the nineteenth century is obviously one factor. Marx himself wrote in 1867 that: “The formation since the close of 1865 of a Trades’ Union among the agricultural laborers at first in Scotland is a historic event.” See Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 363. Another factor was obviously the attitude of socialists like Carstairs Matheson. What would have been required would have been a Lowland attitude to the Highlanders comparable to that which Antonio Gramsci urged on Northern Italian workers in relation to Southern Italian peasants. See [1926] “Some Aspects of the Southern Question,” in Selections from the Political Writings (1921–1926), edited by Quentin Hoare (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1978), 448–49.

97. James Hunter [1976], The Making of the Crofting Community (Second edition, Edinburgh: John Donald, 2000), 27.

Chapter 3: The Prophet, His Biographer, and the Watchtower

1. Originally published in International Socialism 2:104 (Autumn 2004) as a review of Isaac Deutscher[1954], The Prophet Armed: Trotsky: 1879–1921; [1959], The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky: 1921–1928; and [1963], The Prophet Outcast: Trotsky: 1929–1940 (London: Verso, 2003).

2. Edward P. Thompson, “The Poverty of Theory: Or an Orrery of Errors,” in The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays (London: Merlin Press, 1978), 193.

3. Therefore, although I agree with Matt Perry that “[a] host of Marxist biographical portraits could be assembled,” I am not at all convinced that these represent the best Marxism has to offer in historical writing–a judgment that tends to be supported by the shortness of his own list of examples and the fact that biography fails to reappear anywhere else in his otherwise useful introductory text. See Marxism and History (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 9.

4. See Tony Cliff, Lenin (4 volumes, London: Pluto Press, 1975–9) for an example of the first and Charles Van Onselen, The Seed is Mine: The Life of Kas Maine, a South African Sharecropper, 1894–1985 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1996) for an example of the second.

5. David Horowitz, “David Horowitz Versus Christopher Hitchens,” History News Network, hnn.us/articles/893.html.

6. Martin Amis, Koba the Dread: Laughter and the Twenty Million (London: Jonathan Cape, 2002), 251, 252.

7. Deutscher died before he could complete a projected volume on the third, Lenin, although the early sections were published as Lenin’s Childhood (London: Oxford University Press, 1970).

8. Where not otherwise specified, details on Deutscher’s life are taken from Daniel Singer, “Armed with a Pen,” in Isaac Deutscher: The Man and His Work, edited by David Horowitz (London: Macdonald, 1971); Perry Anderson, “Preface,” in Isaac Deutscher, Marxism, Wars and Revolutions (London: Verso, 1984), i-vi; and Tamara Deutscher, “Isaac Deutscher, 1907–1967,” Deutscher Prize website, www.deutscherprize.org.uk.

9. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 341.

10. Ibid., 176.

11. Peter Sedgwick, “The Tragedy of a Tragedian: An Appreciation of Isaac Deutscher,” International Socialism 1:31 (Winter 1967/8), 11.

12. Perry Anderson, Considerations on Western Marxism (London: Verso, 1976), 99–101.

13. See Michael Ignatieff, Isaiah Berlin: A Life (London: Chatto and Windus, 1998), 235.

14. Ibid., 93. For a rather less adoring picture of Berlin, see Hywel Williams, “An English Liberal Stooge,” The Guardian (April 14, 2004).

15. Deutscher variously compared Trotsky as a historian to Marx, Churchill, and Carlyle. See Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 177–78, 189. Marx apart, the most appropriate comparison for Trotsky is fact Thomas Babington Macaulay. His The History of England from the Accession of James VII bears a startling structural resemblance to The History of the Russian Revolution. Both begin with a sweeping summary of national history to the eve of the revolution, before narrowing the focus to an almost day-by-day account. Both display the same depth of characterization in dealing with the historical actors. Both are infused with a distinct theory of history–Macaulay’s Whiggism is as important an organizing principle as Trotsky’s Marxism. Trotsky followed Marx in not having a particularly high opinion of the political content of Macaulay’s work (“sometimes interesting but always superficial”), but the parallels are there all the same. See Leon D. Trotsky [1925], “Where is Britain Going?” in Collected Writings and Speeches on Britain, vol. 2, edited by R. Chappell and Alan Clinton (London: New Park, 1974), 90.

16. Deutscher, The Prophet Armed, 428.

17. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 94–95.

18. Ibid., 141–46, 157–58.

19. Deutscher, The Prophet Armed, 216–17. This passage is a good example of how Deutscher can distill the essence of his source materials. Compare Trotsky’s own account of his performances at the Modern Circus in [1930] My Life: An Attempt at an Autobiography (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), 306–07, 349.

20. Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed, 22.

21. Ibid, 235–36.

22. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 148–149. The speech itself is reproduced in Leon D. Trotsky [1932], “In Defence of the Russian Revolution,” in Leon Trotsky Speaks (New York: Pathfinder, 1972).

23. Sedgwick, “The Tragedy of a Tragedian.”

24. Leon D. Trotsky [1924], Literature and Revolution (London: Bookmarks, 1991), 272. For Babeuf, see Ian H. Birchall, The Spectre of Babeuf (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1997).

25. Trotsky, My Life, 604.

26. Deutscher, The Prophet Armed, ix.

27. For Deutscher’s views on Wolfe, see The Prophet Outcast, 460, note 102.

28. Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed, 76–77.

29. Pierre Broué, “Trotsky: A Biographer’s Problems,” in The Trotsky Reappraisal, edited by Terry Brotherstone and Paul Dukes (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 20–21.

30. Compare Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed, 308–310 and The Prophet Outcast, 49–65 with Michael Reiman [1978] , The Birth of Stalinism: The USSR on the Eve of the “Second Revolution” (London: I. B. Tauris, 1987), 22, 27–28, 54–55; Vadim Z. Rogovin, 1937: Stalin’s Year of Terror (Oak Park: Mehering Books, 1998), 374–392; and Boris Starkov, “Trotsky and Ryutin: From the History of the Anti-Stalin Resistance in the 1930s,” in The Trotsky Reappraisal.

31. Dmitri Volkogonov, Trotsky: The Eternal Revolutionary (New York: HarperCollins, 1996), xxiv.

32. Daniel Singer, “The Prophet Vulgarised,” Nation (March 25, 1996).

33. Isaac Deutscher, “1984: The Mysticism of Cruelty,” in Heretics and Renegades and Other Essays (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1955); reproduced in Marxism, Wars and Revolutions.

34. Isaac Deutscher, “The Ex-Communist and His Conscience,” in Heretics and Renegades and Other Essays, 20 ; Marxism, Wars and Revolutions, 57–58.

35. Tony Cliff, “The End of the Road: Deutscher’s Capitulation to Stalinism,” International Socialism 1:15 (Winter 1963), 20; Trotsky, vol. 4, The Darker the Night the Brighter the Star, 1927–1940 (London: Bookmarks, 1993), 304–307.

36. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 45–49, 342–348. See, for example, his response to criticism from the American SWP in Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed, 449, note 64.

37. Leon D. Trotsky [1935], Trotsky’s Diary in Exile (London: Faber and Faber, 1958), 54.

38. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 210.

39. Perry Anderson, “Trotsky’s Interpretation of Stalinism,” New Left Review I/139 (May/June 1983), 49–54; Alasdair MacIntyre [1963], “Trotsky in Exile,” Against the Self-Images of the Age (London: Duckworth, 1971), 54–55.

40. Tony Cliff [1948], “The Nature of Stalinist Russia,” Selected Writings, vol. 3, Marxist Theory after Trotsky (London: Bookmarks, 2003), 3–4. Writing in 1918, Lenin argued that five different types of economy operated in Russia: patriarchal, small commodity, private capitalist, state capitalist, and socialist. See Vladimir I. Lenin [1918], “Left Wing Childishness and the Petty Bourgeois Mentality,” in Collected Works, vol. 27, February–July 1918 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965), 335–36.

41. Leon D. Trotsky [1939], “The USSR in War,” in In Defence of Marxism (Against the Petty-Bourgeois Opposition) (London: New Park Publications, 1966), 9–11.

42. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 266.

43. Deutscher, The Prophet Armed, x.

44. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 241.

45. Isaac Deutscher, The Great Contest: Russia and the West (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), 21–22.

46. Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed, 429, note 69. See also Isaac Deutscher, “Russia in Transition,” in Ironies of History (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971), 44–46.

47. Isaac Deutscher, The Unfinished Revolution: Russia, 1917–1967 (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), 22.

48. The point was very forcibly made at the time by Max Shachtman [1949], “Isaac Deutscher’s Stalin,” in The Bureaucratic Revolution: The Rise of the Stalinist State (New York: Donald Press, 1962), 229–34. See also Neil Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 1692–1746 (London: Pluto Press, 2003), 9–15, 290–95; and Alex Callinicos, Making History (Houndmills: Polity, 1987), 229–33 and “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,” International Socialism 2:43 (Summer, 1989), 122–27.

49. Deutscher, The Unfinished Revolution, 27; Isaac Deutscher, Stalin: A Political Biography (London: Oxford University Press, 1949), 174–76.

50. Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed, 10.

51. Deutscher, Stalin, 565–66.

52. Leon D. Trotsky [1940], Stalin: An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence, edited by Charles Malamuth (London: Hollis and Carter, 1947), 413.

53. Deutscher, The Prophet Armed, 372.

54. Ibid., 434. See Christian Rakovsky [1928], “The ‘Professional Dangers’ of Power,” in Selected Writings on the Opposition in the USSR, 1929–30, edited by Gus Fagin (London: Allison and Busby, 1980).

55. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 369.

56. Ibid., 189.

57. Ibid., 80–81.

58. Leon D. Trotsky [1932], “What Next? Vital Questions for the German Proletariat,” in The Struggle against Fascism in Germany (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), 228.

59. Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed, 368. In the early 1960s Perry Anderson and Tom Nairn advanced their famous “thesis” on the supposedly incomplete nature of the English Revolution and weakness of the bourgeois society that it produced–a weakness that they claimed was inherited by the English proletariat. Anderson once wrote that Deutscher “dissented from our judgment on English capital, but agreed with our view of English Labor.” See “Foreword,” English Questions (London: Verso, 1992), 5. Yet it is difficult to think of a single national proletariat that Deutscher thought able to challenge its bourgeoisie on a consistent, let alone revolutionary, basis.

60. Leon D. Trotsky [1930–2], The History of the Russian Revolution (London: Pluto Press, 1977), 343–44. See also Trotsky, Trotsky’s Diary in Exile, 53–54.

61. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 197, 198, 201.

62. Ibid., 422–23.

63. Deutscher, The Prophet Armed, viii.

64. Duncan Hallas, “The Fourth International in Decline: From Trotskyism to Pabloism, 1944–1953,” International Socialism 1:60 (July 1973), 17–18; Noreen Branson, History of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1941–1951 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1997), 252.

65. Raymond Williams, Politics and Letters: Interviews with New Left Review (London: New Left Books, 1979), 49, 402.

66. John Saville, “The Communist Experience: A Personal Appraisal,” The Socialist Register 1991, edited by Ralph Miliband and Leo Panitch (London: Merlin Press, 1991), 21.

67. MacIntyre, “Trotsky in Exile,” 59.

68. John Dewey et al., The Case of Leon Trotsky: Report on Hearings on the Charges Made against Him in the Moscow Trials (London: Martin Secker and Warburg, 1937), 2.

69. George Orwell [1939], “Review of Russia under Soviet Rule by N. de Basily,” in The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, vol. 1, An Age Like This, 1920–1940, edited by Sonia Orwell and Ian Angus (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970), 419.

70. Quoted in Raymond Ross, “Trotsky among the Scots,” Cencrastus 28 (Winter 1987/8), 30.

71. Trotsky wrote in his diary on June 8, 1935, after receiving the invitation: “Only in England, perhaps by now only in Scotland, would such an extravagant idea as entering my candidacy for the post of University Rector be possible.” See Trotsky’s Diary in Exile, 129.

72. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 353. For an excellent account of this group, see Alan Wald, The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987).

73. Deutscher, The Prophet Armed, viii.

74. Nicolas Krasso, “Trotsky’s Marxism,” New Left Review I/44 (July-August 1967), 85. The same issue also contains an interview with Deutscher in which he makes several perceptive observations on the crisis in the Middle East: “On the Arab-Israeli War.”

75. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 261.

76. David Widgery, “Ten Years for Pandora,” Socialist Review 2 (May 1978), 21.

77. Lawrence Daly, “A Working Class Tribute,” in Isaac Deutscher, 89.

78. Tariq Ali, Revolution from Above: Where Is the Soviet Union Going? (London: Hutchison, 1988), ix.

79. David Widgery, The Left in Britain, 1956–1968 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976), 525. Apparently the other two were The Autobiography of Malcolm X and Hal Draper’s Berkeley: The New Student Radicals.

80. David Horowitz, “Reality and Dream,” Frontpage, May 7, 1989, www.frontpagemag .com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=3948.

81. Tony Cliff, A World to Win: Life of a Revolutionary (London: Bookmarks, 2000), 67.

82. Anderson, “Trotsky’s Interpretation of Stalinism,” 57. Compare Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 373.

83. Anderson, “Preface,” Marxism, Wars and Revolutions, xix.

84. Mike Davis, “Nuclear Imperialism and Extended Deterrence,” in Exterminism and Cold War, edited by New Left Review (London: Verso, 1982), 44.

85. Horowitz, “Reality and Dream.”

86. Fred Halliday, “The Ends of the Cold War,” New Left Review I/180 (March/April 1990), 12.

87. Christopher Hitchens, “Left-Leaning, Left-Leaving,” Los Angeles Times (November 16, 2003). Mercifully, the introduction by Hitchens to The Prophet Armed that was once threatened in the advance publicity has not materialized. A large part of the audience for these books will be from the new generation of activists against imperialist war and capitalist globalization, and nothing would have been more calculated to repel them than association with an ex-socialist turned war-monger and American super-patriot. Hitchens was once—as he occasionally likes to remind his readers—“literary editor” of International Socialism. See, for example, Regime Change (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2003), 89–90. His support for imperialism over the invasion and occupation of Iraq (and, come to think of it, virtually every other conflict going back to the Falklands, with the exception of the first Gulf War) therefore renders him more culpable than other B52 liberals like Aaronovitch, Cohen, or Wheen, none of whom had a theoretical perspective to lose in the first place. At one point Hitchens writes that “only a few Trotskyists like my then-self were so rash as to describe the Cold War as, among other things, an inter-imperial rivalry.” Ibid., 30. So it was. Why then is Hitchens supporting the imperial power that emerged victorious? The answer comes in an interview in which he also explains why he ceased to be a socialist: “There is no longer a general socialist critique of capitalism—certainly not the sort of critique that proposes an alternative or a replacement. There just is not and one has to face the fact, and it seems to me further that it’s very unlikely, though not impossible, that it will again be the case in the future.” See “Free Radical,” Reason, November 2001, www.reason.com. Hitchens is the James Burnham of the post-1968 generation–or possibly the Max Eastman, since his journalism now regularly expresses the kind of view characteristic of a journal that Eastman used to edit: The Reader’s Digest.

88. Horowitz, “David Horowitz Versus Christopher Hitchens.”

89. Quoted in Steven Unger, “Deutscher and the New Left in America,” in Isaac Deutscher, 215, 218–19.

Chapter 4: There’s No Place Like the United States Today

1. Originally published in International Socialism, 2:109 (Winter 2005/06) as a review of Victor G. Kiernan [1978], America: The New Imperialism from White Settlement to World Hegemony (London: Verso, 2005) and Neil Smith, The Endgame of Globalization (New York: Routledge, 2005); with apologies to the late Curtis Mayfield for borrowing the title of his classic 1975 album.

2. Eric J. Hobsbawm, “Preface,” in Kiernan, America, vii.

3. See Victor G. Kiernan, “A Banner with a Strange Device: The Later Covenanters,” in Covenant, Charter and Party, edited by Terry Brotherstone (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1989) and “The Covenanters: A Problem of Creed and Class,” in Poets, Politics and the People edited by Harvey G. Kaye (London: Verso, 1989). Among the rare discussions of Scotland by other members of the Historians Group are: Eric. J. Hobsbawm, “Scottish Reformers of the Eighteenth Century and Capitalist Agriculture,” in Peasants in History, edited by E. J. Hobsbawm et al. (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1980) and Brian Manning, Revolution and Counter-Revolution in England, Ireland and Scotland, 1658–60 (London: Bookmarks, 2003), 97–106.

4. His interest in imperialism was not only theoretical: as a member of the CPGB Kiernan was an active anti-imperialist campaigns and he appears to have done work for the party in India (while in the British Army) during the 1940s. As late as 1990 this writer remembers canvassing support among Scottish intellectuals and public figures for an open letter opposing the coming Iraq War that eventually appeared in The Scotsman; Kiernan was one of the first to respond. The essays can be found in Marxism and Imperialism: Studies (London: Edward Arnold, 1974) and Imperialism and Its Contradictions, edited by Harvey J. Kaye (London: Routledge, 1985). A companion volume to America: The New Imperialism dealing with Europe is European Empires from Conquest to Collapse, 1815–1960 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982). Hobsbawm’s much shorter considerations on the subject are, however, far closer to the classical Marxist tradition. See The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1975), chapter 3.

5. The contrast is marked with the elegant but somewhat abstract formulations of his first book [1984], Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (Third edition, London: Verso, 1984).

6. See, for example, Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin, “Superintending Global Capital,” New Left Review II/35 (September/October 2005), 108–18, 121–22.

7. Kiernan, America, 3.

8. Ibid., 75.

9. Ibid., 279.

10. Ibid., 29–46, 70–104.

11. This type of writing style is not necessarily an obstacle to presenting a rounded picture of imperialism. For a work by a writer with a similar literary approach to Kiernan (albeit with a different political background) that succeeds in doing this, see Angus Calder, Revolutionary Empire: The Rise of the English-Speaking Empires from the 15th Century to the 1780s (London: Jonathan Cape, 1981).

12. Victor G. Kiernan, The Lords of Human Kind: European Attitudes to the Outside World (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969). By the second edition (1988) the subtitle had changed to Black Man, Yellow Man, and White Man in an Age of Empire.

13. Kiernan, America, 340–41.

14. See, for example, Jonathan Neale, The American War: Vietnam, 1960–1975 (London: Bookmarks, 2001), 176–77. The slander that antiwar protesters in the United States were only opposed to the war for reasons of their personal safety was attacked at the time in blistering style by Alasdair MacIntyre, “Le Rouge et Noir,” New Statesman (November 22, 1968), 714.

15. Kiernan, America, xv–xvi.

16. The extent of this error does not mean that we should go to the opposite extreme and accept that US imperialism is the first fully capitalist imperialism, since all previous variants, even the British, continued to exploit their colonial subjects in precapitalist ways. See Panitch and Gindin, “Superintending Global Capital,” 103–04 and Ellen Meiksins Wood, The Empire of Capital (London: Verso, 2003), 151–54. For critique of this position, see Alex Callinicos, “Imperialism and Global Political Economy,” International Socialism, 2:108 (Autumn 2005).

17. Smith, The Endgame of Globalization, 25.

18. Kiernan, America, 107–08. Kiernan is equally bemused by the internationalization of capital: “Over much of the globe today there is so complex a criss-crossing of American capital in Arabia and Japan, Arab and Japanese investment in America, Dutch syndicates buying real estate in the Scottish Highlands, British in Germany, that Lenin would be hard put to say which is the imperialist, who is subjugating whom.” See ibid., 273. But since Lenin was one of the first theorists to identify one aspect of imperialism as the movement of capital beyond national borders, he would neither have been bemused nor reduced the question to one of “subjugation” in the first place.

19. Smith, The Endgame of Globalization, 48–49.

20. Neil Smith, American Empire: Roosevelt’s Geographer and the Prelude to Globalization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 9–25, 454–57.

21. Smith, The Endgame of Globalization, 203–04.

22. Ibid, 188.

23. Kiernan, America, 312.

24. Smith, The Endgame of Globalization, 114, 115.

25. See, above all, Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Price of America’s Empire (London: Allen Lane, 2004), 298–302. But compare his forthright demand for America to recognize and assume the responsibilities of empire with the small masterpiece of equivocation and bad faith that is Christopher Hitchens, “Imperialism,” in Regime Change (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2003), 30–33.

26. Smith, The Endgame of Globalization, 175 and 170–76 more generally.

27. Kiernan, America, 349.

28. Smith, The Endgame of Globalization, 25. But see also Mike Davis [1984], “The Political Economy of Late-Imperial America,” in Prisoners of the American Dream: Politics and Economy in the History of the US Working Class (London: Verso, 1986), 183, where the idea that Kautsky’s vision might be inadvertently realized under US auspices was first raised.

29. Smith, The Endgame of Globalization, 209, 210.

Chapter 5: Carnival, March, Riot

1. Originally published in International Socialism 2:112 (Autumn 2006) as a review of David Renton, When We Touched the Sky: The Anti-Nazi League, 1977–1981 (Cheltenham: New Clarion Press, 2006).

2. Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 175.

3. Ibid., 23, 174.

4. Quoted in ibid., viii.

5. See David Widgery, Beating Time: Riot ’n’ Race ’n’ Rock ’n’ Roll (London: Chatto and Windus, 1986). To be fair, the book was not intended to be a scholarly or objective account. See David Widgery, “ Beating Time–a Response to Ian Birchall,” International Socialism 2:35 (Summer 1987).

6. It is possible to exaggerate the distinction between the two organizations. If my own experience in Aberdeen is anything like typical, then in many parts of the country the same people probably ran them both, as two aspects of essentially the same operation.

7. Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 3. Renton admires Widgery’s work, without necessarily accepting all his conclusions. See ibid, 47–50, 181–82 and David Renton, “David Widgery,” in Dissident Marxism (London: Zed Books, 2004), 217–27.

8. David Renton, Fascism: Theory and Practice (London: Pluto Press, 1999); Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Britain in the 1940s (Houndmills: Macmillan, 2000); and “This Rough Game”: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in European History (Stroud: Sutton Publishers, 2001).

9. Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 175–80.

10. Paul Gilroy, There Ain’t no Black in the Union Jack: the Cultural Politics of Race and Nation (Second edition, London: Routledge, 2002), 174.

11. Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 105, 106, and 102–06 more generally.

12. Maxine Williams, Stephen Palmer, and Gary Clapton, “Racism, Imperialism and the Working Class,” Revolutionary Communist 9 (June 1979), 41, 42.

13. Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 104, 118. Gilroy’s other main argument is that the ANL retreated into a patriotic Britishness based on memories of the Second World War to oppose the NF. In fact, the main ANL slogan was “Never Again!” Contrary to what Gilroy appears to believe, this was a reference to the Holocaust, not the Battle of Britain. See the discussion by Renton in ibid., 126–27.

14. For the Stop the War Coalition as a form of United Front, see Andrew Murray and Lindsey German, Stop the War: The Story of Britain’s Biggest Mass Movement (London: Bookmarks, 2005), 3–5, 47–63.

15. Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 180.

16. Ibid., 183.

Chapter 6: Alasdair MacIntyre as a Marxist

1. Previously unpublished in this form, but based on “Alasdair MacIntyre as a Marxist, 1953–1968,” in 1956 and All That, edited by Keith Flett (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2007); “Introduction: The Unknown Alasdair MacIntyre” (with Paul Blackledge), in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism: Selected Writings, 1953–1974, edited by Paul Blackledge and Neil Davidson (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2008); and “Alasdair MacIntyre and Trotskyism,” in Virtue and Politics: Alasdair MacIntyre’s Revolutionary Aristotelianism, edited by Paul Blackledge and Kelvin Knight (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame, 2011). I have also drawn on two unpublished papers delivered at consecutive annual conferences of the International Society for MacIntyrean Inquiry: “Alasdair MacIntyre in 1968: the Road from Marxism?,” Saint Meinrad University, Indiana (July 30, 2008); and “MacIntyre on Capitalist Managers and Marxist Revolutionaries,” University College Dublin (March 9, 2009).

2. Kelvin Knight, “Revolutionary Aristotelianism,” in Contemporary Political Studies, vol. 2, edited by Ian Hampsher-Monk and Jeffrey Stanyer (Nottingham: Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, 1996); Virtue and Politics, chapter 2. For MacIntyre’s endorsement of this term, see [1997], “Politics, Philosophy and the Common Good,” in The MacIntyre Reader, edited by Kelvin Knight (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 235.

3. “The Expert’s Expert: Philosophers,” Observer Magazine (January 8, 1989), 10–11.

4. Alasdair MacIntyre [1958–9], “Notes from the Moral Wilderness,” in The MacIntyre Reader, 31–49; “Bibliography,” ibid., 295.

5. class="italic">After MacIntyre: Critical Perspectives on the Work of Alasdair MacIntyre, edited by John Horton and Susan Mendas (Cambridge: Polity Press 1994), 305–18; Alasdair MacIntyre, edited by Mark C. Murphy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 202–06.

6. Peter McMylor, Alasdair MacIntyre: Critic of Modernity (London: Routledge, 1994), 3–73, 178, note 28, 212–13.

7. Kelvin Knight, “Editor’s Introduction,” in The MacIntyre Reader, 2.

8. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Introduction,” in Against the Self-Images of the Age: Essays on Ideology and Philosophy (London: Duckworth, 1971), vii.

9. Alasdair MacIntyre [1972], “Hegel on Faces and Skulls,” in Selected Essays, vol. 1, The Tasks of Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).

10. McMylor, Alasdair MacIntyre, 4–5. Lest this sound too much like infantile regression, McMylor also notes that this is not merely a return to the starting point since “the long journey of movement and return has been an enormously enriching one.”

11. Knight, “Editor’s Introduction,” 2–4.

12. See, for example, John Saville, “The Politics of Encounter,” The Socialist Register 1964, edited by Ralph Miliband and John Saville (London: Merlin Press, 1964), 192–199. For the actual details see Christopher Lasch, “The Cultural Cold War: A Short History of the Congress for Cultural Freedom,” in The Agony of the American Left: One Hundred Years of Radicalism (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1973) and Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper: The CIA and the Cultural Cold War (London: Granta Books, 1999), 165–89, 368–90.

13. Chris Harman, personal communication to Paul Blackledge, October 26, 2004; Harman was involved in organizing the meetings.

14. Robin Blackburn, “MacIntyre, the Game Is Up,” Black Dwarf (January 16, 1970), 11. MacIntyre’s critique of Marcuse caused particular offense to the 1968 New Left. Even by the mid-1980s, the attack evidently still rankled. “MacIntyre’s account of critical theory is extremely superficial, and his ‘summaries’ of Marcuse’s books are simple-minded, reductionist and uninformed. . . . whatever valid criticisms MacIntyre may have are lost in hyperbole . . . supercilious attacks . . . or idiotic counter-examples.” See Douglas Kellner, Herbert Marcuse and the Crisis of Marxism (Berkeley: University of California, 1984), 421, note 24. As we shall see, there are a number of problems with the book entitled Marcuse, but these do not include MacIntyre’s views on Marcuse.

15. Tariq Ali, The Coming British Revolution (London: Jonathan Cape, 1972), 203, note 35.

16. Perry Anderson, Arguments within English Marxism (London: Verso, 1980), 108. According to Anderson the other philosopher cited “most frequently and warmly” by Thompson was Leszek Kolakowski.

17. Perry Anderson, “A Culture in Counterflow–II,” New Left Review I/182 (July/August 1990), 104, 106.

18. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Symposium III: Going into Europe,” Encounter 22, no. 2 (February 1963), 65.

19. Peter Sedgwick, “The Ethical Dance: A Review of Alasdair MacIntyre’s After Virtue,” The Socialist Register 1982, edited by Ralph Miliband and John Saville (London: Merlin Press, 1982), 260, 261.

20. Edward P. Thompson, “An Open Letter to Leszek Kolakowski,” The Socialist Register 1973, edited by Ralph Miliband and John Saville (London: Merlin Press, 1973), 50, 57–58, 60–61 and the associated endnotes.

21. Martin Shaw, Marxism Versus Sociology: A Guide to Reading (London: Pluto Press, 1974), entries 1.6 (“Breaking the Chains of Reason”), 3.25 ( Marcuse) and 16.5 ( Marxism and Christianity).

22. David Widgery, The Left in Britain, 1956–1968 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1976), 14. See also references to MacIntyre’s work in the bibliography, 511 and 519. Widgery reproduces MacIntyre’s “The Strange Death of Social Democratic England,” in the same volume, 235–40.

23. Chris Harman, “Philosophy and Revolution,” International Socialism 2:21 (Autumn 1983), 62.

24. Alex Callinicos, Marxism and Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 5, 159, note 10.

25. Paul Blackledge, “Socialist Humanism and Revolutionary Politics in the British New Left,” in 1956 and all that; “Freedom, Desire and Revolution: MacIntyre’s Early Marxist Ethics,” History of Political Thought 26, no. 4 (Autumn 2005); “Morality and Revolution: Ethical Debates in the British New Left,” Critique 35, no. 2 (May 2007); “Alasdair MacIntyre: Marxism and Politics,” Studies in Marxism 11 (2007); “Alasdair MacIntyre’s Contribution to Marxism: A Road Not Taken,” in Revolutionary Aristotalianism: Ethics, Resistance and Utopia, edited by Kelvin Knight and Paul Blackledge (Stuttgart: Lucius and Lucius, 2008); “Alasdair MacIntyre: Social Practices, Marxism and Ethical Anti-capitalism,” Political Studies 57, no. 4 (2009); “Leadership or Management: Some Comments on Alasdair MacIntyre’s Critique of Marx(ism),” in Virtue and Politics.

26. class="italic">Who’s Who (London: Oxford University Press, 2004), 1400.

27. His supervisor and later collaborator, Dorothy M. Emmet, claims that MacIntyre was on the verge of obtaining a candidature to become a minister in the Church of Scotland. Given MacIntyre’s adherence to Anglicanism, this seems unlikely, unless Emmet is referring to the Episcopalian Church in Scotland that, as it boasts, is “in full communion with the Church of England.” See Philosophers and Friends: Reminiscences of Seventy Years in Philosophy (London: Macmillan, 1996), 86.

28. Alasdair MacIntyre [1991], “An Interview with Giovanna Borradori,” in The MacIntyre Reader, 256. MacIntyre also refers to Thompson’s work in [1968], Marxism and Christianity (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1971), 81–82.

29. Louis Althusser [1965], “Introduction: Today,” in For Marx (London: Verso, 2005), 31–38.

30. Alasdair MacIntyre, Marxism: An Interpretation (London: Student Christian Movement Press, 1953), 61, 70, 89–91, 95–96, 98, 117.

31. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Review of T. B. Bottomore and M. Rubel, Karl Marx: Selected Works on Sociology and Social Philosophy and P. Laslett, ed., Philosophy, Politics and Society,” Sociological Review, new series, vol. 4, no. 2 (December 1956), 266. Tom Stoppard’s play, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead, was first performed ten years later, at the 1966 Edinburgh International Festival.

32. Alasdair MacIntyre [1956], “Marxist Tracts,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 25

33. MacIntyre, Marxism, 102–03, 104–08.

34. Leon D. Trotsky [1937], “Stalinism and Bolshevism: Concerning the Historical and Theoretical Roots of the Fourth International,” in Writings of Leon Trotsky [1936–37], edited by Naomi Allen and George Breitman (Second edition, New York: Pathfinder Press, 1978), 423.

35. Leon D. Trotsky [1903], Our Political Tasks (London: New Park Publications, 1904), 77; Rosa Luxemburg [1904], “Organizational Questions of Russian Social Democracy,” in Rosa Luxemburg Speaks, edited by Mary-Alice Waters (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970), 114–22.

36. See, for example, Franz Borkenau [1938], World Communism: A History of the Communist International (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962), 12–13, 39–56, 87–89.

37. MacIntyre, Marxism, 103.

38. See the examples in chapter 3 of this volume.

39. See, for example, Michael Hardt, “An Interview with Michael Hardt,” Historical Materialism 11, no. 3 (2003), 135.

40. Alasdair MacIntyre [1962], “An Open Letter to a Right-Wing Young Socialist,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 215.

41. Peter Sedgwick, “The New Left,” International Socialism 1:17 (August 1964), 15–18.

42. See, for example, the personal testimony in Raymond Williams, Politics and Letters: Interviews with New Left Review (London: New Left Books, 1979), 365.

43. Alasdair MacIntyre, “The Irrelevance of the Church of England,” Listener (June 26, 1958), 1055.

44. Alasdair MacIntyre [1959], “Hume on ‘Is’ and ‘Ought,’” in Against the Self-Images of the Age, 116.

45. Ibid.

46. Alasdair MacIntyre, “On Not Misrepresenting Philosophy,” Universities and Left Review 4 (Summer 1958); “The Algebra of the Revolution,” Universities and Left Review 5 (Autumn 1958).

47. Edward P. Thompson, ‘Socialist Humanism,” New Reasoner 1 (Summer 1957).

48. Harry Hanson, “An Open Letter to Edward Thompson,” New Reasoner 2 (Autumn 1957).

49. Alastair MacIntyre, “Notes from the Moral Wilderness,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 46–47, 57, 60, 66.

50. Alasdair MacIntyre [1958], “The Algebra of the Revolution,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 43–44.

51. James Baker, “The Need for Developing Revolutionary Theory: The Case of Alasdair MacIntyre,” Labour Review 7, no. 2 (Summer 1962), 65, 68.

52. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Marcuse, Marxism and the Monolith,” The New Reasoner 9 (Summer 1959).

53. Duncan Hallas, “Building the Leadership,” International Socialism 1:40 (October/November 1969), 20; Harry Ratner, Reluctant Revolutionary: Memoirs of a Trotskyist, 1936–1960 (London: Porcupine Books, 1994), 207.

54. Contributors to the discussion included Jim Allen, the playwright, who was at this time still working as a miner, and Pat Arrowsmith of the Direct Action Committee against Nuclear War.

55. class="italic">Newsletter 2, no. 127 (November 21, 1959), 331.

56. Alasdair MacIntyre [1960], “Communism and the British Intellectuals,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 116–17.

57. Cliff Slaughter, “The ‘New Left’ and the Working Class,” Labour Review 4, no. 2 (July-August 1959).

58. Alasdair MacIntyre [1959], “The ‘New Left,’” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 87, 89, 90.

59. Alasdair MacIntyre [1960], “Freedom and Revolution,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 131–34.

60. Cliff Slaughter, “What is Revolutionary Leadership?,” Labour Review 5, no. 3 (June/July1960), 107, 111.

61. Alasdair MacIntyre, letter in The Listener (March 17, 1960), 500.

62. Baker, “The Need for Developing Revolutionary Theory,” 65.

63. Callaghan, British Trotskyism, 78.

64. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Breaking the Chains of Reason,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 150–53.

65. Compare Michael Kidron [1968], Western Capitalism since the War (Revised edition, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970), chapter 3, with Cornelius Castoriadis [1961], “Modern Capitalism and Revolution,” in Political and Social Writings, vol. 2, 1955–1960: From the Worker’s Struggle against Bureaucracy to Revolution in the Age of Modern Capitalism, edited by David Ames Curtis (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 233–57.

66. Compare Maurice Brinton (i.e. Christopher Pallis) [1960], “Socialism Reaffirmed,” in For Worker’s Power: The Selected Writings of Maurice Brinton, edited by David Goodway (Edinburgh: AK Books, 2004), 19 and Tony Cliff [1960], “Trotsky on Substitutionism,” in Selected Writings, vol. 1, International Struggle and the Marxist Tradition (London: Bookmarks, 2001), 129.

67. See, for example, Paul Cardan, “Socialism and Capitalism,” International Socialism 1:4 (Spring 1961); “Martin Grainger” [i.e. Maurice Brinton], “The Murder Machine,” International Socialism 1:2 (Autumn 1960); Jean-Francois Lyotard, “Algeria,” International Socialism 1:13 (Summer 1963).

68. George Thayer, The British Political Fringe (London: Anthony Blond, 1965), 142.

69. Cliff’s subsequent revision of this and another passage in the 1969 edition of Rosa Luxemburg were the result of his reconsideration of the nature of the revolutionary party in the aftermath of the French events of May 1968. The version in Cliff’s Selected Works contains both original and revised passages. See [1959], “Rosa Luxemburg,” in International Struggle and the Marxist Tradition, 113. For the impact of the May events on his thought see Ian H. Birchall and Tony Cliff [1968], “France–The Struggle Goes On,” in International Struggle and the Marxist Tradition, 209–13; and Tony Cliff, A World to Win: Life of a Revolutionary (London: Bookmarks, 2000), 98–104.

70. Michael Kidron, “Two Left Feet,” International Socialism 1:2 (Autumn 1960), 32.

71. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Is a Neutralist Foreign Policy Possible?,” International Socialism 1:3 (Winter 1960).

72. class="italic">International Socialism 1:6 (Autumn 1961), 20.

73. Alasdair MacIntyre [1961], “Marxists and Christians,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 179, note 1.

74. MacIntyre, “Breaking the Chains of Reason,” 166.

75. Alasdair MacIntyre [1963], “Trotsky in Exile,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 274.

76. Ibid., 272–73, 275.

77. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Trotsky,” International Socialism 1:8 (Spring 1962), 33.

78. MacIntyre, Marxism and Christianity, 90–91.

79. Leon. D. Trotsky [1933–5], “The Notebooks in Translation,” in Trotsky’s Notebooks, 1933–1935: Writings on Lenin, Dialectics, and Evolutionism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), 92.

80. MacIntyre, “Trotsky,” 33.

81. Alasdair MacIntyre [1961], “Rejoinder to Left Reformism,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 190.

82. Alasdair MacIntyre [1963–4], “Labour Policy and Capitalist Planning,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 284, 289.

83. MacIntyre, “The ‘New Left,’” 90.

84. Alasdair MacIntyre [1961], “Culture and Revolution,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 178.

85. Alasdair MacIntyre [1959], “What is Marxist Theory For?,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 102.

86. Alasdair MacIntyre [1963], “Prediction and Politics,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 260–61.

87. Alasdair MacIntyre [1962], “C. Wright Mills,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 244.

88. MacIntyre, “Rejoinder to Left Reformism,” 195.

89. Alasdair MacIntyre [1962], “Sartre as a Social Critic,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 206.

90. Karl Marx [1864], “Documents of the First International, 1864–70: Provisional Rules of the International Working Men’s Association,” in Political Writings, vol. 3, The First International and After, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1974), 82.

91. MacIntyre, “Rejoinder to Left Reformism,” 189.

92. Alasdair MacIntyre [1961], “The Man Who Answered the Irish Question,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 172.

93. Chris Harman, “Party and Class,” International Socialism 1:35 (Winter 1968/9), esp. 27–30. This essay was the most significant advance in the discussion of the revolutionary party since the MacIntyre/Slaughter contributions eight years earlier. (The equivalent French text is Daniel Bensaïd and Alain Naïr, “A propos de la question de l’organisation: Lénine et Rosa Luxemburg,” Partisans 45 (December 1968/January 1969)). Harman was the first British Marxist since Slaughter to make serious use of Gramsci in this context and it is regrettable that MacIntyre himself does not seem to have encountered his work. This is particularly frustrating since, in several articles written during his membership of IS, MacIntyre raises themes that were to later to be popularized with the partial translation into English of the prison notebooks , notably that of contradictory consciousness. “All sorts of facts may limit social consciousness,” wrote MacIntyre in 1963. “But false consciousness is essentially a matter of partial and limited insight rather than of simple mistake.” See MacIntyre, “Prediction and Politics,” 252–253. Compare Antonio Gramsci [1929–1935], “The Study of Philosophy,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, edited by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 333, Q11§12.

94. Compare Leon D. Trotsky [1923], “The Lessons of October,” in The Challenge of the Left Opposition (1923–25), edited by Naomi Allen (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1975), 252 with [1940], “Manifesto of the Fourth International on the Imperialist War and the Proletarian World Revolution,” in Writings of Leon Trotsky [1939–40], edited by Naomi Allen and George Breitman (Second edition, New York: Pathfinder Press, 1973), 215.

95. MacIntyre, “Prediction in Politics,” 255.

96. Ibid., 252.

97. Alasdair MacIntyre [1967], “How Not to Write about Stalin,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 351.

98. class="italic">International Socialism reprinted several works by these authors during the mid-1960s. See Georg Lukács [1919–23], “What is Orthodox Marxism? 1,” International Socialism 1:24 (Spring 1966); “What is Orthodox Marxism? 2,” International Socialism 1:25 (Summer 1966); and Lucien Goldmann, “Is There a Marxist Sociology?,” International Socialism 1:34 (Autumn 1968).

99. Lucien Goldmann, The Hidden God: A Study of the Tragic Vision in the Pens é es of Pascal and the Tragedies of Racine (London: Routledge, 1964), 90.

100. Alasdair MacIntyre [1964], “Pascal and Marx: On Lucien Goldmann’s Hidden God,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 314.

101. Antonio Gramsci [1929–1935], “Problems of Marxism,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, 438, Q11§15; Michael Löwy, Fire Alarm: Reading Walter Benjamin’s “On the Concept of History” (London: Verso, 2005) 4, 114, 137 note 15.

102. Alasdair MacIntyre [1965], “Marxist Mask and Romantic Face: Lukács on Thomas Mann,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 319–20.

103. Castoriadis, “Modern Capitalism and Revolution,” 226–30.

104. MacIntyre, “Prediction and Politics,” 256–58.

105. MacIntyre, “Rejoinder to Left Reformism,” 195–96.

106. Alasdair MacIntyre [1964], “Marx,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 298.

107. “Cardan Debate,” Solidarity 3, no. 10 (August 1965), 22.

108. Ibid., 23–24.

109. Ian Birchall, personal communication to Neil Davidson, August 24, 2000.

110. MacIntyre, “Marx,” 297.

111. Alastair MacIntyre, Secularization and Moral Change (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), 75.

112. Alasdair MacIntyre, A Short History of Ethics: A History of Moral Philosophy from the Homeric Age to the Twentieth Century (London: Macmillan, 1966), 210–14.

113. Ibid., 268–69.

114. Timothy O’Hagan, “Searching for Ancestors,” Radical Philosophy 54 (Spring 1990), 19.

115. MacIntyre, A Short History of Ethics, 214.

116. For Marxist and post-Marxist examples, see, respectively, Alasdair MacIntyre, “Against Utilitarianism,” in Aims in Education: The Philosophic Approach, edited by T. H. B. Hollins (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1964) and “Utilitarianism and Cost-Benefit Analysis: An Essay on the Relevance of Moral Philosophy to Bureaucratic Theory,” in Values in the Electric Power Industry, edited by Kenneth Sayre (Notre Dame, Indiana: Notre Dame University Press, 1977).

117. MacIntyre, Marxism and Christianity, 96–98.

118. Alasdair MacIntyre [1968], “How to Write about Lenin–and How Not To,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 360.

119. See, for example, MacIntyre, “Philosophy and Ideology,” 92–93.

120. “An Interview with Giovanna Borradori,” 259; “An Interview for Cogito,” in The Macintyre Reader, 267.

121. MacIntyre, Marxism and Christianity, 87.

122. “Letter to Readers,” International Socialism 1:33 (Summer 1968), 17.

123. David Renton, “David Widgery: The Poetics of Propaganda,” in Dissident Marxism (London: Zed Books, 2004), 207–10.

124. David Widgery, “Ten Years for Pandora,” Socialist Review 2 (May 1978), 20.

125. Alan M. Wald, The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987), 267–365.

126. Perry Anderson, In the Tracks of Historical Materialism (London: Verso, 1983), 28–30, 32; Dominique Lecourt, “Dissidence or Revolution?,” in The Mediocracy: French Philosophy since 1968 (London: Verso, 2001), 151–75.

127. Milton Fisk, Socialism from Below in the United States (1977): available at www.marxists.de. For an article that suggests that Draper’s underlying reason may have been his dissatisfaction with the organizational forms taken by the left, see Hal Draper, “Towards a New Beginning–on Another Road: A Political Alternative to the Micro-Sect” (1971), available at www.marxists.org.

128. Gregory Elliot, Althusser: The Detour of Theory (London: Verso, 1987), 235–244.

129. Esther Leslie, “Introduction to Adorno/Marcuse Correspondence on the German Student Movement,” New Left Review I/235 (January/February 1999), 118–23.

130. MacIntyre, “Breaking the Chains of Reason,” 166.

131. Colin Rodgers, Rick Coates, and Mike Gonzalez, “There’s Something Wrong with Essex,” reproduced in Widgery, The Left in Britain, 326–27.

132. Quoted in David Caute, Sixty-Eight: The Year of the Barricades (London: Paladin Books, 1988), 305.

133. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Le Rouge et Noir,” New Statesman (November 22, 1968), 714.

134. Alasdair MacIntyre, Marcuse (London: Fontana, 1970), 89.

135. “Contrary to bourgeois belief, H. Marcuse did not greatly inspire the British student movement; bestsellers on the LSE bookstall in 1966 were instead The Autobiography of Malcolm X . . . Hal Draper’s Berkeley: The New Student Revolt . . . and Isaac Deutscher’s anthology of Trotsky, The Age of Permanent Revolution.” Widgery, The Left in Britain, 525.

136. MacIntyre, Marcuse, 91.

137. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Review of Confrontation, University in Turmoil and Higher Education in Social Psychology,” American Journal of Sociology 75, no. 4, part 1 (January 1970), 564.

138. MacIntyre, Marcuse, 71–72.

139. MacIntyre, Marcuse, 88–89. MacIntyre had of course encountered such infantile leftism in Essex. See, for example, the following idiocies by one (subsequently ennobled) student leader: “What we should do, if the situation were to arise again, would be to behave as provocatively as necessary and to effectively sanction the University to the extent that they need to use force, probably the police.” David Triesman, “Scanner–1: Essex,” New Left Review I/50 (July-August 1968), 71.

140. Alasdair MacIntyre [1968], “The Strange Death of Social Democratic England,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 366–67.

141. MacIntyre, Marcuse, 43.

142. Alasdair MacIntyre [1968], “In Place of Harold Wilson,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 371.

143. Richard Kuper, “Decline and Fall,” International Socialism 1:42 (February/March 1970), 35.

144. Alasdair MacIntyre [1995], “1953, 1968, 1995: Three Perspectives,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 417.

145. MacIntyre, Marxism and Christianity, 101.

146. Ibid., 100–04.

147. Ibid., 90–91.

148. Georg Lukács [1923], “The Changing Function of Historical Materialism,” in History and Class Consciousness: Studies in Marxist Dialectics (London: Merlin Books, 1971), 228, 229. For similar remarks by a contemporary of Lukács, see Karl Korsch [1923], “Marxism and Philosophy,” in Marxism and Philosophy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1970), 56.

149. Paul Cardan [1961–1964], History and Revolution (London: Solidarity, 1971); Cornelius Castoriadis [1961–1964], “Marxism and Revolutionary Thought,” in The Imaginary Institution of Society: Creativity and Autonomy in the Social-Historical World (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987).

150. MacIntyre, Marcuse, 61.

151. Ibid., 42, 43. Open statements of working-class incapacity are actually quite rare in the writings of ex-Trotskyists, but for an earlier rejection of Marxism on these grounds, see Jean Vannier (i.e. Jean van Heijenoort), “A Century’s Balance Sheet,” Partisan Review 15, no. 3 (March 1948).

152. MacIntyre, Marxism and Christianity, 105.

153. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Ideology, Social Science and Revolution,” Comparative Politics 5, no. 2 (April 1973), 340–42.

154. Alasdair MacIntyre [1969], “Marxism of the Will,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 376.

155. Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory (Third edition, Notre Dame, Indiana: Notre Dame University Press, 2007), 262.

156. Leon D. Trotsky [1939], “The USSR in War,” in In Defence of Marxism (Against the Petty Bourgeois Opposition) (London: New Park Publications, 1971), 11.

157. MacIntyre, “Trotsky in Exile,” 271.

158. MacIntyre, After Virtue, 262.

159. Tony Cliff [1948], “The Nature of Stalinist Russia,” in Selected Writings, vol. 3, Marxist Theory after Trotsky (London: Bookmarks, 2003), 130.

160. MacIntyre, “The Theses on Feuerbach: A Road Not Taken,” in The MacIntyre Reader, 232.

161. MacIntyre, “1953, 1968, 1995,” 411–16.

162. MacIntyre, “Introduction,” in Against the Self-Images of the Age, viii.

163. See, for example, MacIntyre, A Short History of Ethics, 2, 8 and Alasdair MacIntyre, “’Ought,’” in Against the Self-Images of the Age, 142–56.

164. “Interview with Giovanna Borradori,” 258.

165. Alasdair MacIntyre, “Preface,” in After Virtue, xvi.

166. “Interview with Giovanna Borradori,” 265.

167. Alasdair MacIntyre, “The Spectre of Communitarianism,” Radical Philosophy 70 (March/April 1995), 35.

168. Alasdair MacIntyre, “ After Virtue and Marxism: A Response to Wartofsky,” Inquiry 27, no. 3 (September 1984), 252.

169. Walter Benjamin, “Paralipomena to ‘On the Concept of History,’” in Selected Works, vol. 4, 1938–40, edited by Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), 401–411. In his novel imagining a meeting between Ludwig Wittgenstein, Nikolai Bahktin, James Connolly, and . . . Leopold Bloom, Terry Eagleton puts several passages by Benjamin into Connolly’s mouth: “Revolution isn’t a runaway train; it’s the application of the emergency brake.” See [1987], Saints and Scholars (London: Futura Publications, 1990), 100.

Chapter 7: Reimagined Communities

1. Originally published in International Socialism 2:117 (Winter 2008/9) as a review of Benedict Anderson [1983–91], Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Rise and Spread of Nationalism (Third, revised edition, London: Verso, 2006).

2. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 228.

3. Josep R. Llobera, The God of Modernity: The Development of Nationalism in Western Europe (Providence, Rhode Island: Berg, 1994), 103.

4. Alasdair MacIntyre [1998], “Poetry as Political Philosophy: Notes on Burke and Yeats,” in Selected Essays, vol. 2, Ethics and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 161.

5. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 207, note 1.

6. Phillip Spencer and Howard Wollman, Nationalism: A Critical Introduction (London: Sage, 2002), 37.

7. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 227.

8. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1875], “For Poland,” in Political Writings, vol. 3, The First International and After, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1974), 389.

9. Friedrich Engels [1866], “What Have the Working Classes to Do with Poland?,” in The First International and After, 381–85.

10. The claim by Engels that these nations were intrinsically “non-historic” was a piece of Hegelian baggage quite unnecessary to their critique of Pan-Slavism. For the problems with the concept of nonhistoricity, and the extent to which Engels later abandoned it, largely as a result of his analysis of the Irish situation, see chapter 2 in this volume.

11. George Haupt, Michael Löwy, and Claudie Weill, Les Marxists et la question nationale, 1848–1914: Etudes et textes (Paris: Maspero, 1974); Lenin’s Struggle for a Revolutionary International: Documents: 1907–1916, The Preparatory Years, edited by John Riddell (New York: Monad Press, 1984), 348–83; Workers and Oppressed Peoples of the World, Unite! Proceedings and Documents of the Second Congress, 1920, vol. 1, edited by John Riddell (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1991), 211–90; Workers and Oppressed Peoples of the World, Unite! Proceedings and Documents of the Second Congress, 1920, vol. 2, edited by John Riddell (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1991), appendix 2, 846–885; To See the Dawn: Baku, 1920—First Congress of the Peoples of the East, edited by John Riddell (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1993), 137–171; Theses, Resolutions and Manifestos of the First Four Congresses of the Third International, edited by Alan Adler (London: Pluto Press, 1983), 328–31 and 409–19.

12. Karl Kautsky, “The National Question and Autonomy,” in The National Question: Selected Writings by Rosa Luxemburg, edited by Horace B. Davis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1976), 126, 129; Vladimir I. Lenin [1914], “The Right of Nations to Self-Determination,” in Collected Works, vol. 20, December 1913- August 1914 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), 396.

13. Otto Bauer [1907], The Question of Nationalities and Social Democracy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), 3, 17, 121.

14. Ephraim Nimni, Marxism and Nationalism: Theoretical Origins of a Political Crisis (London: Pluto Press, 1991), 143, 181–84.

15. Lenin, “The Right of Nations to Self-Determination,” 308.

16. Joseph V. Stalin [1913], “Marxism and the National Question,” in Works, vol. 2 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1953), 307.

17. Eric van Ree, “Stalin and the National Question,” Revolutionary Russia 7, no. 2 (April 1994), 228.

18. The classic works include: Carlton J. H. Hayes, The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism (New York: Richard A. Smith, 1931); Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism (London: Collier Macmillan, 1944); Alfred Cobban, National Self- Determination (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1945); Edward H. Carr, Nationalism and After (London: Macmillan, 1945); and Karl W. Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication: An Inquiry into the Foundations of Nationality (New York: Wiley, 1953).

19. Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London: Hutchinson University Library, 1960); Ernest Gellner, “Nationalism,” in Thought and Change (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964).

20. Benedict Anderson, Java in a Time of Revolution: Occupation and Resistance, 1944–1946 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), xi–xiv.

21. Ibid., 18–19, 30.

22. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 1–2. See also xi, from the preface to the 1991 edition. The same conflicts are also discussed by Nairn in “Into Political Emergency: A Retrospect from the 1980s,” in The Break-Up of Britain, 371.

23. Tom Nairn, “The Modern Janus,” New Left Review I/94 (November/December 1975), 3; The Break-Up of Britain, 329.

24. Anderson Imagined Communities, 3.

25. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 208–09.

26. Ibid., xiv.

27. Ibid., 6–7.

28. Ibid., 4.

29. Ibid., 36.

30. See, for example, Umut Özkirimli, Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction (Houndmills: Macmillan, 2000), 153.

31. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 44–45.

32. Ibid., 36.

33. Ibid., 52.

34. Ibid., 62.

35. Ibid., 133 and 135.

36. Ibid., 110.

37. Ibid., 113–114.

38. See, for example, Anderson, Imagined Communities, 24. For the original distinction, see Walter Benjamin [1940], “On the Concept of History,” in Selected Writings, vol. 4, 1938–1940, edited by Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), 395–97.

39. Walter Benjamin [1927–1940], The Arcades Project, edited by Rolf Tiedemann (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2002).

40. Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism: A Critical Survey of Recent Theories of Nations and Nationalism (London: Routledge, 1998), 142.

41. Murray J. Pittock, Celtic Identity and the British Image (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 140.

42. Partha Chatterjee [1993], “Whose Imagined Community?,” in Mapping the Nation, edited by Gopal Balakrishnan (London: Verso, 1996), 216–17.

43. Benedict Anderson, “Western Nationalism and Eastern Nationalism,” New Left Review II/9 (May/June 2001), 31, 32.

44. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism, 137.

45. Pittock, Celtic Identity and the British Image, 129–30.

46. Ibid., 102–03.

47. Tom Nairn, Pariah: Misfortunes of the British Kingdom (London: Verso, 2002), 156. Here Nairn specifically follows Emmanuel Todd, L’illusion economique: essai sur la stagnation des sociétés développées (Paris: Gallimard, 1998), but essentially as a theoretical justification for a position he had been moving toward for several years beforehand. See chapter 1 in this volume.

48. Tom Nairn, “Ukania: The Rise of the Annual Report Society,” in Tom Nairn and Paul James, Global Matrix: Nationalism, Globalism and State-Terrorism (London: Pluto Press, 2005), 137; Benedict Anderson, “The Goodness of Nations,” in The Spectre of Comparisons: Nationalism, Southeast Asia, and the World (London: Verso, 1998).

49. For example: “There is no elective affinity between capitalism and nationalism, unless we equate the former to modern society in general, and not to a mode of production, senso strictu.” Llobera, The God of Modernity, 215.

50. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 42–43.

51. Benedict Anderson, “The New World Disorder,” New Left Review I/193 (May/June 1992), 7. My emphasis.

52. The remainder of this section is based on Neil Davidson, The Origins of Scottish Nationhood (London: Pluto Press, 2000), chapter 2.

53. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 81 and note 34.

54. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 141.

55. Benedict Anderson, “Indonesian Nationalism Today and in the Future,” New Left Review II/235 (May/June 1999), 17. The final sentence has ominous echoes of Richard Rorty’s famous declaration that white American liberals should help oppressed blacks, not because they are “fellow human beings,” but because “it is much more persuasive, morally as well as politically, to describe them as our fellow Americans—to insist that it is outrageous that an American should live without hope.” See Contingency, Irony and Solidarity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 191.

56. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 160–61. The quotations are from Hobsbawm and Nairn, respectively.

57. Ibid., 161. This chapter is called “The Angel of History” after the famous passage in Benjamin’s “On the Concept of History.” The title was also used by Nairn for the last section of “The Modern Janus,” the essay to which Imagined Communities was partly a response. See The Break-Up of Britain, 359–63.

58. Walter Benjamin, “Paralipomena to ‘On the Concept of History,’” Selected Writings, vol. 4, 402, 403. See also Michael Löwy [2001], Fire Alarm: On Reading Walter Benjamin’s “On the Concept of History” (London: Verso, 2005), 60–68.

Chapter 8: Walter Benjamin and the Classical Marxist Tradition

1. Originally published International Socialism 2:121 (Winter 2009) as a response to Chris Nineham, “Benjamin’s Emergency Marxism,” International Socialism 2:119 (Summer 2008).

2. Esther Leslie, Walter Benjamin (London: Reaktion, 2007), 9–13. Many of these remnants are now accessible in Walter Benjamin’s Archive: Images, Texts, Signs, edited by Ursula Marx, Gudrun Schwarz, Michael Schwarz, and Erdmut Wizisla (London: Verso, 2007).

3. Walter Benjamin [1939], “The Paris of the Second Empire in Baudelaire,” in Selected Writings, vol. 4, 1938–1940, edited by Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), 394.

4. Leslie, Walter Benjamin, 201–202.

5. Nineham, “Benjamin’s Emergency Marxism,” 113. See Walter Benjamin [1939], “The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility (Third Version),” in Selected Writings, vol. 4, 264, for the most recent translation of the passage from which Chris quotes. The myth of Benjamin’s naivety is widespread. As Leslie reports: “Generations of students are confused by the idea of the aura: taught to them simplistically detached from the axis of revolutionary possibility and capitalist actuality, they believe Benjamin to be the naïf soul, who thought this odd quality really was abolished and photography and film really had instituted democracy, when clearly aura still persists, art has not gone away and photography and film could be put to use by fascists.” Leslie, Walter Benjamin, 220.

6. Leslie, Walter Benjamin, 203. See also Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings, “Chronology, 1938–1940,” in Selected Writings, vol. 4, 437.

7. Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility (Third Version),” 269, 28, note 47.

8. Nineham, “Benjamin’s Emergency Marxism,” 111, 116.

9. Esther Leslie, Walter Benjamin: Overpowering Conformism (London: Pluto Press, 2000), 225–27.

10. Isaac Deutscher [1965], “Marxism in Our Time,” in Marxism in Our Time, edited by Tamara Deutscher (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971), 18.

11. Perry Anderson, Considerations on Western Marxism (London: New Left Books, 1976), 42, 49–50. Anderson’s otherwise helpful discussion is nevertheless flawed by some of the individuals he includes, above all Gramsci, Lukács, and Korsch, although he acknowledges that these three were initially leaders of their respective Communist parties. Gramsci died a representative of the classical tradition, obscurity of expression forced on him by conditions of Fascist imprisonment and concerns over losing support from the PCI by unambiguously stating his opposition to Stalinist orthodoxy. And whatever we think of the positions Lukács and Korsch took then or subsequently, until the late twenties both men had at least a critical relationship with the tradition. Leaving aside any consideration of content, the comprehensibility of Lenin: A Study in the Unity of His Thought or Marxism and Philosophy puts them in a different category from For Marx or One Dimensional Man.

12. Anderson, Considerations on Western Marxism, 54, 89–90.

13. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1848], “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” in Political Writings, vol. 1, The Revolution of 1848, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1973), 72; Karl Marx [1852], “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,” in Political Writings, vol. 2, Surveys from Exile, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1973), 147–49; Karl Marx [1867], Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1 (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1976), 342.

14. Walter Benjamin [1929], “A Communist Pedagogy,” in Selected Writings, vol. 2, part 1, 1927–1930, edited by Michael W. Jennings, Howard Eiland, and Gary Smith (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999), 274.

15. Walter Benjamin [1927], “Moscow,” in Selected Writings, vol. 2, part 1, 38.

16. Russell Jacoby, The Last Intellectuals: American Culture in the Age of Academe (New York: Basic Books, 1987), 3–27.

17. For a selection of their writings, see Neil Jumonville (ed.), The New York Intellectuals Reader (London: Routledge, 2007). Although this collection is too heavily weighted toward those who later became neoconservatives, it does include, side by side, the great essays by Meyer Shapiro (“Nature of Abstract Art”) and Clement Greenberg (“Avant-Garde and Kitsch”) that represent their outstanding contributions to the Marxist theory of art. See 121–62.

18. Alan Wald, The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987), 27–31, 42–45.

19. For more on the affinities between Benjamin and Trotsky, see Terry Eagleton, Walter Benjamin: Or, Towards a Revolutionary Criticism (London: Verso, 1981), 173–79 and Leslie, Walter Benjamin: Overpowering Conformism, 228–34.

20. Etienne Balibar is right to say that, despite some formal similarities in approach, in relation to Adorno et al., Benjamin “was merely a reticent, little understood ‘fellow traveller.’” See [1995], The Philosophy of Marx (London: Verso, 2007), 86.

21. Michael Löwy [2001], Fire Alarm: On Reading Walter Benjamin’s “On the Concept of History” (London: Verso, 2005), 4.

22. For specific references to Benjamin in this work, see Benedict Anderson [1983], Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 2006), 161 and chapter 7, “The Angel of History,” more generally, which is named after thesis nine of Benjamin’s “On the Concept of History.” See also chapter 7 in this volume.

23. Nineham, “Benjamin’s Emergency Marxism,” 116.

24. Walter Benjamin [1927–1940], “Convolute N: [On the Theory of Knowledge, Theory of Progress],” in The Arcades Project (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999), 458, 460.

25. For the benefit of any readers on “proletarian culture” lookout duty, it should be noted that Benjamin specifically endorsed the position taken by Trotsky on this question in Literature and Revolution. See [1929], “Surrealism,” in Selected Writings, vol. 2, part 1, 217.

26. Walter Benjamin [1934], “The Author as Producer,” in Selected Writings, volume 2, part 2, 1931–1934, edited by Michael W. Jennings, Howard Eiland, and Gary Smith (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999), 771.

27. Compare the subjects discussed in Antonio Gramsci [1929–1935], Selections from the Cultural Writings, edited by David Forgacs and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1985) with those in Benjamin’s Selected Works. Orwell’s collection Inside the Whale and Other Essays (1939) was extraordinarily innovative in its time. No other writer would have thought of treating the subject matter of two key essays, “Charles Dickens” and “Boys Weeklies,” in the same place and, in the case of the latter, of treating them seriously at all. Yet his cultural criticism, of which the latter essay is a good example, now tends to be treated rather patronizingly, where it is not dismissed entirely. According to Martin Barker, for example, Orwell merely “refers” to comics: “it would be too kind to say that that he analyses them.” See Comics: Ideology, Power and the Critics (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), 13–14. This uncharacteristic condescension apart, Barker’s book is a stimulating study that contains a very useful and comprehensible introductory discussion of another important cultural thinker, the Russian Marxist Valentin Volosinov. See ibid., 263–74.

28. It is often asserted that the New York intellectuals were collectively and individually influenced by the Frankfurt School in relation to their analysis of culture. One of Clement Greenberg’s biographers, for example, has claimed that he drew on “the anti-fascist Frankfurt school–Theodore Adorno, Georg Lukács, Walter Benjamin.” See Florence Rubenfield, Clement Greenberg: A Life (New York: Scribner, 1997), 56. Another writer describes Greenberg specifically as “echoing” Benjamin. See Martha Bayles, Hole in Our Soul: The Loss of Beauty and Meaning in American Popular Music (New York: The Free Press, 1994), 79. But there is no evidence that Greenberg or his contemporaries ever read Benjamin or the others at this time, not least because most of their work was simply unavailable; they certainly do not refer to them. Greenberg’s early work in particular has interesting parallels to that of Adorno, but unless we subscribe to the view that no American could possibly have an intelligent opinion unless it was formulated by a Central European intellectual first–which I do not–there is no reason to doubt that their positions were arrived at independently.

29. Benjamin, “The Paris of the Second Empire in Baudelaire,” 65–66.

30. Benjamin, “Convolute K: [Dream City and Dream House, Dreams of the Future, Anthropological Nihilism, Jung],” in The Arcades Project, 395.

31. Benjamin, “The Author as Producer,” 774, 777.

32. For a Benjaminian analysis of one of the greatest Scottish films of recent years, Lynne Ramsay’s Ratcatcher, from a political position close to that outlined here, see Alex Law and Jan Law, “Magical Urbanism: Walter Benjamin and Utopian Realism in the Film Ratcatcher,” Historical Materialism 10, no. 4 (2002).

33. Paul Wood, “Marxism and Modernism: An Exchange between Alex Callinicos and Paul Wood,” Oxford Art Journal 15, no. 2 (1992), 124.

34. There is a parallel here with Trotsky, who, in a different context, wrote in his Testament that “threatened with a long-drawn out invalidism . . . I reserve the right to determine for myself the time of my death.” Leon D. Trotsky [1940], “Testament,” in Trotsky’s Diary in Exile (London: Faber and Faber, 1959), 140–41.

35. Nineham, “Benjamin’s Emergency Marxism,” 117.

36. Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility (Third Version),” 270. Benjamin’s italics.

37. Nineham, “Benjamin’s Emergency Marxism,” 118; Benjamin [1940], “Paralipomena to ‘On the Concept of History,’” 402

38. See, for example, Jonathan Neale, Stop Global Warming: Change the World (London: Bookmarks, 2008), especially 260–61.

39. Neil Davidson, “Is There a Scottish Road to Socialism?,” in Is There a Scottish Road to Socialism?, edited by Gregor Gall (Glasgow: Scottish Left Review Press, 2007), 118.

40. In addition to the “Paralipomena,” many of the themes of “On the Concept of History” appear in “Convolute N” in The Arcades Project, 456–88.

41. Blaise Pascal [1657–62], Pens é es (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1966), 121–26.

42. Lucien Goldmann, The Hidden God: A Study of the Tragic Vision in the Pens é es of Pascal and the Tragedies of Racine (London: Routledge 1964), 90.

43. Alasdair MacIntyre [1964], “Pascal and Marx: On Lucien Goldmann’s Hidden God,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism, 314.

44. Löwy, Fire Alarm, 114.

45. Antonio Gramsci [1929–1935], “Problems of Marxism,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, introduced and edited by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 438, Q11§15.

46. James Connolly [1915], “The Re-Conquest of Ireland,” in Collected Works, vol. 1 (Dublin: New Books, 1987), 263.

47. Leon D. Trotsky [1939], “The USSR in War,” in In Defence of Marxism (Against the Petty Bourgeois Opposition) (London: New Park Publications, 1971), 11.

48. Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue, 262.

49. Georg Lukács [1924], Lenin: A Study in the Unity of His Thought (London: New Left Books, 1970), 12–13.

50. Walter Benjamin, “On the Concept of History,” in Selected Writings, vol. 4, 401–403.

51. Walter Benjamin [1940], “Survey of French Literature,” New Left Review: II/51 (May/June 2008), 39. Leslie invokes the notion of “midnight in the century” to describe the moment at which Benjamin composed “On the Concept of History.” Leslie, Walter Benjamin, 211. Ironically, in the same article by Benjamin referred to here, he is rude about the literary qualities of the novel by Victor Serge from whence the term derives: “His book has no literary value, and holds the attention only for its picturesque descriptions of Stalinist terror.” No doubt this will damn him still further in some quarters. See Benjamin, “Survey of French Literature,” 44 and Leslie, Walter Benjamin, 209.

52. Walter Benjamin, “Convolute N,” 474.

53. Nineham, “Benjamin’s Emergency Marxism,” 117–18.

54. Benjamin, “On the Concept of History,” 391.

55. George Orwell [1949], Nineteen Eighty-Four (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1954), 199.

56. Benjamin “On the Concept of History,” 392.

57. Benjamin, “Paralipomena to ‘On the Concept of History,’” 406.

58. Benjamin, “Convolute N,” 474.

59. For a more detailed discussion see Neil Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 1692–1746 (London: Pluto Press, 2003), 290–94. For an explicit reference to Benjamin, see 299–301.

60. Benjamin, “On the Concept of History,” 390.

61. Benjamin, “Paralipomena to ‘On the Concept of History,’” 407.

62. Benjamin, “On the Concept of History,” 390. Ironically, given Benjamin’s distaste for at least some of Victor Serge’s novels, “nothing is ever lost” was also a favorite slogan of the latter writer. See [1931], The Birth of Our Power (London: Writers and Readers, 1977), 182 and chapter 23 more generally.

63. Marx, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,” 147, 148.

64. Benjamin, “On the Concept of History,” 395.

65. Neil Davidson, “How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? (contd.),” Historical Materialism 13, no. 4 (2005), 38–47.

66. Walter Benjamin [1937], “Edward Fuchs, Collector and Historian,” in Selected Writings, vol. 3, 1935–1938, edited by Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2002), 273.

Chapter 9: Shock and Awe

1. Originally published in International Socialism 2:124 (Autumn 2009) as a review of Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (London: Allen Lane, 2007).

2. Peter Davison, editorial note to George Orwell, Homage to Catalonia, in Complete Works, vol. 11, Facing Unpleasant Facts, 1937–1939 (London: Secker and Warburg, 1998), 135.

3. Naomi Klein, “This Much I Know,” interview by Stephanie Morritt, Observer (June 1, 2008).

4. Naomi Klein, No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies (London: Flamingo, 2000), 445–46.

5. See, for example, Chris Harman, “Anti-Capitalism: Theory and Practice,” International Socialism 2:88 (Autumn 2000), 53–56.

6. Klein, No Logo, 115.

7. In this respect her arguments converge with an equally impressive journalistic polemic by Thomas Frank that appeared almost simultaneously, although he is more sensitive to the ways in which the ideology of the market is used to justify contemporary capitalism. For the similarities between their critiques of what Frank elsewhere calls “the commodification of dissent,” compare Klein, No Logo, 63–85, 106–124 with Thomas Frank, One Market under God: Extreme Capitalism, Market Populism and the End of Economic Democracy (London: Secker and Warburg, 2001), 252–306.

8. Naomi Klein, Fences and Windows: Dispatches from the Front Lines of the Globalization Debate (London: Harper Perennial, 2002).

9. Naomi Klein and Neil Smith, “ The Shock Doctrine: A Discussion,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 26, no. 4 (August 2008), 589–90.

10. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 14–15. See also ibid., 253.

11. Neoconservatism is often wrongly regarded simply as a US foreign policy doctrine based on military intervention. In fact, it is the inescapable domestic complement to neoliberalism across the capitalist world, in the sense that the social division and fragmentation caused by the marketization, commodification, privatization, and the rest require massive increases in the repressive and surveillance apparatus of the state, in the name of restoring social discipline. For that reason, although the two ideologies are inextricably linked, we should maintain an analytic distinction between them.

12. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 17.

13. Ibid., 17.

14. Ibid., 6–7, 140–141.

15. Ibid., 24–25, 71.

16. Ibid., 15.

17. Will Hutton, “Her Ranting Obscures Her Reasoning,” Observer (September 23, 2007).

18. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 20. Klein is of course not alone on the left in seeing Keynesian solutions as the only realistic alternative to neoliberalism, either from principle or because of the supposed impossibility of making more radical change under current conditions. Compare the liberal Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontents (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2002), 249–50 with the Marxist David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 183–84, 206.

19. Hutton, “Her Ranting Obscures Her Reasoning.”

20. Ronald Suresh Roberts, “Beware Electrocrats: Naomi Klein on South Africa,” Radical Philosophy 150 (July/August 2008), 7. Roberts has written an authorized biography of former ANC leader Thabo Mbeki, the general tone of which would not have been out of place at the court of the Emperor Justinian, even down to a defense of his hero’s unforgivable attitude to the AIDS epidemic. Since Roberts’s hagiography was partly bankrolled by the South African banking group Absa, he should perhaps be more cautious in accusing Klein’s sources of accepting tainted funding.

21. Joseph Stiglitz, “Bleakonomics,” New York Times (September 30, 2007).

22. Alexander Cockburn, “On Naomi Klein’s The Shock Doctrine,” Counterpunch (September 22–23, 2007), available at www.counterpunch.org.

23. India and Mexico receive one passing reference each; Egypt receives none. See Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 399, 452.

24. Ibid., 10. See also 136–40.

25. David Sanders, David Marsh, and Hugh Ward, “Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment,” British Journal of Political Science 17, no. 3 (July 1987).

26. Hugo Young, One of Us: A Biography of Margaret Thatcher (London: Macmillan, 1989), 298.

27. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 298.

28. Francis Fox Piven, The War at Home: The Domestic Costs of Bush’s Militarism (New York: The New Press, 2004), 13–88.

29. Kim Moody, US Labor in Trouble and Transition: The Failure of Reform from Above, the Promise of Revival from Below (London: Verso, 2007), 106–114.

30. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 7–8.

31. Ibid., 88, 165–68.

32. Ibid., 308.

33. Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives (New York: Basic Books, 1997), 158–173; Alex Callinicos, The New Mandarins of American Power (Houndmills: Polity, 2003), 93–8; David Harvey, The New Imperialism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 18–25, 74–86. To these “external” foreign determinants can also be added one “internal” domestic issue as a motive for war: the need to retain the unified support of Republican voting constituencies that were not only diverse but, in many respects, incompatible. See Piven, The War at Home, 27–29.

34. Peter Hennessey, Having It So Good: Britain in the Fifties (London: Allen Lane, 2006), 199–217.

35. See, for example, Andrew Marr, A History of Modern Britain (London: Macmillan, 2007), 131.

36. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 67–70.

37. Alan Greenspan, The Age of Turbulence: Adventures in a New World (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2008), 275. See also Martin Wolf, Why Globalization Works: The Case for the Global Market Economy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), 72, 291.

38. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 57.

39. David Kotz, “The State, Globalisation and Phases of Capitalist Development,” in Phases of Capitalist Development: Booms, Crises and Globalisations, edited by Robert Albritton, Makoto Itoh, Richard Westra, and Alan Zuege (London: Palgrave, 2001), 104.

40. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 190, 532.

41. Klein and Smith, “ The Shock Doctrine: A Discussion,” 583.

42. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 (London: Allen Lane, 1994), 403–416.

43. Although, as Perry Anderson rightly remarks, the period since 1973 has seen dramatic, if uneven, improvements in the living conditions of millions in the global South who were excluded from the prosperity of the Long Boom. See [1994], “The Vanquished Left: Eric Hobsbawm,” in Spectrum: From Right to Left in the World of Ideas (London: Verso, 2005), 301.

44. Tony Judt, “Introduction: The World We Have Lost,” in Reappraisals: Reflections on the Forgotten Twentieth Century (London: William Heinemann, 2008), 10.

45. Robert Brenner, “The Paradox of Social Democracy: The American Case,” in The Year Left 1985, edited by Mike Davis, Fred Pfeil, and Mike Sprinkler (London: Verso, 1985), 55–59; Piven, The War at Home, 66–67.

46. Edward P. Thompson, “An Open Letter to Leszek Kolakowski,” in The Socialist Register 1973, edited by Ralph Miliband and John Saville (London: Merlin Books, 1973), 53.

47. Hilde Nafstad et al., “Ideology and Power: The Influence of Current Neo-Liberalism in Society,” Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology 17, no. 4 (2007), 314.

48. Klein, Fences and Windows, xix.

49. Paul Mattick, Marx and Keynes: The Limits of the Mixed Economy (London: Merlin Books, 1971), 279–80.

50. Nigel Harris, The End of the Third World: Newly Industrialising Countries and the Decline of an Ideology (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1986), 42.

51. Mattick, Marx and Keynes, 284.

52. Michael J. Haynes, Russia: Class and Power, 1917–2000 (London: Bookmarks, 2002), 210–14.

53. Chris Harman, Explaining the Crisis: A Marxist Analysis (London: Bookmarks, 1984), 99–102; Robert Brenner, The Economics of Global Turbulence: The Advanced Capitalist Economies from Long Boom to Long Downturn, 1945–2005 (London: Verso, 2006), 99–101. Harman argues that an increase in the organic composition of capital (as a result of declining effectiveness of the Permanent Arms Economy as a countervailing tendency) was the reason for the falling rate of profit. Brenner rejects this explanation (see 14–15, note 1), but both he and Harman agree that the latter process is central to the crisis.

54. Al Campbell, “The Birth of Neoliberalism in the United States,” in Neoliberalism: A Critical Reader, edited by Alfredo Saad-Filho and Deborah Johnson (London: Pluto Press, 2005), 189.

55. T. S. Eliot [1948], Notes Towards the Definition of Culture (London: Faber and Faber, 1962), 88–89.

56. Moody, US Labor in Trouble and Transition, 43–47.

57. Graham Turner, The Credit Crunch: Housing Bubbles, Globalization and the Worldwide Economic Crisis (London: Pluto Press, 2008), 10.

58. Keith Joseph, letter to Economist (September 28, 1974).

59. Wolf, Why Globalization Works, 132.

60. Andrew Gamble, “Neo-liberalism,” Capital and Class 75 (Autumn 2001), 133.

61. Wolf, Why Globalization Works, 133.

62. See, for example, Chris Harman, “Theorising Neoliberalism,” International Socialism 2:117 (Winter 2008), 89–92, 100–104.

63. Naomi Klein, “After a Week of Turmoil, Has the World Changed?,” interview by Emily Butsellaar, The Guardian (September 20, 2008).

64. Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 443–66.

Chapter 10: Antonio Gramsci’s Reception in Scotland

1. Originally published in Scottish Labor History 45 (2010).

2. Gordon Brown, “Introduction: The Socialist Challenge,” in The Red Paper on Scotland, edited by Gordon Brown (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Student Publications Board, 1975), 18. Brown was not the only contributor to this volume to subsequently achieve political eminence: one chapter entitled “Glasgow: Area of Need” was written by one Vincent Cable, then working for the Foreign Office, now an ornament of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government. It does not refer to Gramsci.

3. Angus Calder, “Worker’s Culture–Popular Culture–Defining our Terms,” in Revolving Culture: Notes from the Scottish Republic (London: I. B. Tauris, 1994), 238. For similar claims, by an American scholar now based in Scotland, see Jonathan Hearn, Claiming Scotland: National Identity and Liberal Culture (Edinburgh: Polygon, 2000), 21.

4. Tom Nairn, “Culture and Nationalism: An Open Letter from Tom Nairn,” Scottish International (April 1973), 8.

5. Hamish Henderson, “Introduction,” to Antonio Gramsci, Prison Letters (London: Pluto Press, 1996), 1–2.

6. Henderson to The Scotsman, July 28, 1988, in The Armstrong Nose: Selected Letters of Hamish Henderson, edited by Alec Finlay (Edinburgh: Polygon, 1996), 277.

7. Ibid.; Henderson, “Introduction,” 14–15. For the full text of the letter from Gramsci that Henderson quotes in part, see Gramsci to Teresina, March 23, 1927, in Prison Letters, 47.

8. “Antonio Gramsci: A Letter,” Calgacus 2 (Summer 1975), 3.

9. James D. Young, “Nationalism, ‘Marxism’ and Scottish History,” Journal of Contemporary History 20, no. 2 (April 1985), 352–53.

10. Christopher Harvie , Scotland and Nationalism: Scottish Society and Politics, 1707–1977 (London: Allen and Unwin, 1977), 17.

11. Antonio Gramsci, “Vita politica internazionale,” L’Ordine nuovo (May 15, 1919).

12. The first of several references by Lenin to Maclean describes him as “the Scottish school-master whom the English bourgeoisie sentenced to hard labor for supporting the workers’ class struggle,” which does rather absolve the Scottish bourgeoisie of responsibility for his treatment in jail. See Vladimir I. Lenin, “An Open Letter to Boris Souvarine,” in Collected Works, vol. 23 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), 201.

13. Editorial note to Antonio Gramsci, “Notes on Italian History,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, edited by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 103, note 94.

14. Timothy Neat, Hamish Henderson: A Biography, vol. 1, The Making of the Poet (1919–1953) (Edinburgh: Polygon, 2007), 263.

15. Henderson to MacDiarmid, May 2, 1950, in The Armstrong Nose, 43; Sraffa to Henderson, June 17, 1950, ibid., 43–44; Henderson to The Scotsman, March 9, 1968, ibid., 169–70.

16. Neat, Hamish Henderson, vol. 1, 245–46.

17. Ibid., chapter 14.

18. Hamish Henderson, “Flower and Iron of the Truth: A Survey of Contemporary Scottish Writing,” Our Time 10 (September 1948), 305.

19. Compare Antonio Gramsci, “The Study of Philosophy,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, 372, Q4§37 and Karl Marx, “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,” in Early Writings (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1975), 425–426. See also the discussion in Peter D. Thomas, The Gramscian Moment: Philosophy, Hegemony and Marxism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2009), 95–102.

20. Henderson to Grieve, May 2, 1950, in “Selected Letters,” Chapman 82 (1995), 53. The context suggests that Henderson did not expect MacDiarmid to know that Gramsci was “certainly the most important Marxist outside Russia in the period 1920–1935.”

21. Hugh MacDiarmid, In Memoriam James Joyce, from a Vision of World Language (Glasgow: W. Maclellan, 1955), 27.

22. Henderson, “Introduction,” 14.

23. Hamish Henderson, “‘It Was in You That It A’ Began’: Some Thoughts on the Folk Conference,” in The People’s Past, edited by Edward J. Cowan (Edinburgh: Polygon, 1980), 13–14.

24. Hamish Henderson, The Edinburgh People’s Festival, 1951–54 (Edinburgh People’s Festival: Edinburgh, 2008), [3]. http://www.edinburghpeoplesfestival.org.uk/ background/hamish.html.

25. Neat, Hamish Henderson, vol. 1, 301.

26. Henderson, The Edinburgh People’s Festival; Ailie Munro, The Folk Song Revival in Scotland (London: Kahn & Averill, 1983), 50–53.

27. Ibid., 359–60; Sam Aaronovitch et al., The American Threat to British Culture, special issue of Arena 2, no. 8 (June/July 1951).

28. Antonio Gramsci, “Intellectuals: Notes on English Culture [i],” in Selections from the Cultural Writings, edited by David Forgacs and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1985), 284, Q4§93.

29. See, for example, Antonio Gramsci, “Marinetti the Revolutionary,” in Selections from the Cultural Writings, 49–51.

30. Munro, The Folk Song Revival in Scotland, 235.

31. Gramsci, “Problems of Marxism,” 419–425, Q11§13; “Observations on Folklore: Giovanni Crocioni,” in Selections from the Cultural Writings, 188–191, Q27§1.

32. Gramsci, “The Study of Philosophy,” 332, Q11§12.

33. Timothy Neat, Hamish Henderson: A Biography, vol. 2, Poetry Becomes People (1952–2002) (Edinburgh: Polygon, 2009), 106.

34. Giuseppe Vacca, Togliatti sconosciuto (Rome: L’Unita editrice, 1994), 144–45.

35. Antonio Gramsci, The Modern Prince and Other Writings, translated and introduced by Louis Marks (New York: International Publishers, 1957); Carl Marzani, The Open Marxism of Antonio Gramsci (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1957); “Gramsci on the Jews,” translated by Hamish Henderson, The New Reasoner 9 (Summer 1959), 141–44; Peter Worsley, “Further Letters from Gramsci,” translated by Hamish Henderson, The New Reasoner 10 (Autumn 1959), 123–27; Antonio Gramsci, “In Search of the Educational Principle,” New Left Review I/32 (July/August 1965), 53–62.

36. H. Stuart Hughes [1958], Consciousness and Society: The Reorientation of European Social Thought, 1890–1930 (London: Paladin, 1974), 96–104.

37. Gwyn A Williams, “The Concept of ‘Egomania’ in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci: Some Notes on Interpretation,” Journal of the History of Ideas 21, no. 4 (October/December 1960), 586–599. For his retraction, see Gwyn A. Williams, “The Making and Unmaking of Antonio Gramsci,” New Edinburgh Review 27, Special Gramsci Issue 3 (1975), 12.

38. Edward P. Thompson, “The Peculiarities of the English,” The Socialist Register 1965, 345–346; Perry Anderson, “Socialism and Pseudo-Empiricism,” New Left Review I/35 (January/February 1966), 27–28.

39. Tom Nairn, “La nemesi borghese,” Il Contemporaneo 6, nos. 63–64 (1963).

40. David Forgacs, “Gramsci and Marxism in Britain,” New Left Review I/176 (July/August 1989), 75–77; Willie Thompson, “Tom Nairn and the Crisis of the British State,” Contemporary Record 6, no. 2 (Autumn 1992), 307–311.

41. Nairn, “La nemesi borghese,” 161.

42. Perry Anderson, “Origins of the Present Crisis,” New Left Review I/23 (January/February 1964), 39–50. Gramsci is name-checked on the first page.

43. Tom Nairn, “The Nature of the Labor Party–1,” New Left Review, I/27 (September/October 1964), 39.

44. Neat, Hamish Henderson, vol. 2, 243–45.

45. Antonio Gramsci, “Soviets in Italy,” New Left Review I/51 (September/October 1968), 28–58; Antonio Gramsci, Soviets in Italy (Nottingham: Institute for Workers’ Control, 1969).

46. John M. Cammett, Antonio Gramsci and the Origins of Italian Communism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967); Eugene D. Genovese, “On Antonio Gramsci” (review of Cammett), Studies on the Left 7 (March/April 1967), 83–108; Chris Harman, “Gramsci” (review of Cammett), International Socialism 1:32 (Spring 1968), 37; Alastair Davidson, Antonio Gramsci: The Man, His Ideas (Sydney: Australian Left Review Publications, 1968); John M. Merrington, “Theory and Practice in Gramsci’s Marxism,” The Socialist Register 1968, 145–174; Alberto Pozzolini [1968], Antonio Gramsci: An Introduction to His Thought (London: Pluto Press, 1970); Giuseppe Fiori [1965], Antonio Gramsci: Life of a Revolutionary (London: New Left Books, 1970); Lucio Colletti [1965], “Antonio Gramsci and the Italian Revolution” (review of Fiori), New Left Review I/65 (January/February 1971), 87–94.

47. See, for example, Cliff Slaughter, “What is Revolutionary Leadership?,” Labour Review 5, no. 3 (October/November 1960), 93, 106 and Chris Harman, “Party and Class,” International Socialism 1:35 (Winter 1968/9), 27–30.

48. Ray Burnett, “When the Finger Points at the Moon,” in Scotland at the Crossroads: A Socialist Answer, edited by James D. Young (Glasgow: Clydeside Press, 1990), 98.

49. Ibid., 102.

50. Eamonn McCann [1974], War and an Irish Town (New updated edition, London: Pluto Press, 1981), 62.

51. “Derry: Fighting under the Flag of the Citizens’ Army,” interview with Eamonn McCann and Ray Burnett, Socialist Worker (August 21, 1969).

52. Burnett, “When the Finger Points at the Moon,” 99.

53. Ibid., 99–100.

54. Ray Burnett, “Scotland and Antonio Gramsci,” Scottish International 5, no. 9 (November 1972), 12.

55. Burnett, “When the Finger Points at the Moon,” 95, 98–99.

56. The relevant passages are not cited by Burnett, but for the main discussion see Antonio Gramsci, “State and Civil Society,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, 229–239, Q1§134, Q1§133, Q7§16, Q6§138, Q6§117.

57. Burnett, “Scotland and Antonio Gramsci,” 14; Ray Burnett, “Socialists and the SNP,” in The Red Paper on Scotland, 120.

58. Burnett, “Scotland and Antonio Gramsci,” 14.

59. Ibid., 15; Antonio Gramsci, “The Modern Prince,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, 201, Q9§63.

60. Burnett, “Scotland and Antonio Gramsci,” 15.

61. Neil Williamson, “Ten Years After–The Revolutionary Left in Scotland,” The Scottish Government Yearbook 1979, 79–70.

62. Neat, Hamish Henderson, vol. 2, 183–84.

63. class="italic">New Edinburgh Review, special issues on Antonio Gramsci, no. 25 (1973), 26 (1974), and 27 (1975).

64. Burnett, “When the Finger Points at the Moon,” 100; Neat, Hamish Henderson, vol. 2, 184; Williamson, “Ten Years After–The Revolutionary Left in Scotland,” 74–75.

65. Neil K. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland: Red Clydeside from the Russian Revolution to the End of the Soviet Union (London: I. B. Tauris, 2008), 188.

66. David G. Whitfield, “Antonio Gramsci: Signposts to Scottish Action,” Scottish International (1974), 9.

67. Nairn, “Culture and Nationalism,” 8.

68. Ibid., 94–99, 101–05.

69. Tom Nairn, “Old Nationalism and New Nationalism,” in The Red Paper on Scotland, 25. In his own contribution to The Red Paper on Scotland, Burnett still invoked the need for the Modern Prince and rejected the idea that SNP could play the role of consolidating counter-hegemony among the working class. See Burnett, “Socialists and the SNP,” 120.

70. Gramsci, “State and Civil Society,” 258–60, Q8§179.

71. Nairn, “Old Nationalism and New Nationalism,” 26, 27–28, 31.

72. I discuss these comparisons in “Scotland: Birthplace of Passive Revolution?,” Approaching Passive Revolution, special issue of Capital and Class, vol. 34, no. 3 (Autumn 2010). See also The Origins of Scottish Nationhood, 78; Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 1692–1746, 272–73; and “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 3: The Enlightenment as the Theory and Practice of Improvement,” Journal of Agrarian Change 5, no. 1 (January 2005), 39–40.

73. Tom Nairn, “Dr Jekyll’s Case: Model or Warning?,” Bulletin of Scottish Politics 1, no. 1 (Autumn 1980), 138.

74. Nairn, “Old Nationalism and New Nationalism,” 39.

75. Ibid., 35.

76. Gramsci, “State and Civil Society,” 223–26, Q3§42.

77. See, for example, Sigmund Freud, “Totem and Taboo,” in The Freud Reader, edited by Peter Gay (New York: W. W. Norton, 1989), 511.

78. Nairn, “Old and New Nationalism,” 47, 49.

79. Gramsci, “Problems of Marxism,” 438, Q7§32.

80. Nairn, “Old and New Nationalism,” 24.

81. Perry Anderson, “Foreword,” in English Questions (London: Verso, 1992), 5.

82. See, for example, Craig Beveridge and Ronald Turnbull, “Scottish Nationalist, British Marxist: The Strange Case of Tom Nairn,” in The Eclipse of Scottish Culture (Edinburgh: Polygon, 1989), 59, 60.

83. See, above all, “Old and New Nationalism,” 39.

84. Nairn, “The Modern Janus,” New Left Review I/94 (November/December 1975), 22.

85. See, for example, Louis Althusser [1964], “Marxism and Humanism,” in For Marx (London: New Left Books, 1969), 235.

86. Gramsci, “The Study of Philosophy,” 332–33, Q11§12.

87. Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536–1966 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975), 8–9, 239.

88. Ibid., 342–43; Michael Hechter, “Internal Colonialism Revisited,” Cencrastus 10 (Autumn 1982), 9.

89. Christopher Harvie, “Beyond Bairn’s Play: A New Agenda for Scottish Politics,” Cencrastus 10 (Autumn 1982), 11.

90. Harvie , Scotland and Nationalism, 232.

91. “Notes on Contributors,” in The Red Paper on Scotland, 5–6.

92. See chapter 8 in this volume.

93. Harvie , Scotland and Nationalism, 17.

94. Christopher Harvie, “Nationalism, Journalism and Cultural Politics,” in Nationalism in the Nineties, edited by Tom Gallagher (Edinburgh: Polygon, 1991), 33.

95. Thomas, The Gramscian Moment, 417 and 414–21 more generally. See also Adam David Morton, Unravelling Gramsci: Hegemony and Passive Revolution in the Global Economy (London: Pluto Press, 2007), 90–92.

96. Harvie, Scotland and Nationalism, 125.

97. Ibid. See also 274.

98. Harvie, “Nationalism, Journalism and Cultural Politics,” 33, 45.

99. Whitfield treated socialist intellectuals as a third category, rather than as the organic intellectuals of the working class. See “Antonio Gramsci,” 8.

100. Antonio Gramsci, “The Intellectuals,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, 9–10, Q12§3.

101. James D. Young, The Rousing of the Scottish Working Class (London: Croom Helm, 1979), 47. One wonders whether Young thinks that alcoholism is a virtuous habit.

102. Ibid., 11. See also 14–15 for his further reliance on Hechter.

103. Ibid., 168; Gramsci, “Notes on Italian History,” 80, Q1§48. Young uses a different translation.

104. Young, The Rousing of the Scottish Working Class, 168.

105. Williamson, “Ten Years After–The Revolutionary Left in Scotland,” 76.

106. Lindsay Paterson, The Autonomy of Modern Scotland (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994), 8.

107. Perry Anderson, “The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci,” New Left Review, I/100 (November 1976/January 1977), 69–70, 75–76.

108. As Thomas has definitively demonstrated, this is a misreading of Gramsci’s dialectic of coercion and consent. See The Gramscian Moment, 161–67.

109. Keith Burgess et al., “Scotland and the First British Empire, 1707–1770s,” in Scottish Capitalism: Class, State and Nation from Before the Union to the Present, edited by Tony Dickson (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1980), 124.

110. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 205.

111. For a comprehensive statement, see Stuart Hall, “Gramsci and Us,” Marxism Today (June 1987), 16–21.

112. Henderson, “Introduction,” 11.

113. Pat Kane, “Scotland by Starlight,” in Tinsel Show: Pop, Politics, Scotland (Edinburgh: Polygon, 1992), 184.

114. Keith Hartley, The Vigorous Imagination: New Scottish Art (Edinburgh: National Galleries of Scotland, 1987).

115. Henderson, “Introduction,” 1.

116. Angus Calder, “Art for a New Scotland?” in Revolving Culture, 253.

117. Paul Wood, “The Dotage of Authenticity: Realism(s) and National Culture(s),” Edinburgh Review 80/81 (1988), 53.

118. Hoare and Nowell-Smith, editorial note to “Problems of Marxism,” 421, note 65.

119. Paul Tritschler, “Gramsci,” Radical Scotland 20 (April/May 1986), 31.

120. S. Hosie and S. Robison, A Left Nationalist Response to the CPB Critique of Scottish Nationalism (Glasgow: National Popular Publications, 1991), 2.

121. Gramsci, “State and Civil Society,” 240, Q14§68.

122. Antonio Gramsci and Palmiro Togliatti, “The Italian Situation and the Tasks of the PCI (‘Lyons Thesis’),” in Selections from the Political Writings, 340.

123. Cammett, Antonio Gramsci and the Origins of Italian Communism, 9–13; Davidson, Antonio Gramsci, 48–50, 57–65; Fiori, Antonio Gramsci, 93–94; Morton, Unravelling Gramsci, 80–81.

124. Gramsci to Tania, October 12, 1931, in Prison Letters, 175.

125. Antonio Gramsci, “Julien Benda,” in Selections from the Cultural Writings, 260, Q3§2.

126. Robert Q. Gray, The Labor Aristocracy in Victorian Edinburgh (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), 5–6, 185–86; John Holford, Reshaping Labor: Organisation, Work and Politics–Edinburgh in the Great War and After (London: Croom Helm, 1988), 5–6, 235, 240. The key passages are in Gramsci, “The Study of Philosophy,” 323–43, Q11§12.

127. Sean Damer, From Moorepark to “Wine Alley”: The Rise and Fall of a Glasgow Housing Scheme (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1989), 23–24, 150–51; Grant Jarvie, “Culture, Social Development and the Scottish Highland Gatherings,” in The Making of Scotland: Nation, Culture and Social Change, edited by David McCrone, Stephen Kendrick and Pat Straw (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1989), 191–92; David McCrone, Understanding Scotland: The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (London: Routledge, 1992), 27.

128. Colin McArthur, Brigadoon, Braveheart and the Scots: Distortions of Scotland in Hollywood Cinema (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003), 112, 113.

129. Davidson, “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 3,” 37–38; Neil Davidson, “Neoliberal Politics in a Devolved Scotland,” in Neoliberal Scotland: Class and Society in a Stateless Nation, edited by Neil Davidson, Patricia McCafferty, and David Miller (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2010), 367–69. See also Hearn, Claiming Scotland, 88.

130. Tom Nairn, “From Civil Society to Civic Nationalism,” in Faces of Nationalism: Janus Revisited (London: Verso, 1998), 81–82.

131. Allan Harkness, “The Popular Imagination: An Interview with Ken Currie,” Cencrastus 27 (Autumn 1987), 31. In fact, the repressive power of the state in Western liberal democracies is actually greater than that of the East. In this regard, at least, the formulations of Gramsci’s opponent within the PCI, Amadeo Bordiga, may have been superior to his own. See Anderson, “The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci,” 49–55.

132. Paterson, The Autonomy of Modern Scotland, 17.

133. Nairn, “From Civil Society to Civic Nationalism,” 82. For the significance of this reassessment of Gramsci in the context of Nairn’s wider rejection of Marxism, see chapter 1 in this volume.

134. Nairn, “From Civil Society to Civic Nationalism,” 82. The quote by Neil Harding is from “Intellectuals, Socialism and Proletariat,” in Intellectuals and Politics: From the Dreyfus Affair to Salman Rushdie, edited by Jeremy Jennings and Anthony Kemp-Walsh (London: Routledge, 1997), 211.

135. Hughes, Consciousness and Society, 101–02.

136. Neat, Hamish Henderson, vol. 2, 364–65.

Chapter 11: Women and the Lost World of Scottish Communism

1. Originally published in Critique 39, no. 2 (May 2011) as a review of Neil C. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland: Red Clydeside from the Russian Revolution to the End of the Soviet Union (London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2008).

2. Steven Fielding, “Review of Noreen Branson, History of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1941–1951,” Socialist History 14 (1999), 80. Similar if less extreme judgments have been made by former members of the party such as Willie Thompson: “The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) throughout the seven decades of its effective existence was never of more than marginal significance in British political life.” See The Good Old Cause: British Communism, 1920–1991 (London: Pluto Press, 1992), 1.

3. Thompson, The Good Old Cause, 218.

4. “Former members” in the sense that, since the original CPGB dissolved itself in November 1992, everyone who held a party card prior to that date is now a former member: many of Rafeek’s interviewees make clear that they would have remained members had the party continued to exist.

5. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 3. See also 15.

6. Timothy Neat, Hamish Henderson: A Biography, vol. 2, Poetry Becomes People (1952–2002) (Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2009), 108.

7. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 112–16.

8. Ibid., 232.

9. William McIlvanney, “The Shallowing of Scotland,” in Surviving the Shipwreck (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 1991), 120.

10. Not all the similarities are positive, of course. Rafeek quotes Ouaine Bain on “the tyranny of the Contribution” and adds his own gloss: “The political committee would hand down a political statement and then committee members would make their own rehearsed offerings while the meeting was strongly controlled by the chair.” Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 196. Needless to say the problem of tyrannical contributions has not been restricted to the CPGB.

11. Ibid., 68.

12. Ibid., 99.

13. Some of the cultural differences with today, particularly in male-female relations, are striking. Jenny Richardson recalls one woman on the CPGB Scottish Women’s Advisory Committee speaking at a meeting at Clydebank: “Peter Kerrigan was the main speaker and Sarah turned up with her nail varnish on her fingers and on her toes and Peter got rather annoyed. . . . She was being ‘ frivolous’ in front of the workmen.” Ibid., 95.

14. Ibid., 13–15.

15. Ibid., 91, 104.

16. Jackie Kay, “Non-Stop Party,” in Children of the Revolution: Communist Childhood in Cold War Britain, edited by Phil Cohen (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1997), 38.

17. For an early but characteristic statement of the CPGB”s position, see John Gollan, Scottish Prospect: An Economic, Administrative and Social Survey (Glasgow: Caledonian Books, 1948), chapter 16, “Self-Government for Scotland.”

18. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 171–75.

19. Neil Davidson, “Neoliberal Politics in a Devolved Scotland,” in Neoliberal Scotland: Class and Nation in a Stateless Nation, edited by Neil Davidson, Patricia McCafferty, and David Miller (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2010), 373–75. See also chapter 1 in this volume.

20. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 215 and 211–216 more generally.

21. Ibid., 207.

22. Ibid., 223.

23. Tom Nairn, “Old and New Nationalism,” in The Red Paper on Scotland, edited by Gordon Brown (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Special Publications Board, 1975), 34.

24. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 55.

25. Ibid., 85.

26. Ibid., 69.

27. Ibid., 93.

28. Ibid., 120.

29. Ibid., 187.

30. Ibid., 7.

31. Ibid.

32. Which is not to pretend that all members were exemplary in all aspects of their behavior: Rafeek’s interviewees are critical of some party members who regarded themselves as superior to others, particularly when this was in no way justified by their theory or practice. The late Jimmy Reid was thought by some interviewees to have displayed “complacency and arrogance” during his 1974 General Election campaign in Clydebank, despite having, as Rafeek puts it, a “history of organizational incompetence.” See ibid., 175–76.

33. Ibid., 126, 139–44.

34. Franz Borkenau [1939], World Communism: A History of the Communist International (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962), 413–19.

35. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 89, 90.

36. Peter Bain, “‘Is You Is or Is You Ain’t My Baby’: Women’s Pay and the Clydeside Strikes of 1943,” Scottish Labour History 30 (1995), 52.

37. Ibid, 54.

38. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 151.

39. Ibid., 143.

40. Ibid., 166.

41. Ibid., 177.

42. See, for example, “Christine Buchan,” in Dutiful Daughters: Women Talk about Their Lives, edited by Jean McCrindle and Sheila Rowbotham (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1979), 326–29. McCrindle was herself interviewed by Rafeek for Communist Women in Scotland.

43. Rafeek, Communist Women in Scotland, 144.

44. Tommy Sheridan with Joan McAlpine, A Time to Rage (Edinburgh: Polygon, 1994), 50, 51, 52.

45. Kay, “Non-Stop Party,” 42.

46. For the most important, based partly on interviews with former members in and around Manchester, see Kevin Morgan, Gidon Cohen, and Andrew Flinn, Communists and British Society, 1920–91: People of a Special Mould (London: Rivers Oram, 2005).

Chapter 12: Eric Hobsbawm’s Unanswered Question

1. Originally published in Economic and Political Weekly 47, no. 38 (September 22, 2012) as a review of Eric J. Hobsbawm, How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism (London: Little, Brown, 2011).

2. Of these historians, only Manning and Ste. Croix were never members of the Communist Party of Great Britain, although the former was involved with its Historians Group through the journal Past and Present.

3. He announced that he would no longer be appearing in public at the launch of this book for the Socialist History Society at Bishopsgate Library, London, on February 25, 2011. For an example of a recent appearance in the British media see Andrew Whitehead, “Eric Hobsbawm on the Arab Spring: ‘It Reminds Me of 1848 . . . ,’” BBC News Magazine (December 23, 2011), www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-16217726.

4. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Interesting Times: A Twentieth-Century Life (London: Allen Lane, 2002), 96.

5. Ibid., 200, footnote; Eric J. Hobsbawm, “Preface,” in On History (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1997), ix.

6. Eric J. Hobsbawm, “The Historians Group of the Communist Party,” in Rebels and Their Causes: Essays in Honour of A. L. Morton, edited by Maurice Cornforth (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1978), 31–32.

7. Hobsbawm, Interesting Times, 291.

8. For a discussion of right-wing attempts to appropriate Thompson’s work in support of social neoliberalism, see Anthony Iles and Tom Roberts, All Knees and Elbows of Susceptibility and Refusal: Reading History from Below (London: Strickland Distribution, Transmission, and Mute Books, 2012), 247–65.

9. See, for example, Harvey J. Kaye, The British Marxist Historians: An Introductory Analysis (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), 132, 153–56.

10. See, for example, Eric J. Hobsbawm [1984], “Marx and History,” in On History, 160–65.

11. See, for example, Eric J. Hobsbawm [1972], “From Social History to the History of Society,” in On History, 79–83.

12. Eric J. Hobsbawm [1954], “The Crisis of the Seventeenth Century,” in Crisis in Europe, 1560–1660: Essays from Past and Present, edited by Trevor Ashton (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), 5–6.

13. Edward P. Thompson [1963], The Making of the English Working Class (Second edition, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1980), 12.

14. Thomas Gray [1751], “Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard,” in The Faber Book of Political Verse, edited by Tom Paulin (London: Faber and Faber, 1986), 195.

15. Eric J. Hobsbawm [1959], Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1971); Bandits (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969).

16. Eric J. Hobsbawm, “Foreword,” in How to Change the World, vii.

17. Eric J. Hobsbawm [1964], “Marx on Pre-Capitalist Formations,” in How to Change the World, 134, 135. For a similar position by a Marxist nominally operating within the discipline of geography, see David Harvey [1978], “On Countering the Marxian Myth—Chicago Style,” in Spaces of Capital: Towards a Critical Geography (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2001), 75, 78. For a more polemical statement of the same position by a writer unclassifiable in disciplinary terms see John Berger, “Where Are We?,” in Hold Everything Dear: Dispatches on Survival and Resistance (London: Verso, 2007), 38.

18. Eric J. Hobsbawm [1982], “The Influence of Marxism, 1945–83,” in How to Change the World, 364–66.

19. Hobsbawm, “Marx on Pre-Capitalist Formations,” 152 and 147–52 more generally.

20. Ibid., 143–44.

21. Eric J. Hobsbawm [1998], “On the Communist Manifesto” [1998], in How to Change the World, 109–10.

22. Eric J. Hobsbawm [1982], “Gramsci,” in How to Change the World, 326–27.

23. Ibid., 87.

24. Eric J. Hobsbawm [1982], “Marx, Engels and Politics,” in How to Change the World, 61–62.

25. Eric J. Hobsbawm [2006], “Marx Today,” in How to Change the World, 13.

26. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1848], “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” in Political Writings, vol. 1, The Revolutions of 1848, edited by David Fernbach, (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 86–87.

27. Hal Draper, “The Death of the State in Marx and Engels,” The Socialist Register 1970, edited by Ralph Miliband and John Saville (London: Merlin Press, 1970), 286 and 285–89 more generally.

28. Karl Marx [1871], “The Civil War in France,” in Political Writings, vol. 3, The First International and After, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 212.

29. Friedrich Engels [1872], “Preface to the German Edition of 1872,” in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2002), 194.

30. Hobsbawm, “Marx, Engels and Politics,” 56–57. Compare the discussion in Hal Draper, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, vol. 3, The “Dictatorship of the Proletariat” (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1986), 269–74, 315–17.

31. Vladimir I. Lenin [1917], “The State and Revolution: The Marxist Theory of the State and the Tasks of the Proletariat in the Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 25, June-September 1917 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), 418–37.

32. Hobsbawm, “Marx, Engels and Politics,” 57.

33. Hobsbawm, “Gramsci,” 332.

34. Louis Althusser [1962], “Contradiction and Overdetermination: Notes for an Investigation,” in For Marx (London: Verso, 2005), 115–16.

35. See, for example, Eric J. Hobsbawm [1995], “The Reception of Gramsci,” in How to Change the World, 339: “Who now expects another vogue for Althusser, any more than for Spengler?” Hobsbawm’s skepticism about Althusser reaches all the way back to the French publication of For Marx and Reading Capital. See Eric J. Hobsbawm [1966], “The Structure of Capital,” in Revolutionaries: Contemporary Essays (London: Quartet Books, 1977), 145–52.

36. Antonio Gramsci, “The Nature and History of Economic Science: 4. Brief Notes on Economics [1]. The Concept of ‘Homo oeconomicus,’” in Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, edited by David Boothman (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 167, Q10II§15.

37. Eric J. Hobsbawm, “Waking from History’s Great Dream,” interview by Paul Barker, Independent on Sunday (February 4, 1990).

38. “Marx Today,” 9.

39. Ibid., 316.

40. See, for example, Eric J. Hobsbawm [1985], “The Retreat into Extremism,” in Politics for a Rational Left: Political Writings, 1977–1988 (London: Verso, 1989), 92–94. For his own assessment of the influence of the Popular Front on his politics, see Interesting Times, esp. chapter 8, “Against Fascism and War,” and 322–24.

41. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 (London: Michael Joseph, 1994), chapter 4, “Against the Common Enemy.”

42. Eric J. Hobsbawm [1982], “In the Era of Anti-Fascism, 1929–45,” in How to Change the World, 273–74, 308.

43. Ibid., 307–11.

44. Leon D. Trotsky [1939], “One Again on the Causes of the Defeat in Spain,” in The Spanish Revolution (1931–39), edited by Naomi Allen and George Breitman (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1973), 339.

45. Hobsbawm, “In the Era of Anti-Fascism,” 310, note 72 (text on 448).

46. Fernando Claudin, The Communist Movement: From Comintern to Cominform (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), 242 and 210–42 more generally.

47. Niall Ferguson, “What a Swell Party It Was . . . for Him,” Daily Telegraph (September 22, 2002).

48. Eric J. Hobsbawm [2000–2010], “Marx and Labor: The Long Century,” in How to Change the World, 418–19.

49. Tony Judt [2006], “Goodbye to All That? Leszek Kolakowski and the Marxist Legacy,” in Reappraisals: Reflections on the Forgotten Twentieth Century (London: William Heinemann, 2008), 142–43.

50. Eric J. Hobsbawm, “After the Cold War,” London Review of Books 34, no. 8 (April 26, 2012), 14.

51. Originally published as the foreword to a reprint of the above review in International Socialist Review 86 (November/December 2012).

52. Now published as Fractured Times: Culture and Society in the Twentieth Century (London: Little, Brown, 2013).

53. Michael Burleigh, “Eric Hobsbawm: A Believer in the Red Utopia to the Very End,” Telegraph (October 1, 2012), www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/9579092 /Eric-Hobsbawm-A-believer-in-the-Red-utopia-to-the-very-end.html.

54. Niall Ferguson, “A Truly Great Historian,” The Guardian (October 1, 2012), www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/oct/01/eric-hobsbawm-historian.

Chapter 13: The Posthumous Adventures of Adam Smith

1. Originally published in Scottish Review of Books 9, no. 1 (March 23, 2013) as “The Battle for Adam Smith.”

2. Richard Cockett, Thinking the Unthinkable: Think-Tanks and the Economic Counter-Revolution, 1931–1983 (London: Fontana Press, 1995), 280–85; Daniel Stedman Jones, Masters of the Universe: Hayek, Friedman, and the Birth of Neoliberal Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 165–67.

3. Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis website, www.minneapolisfed.org /publications_papers/pub_display.cfm?id=3708.

4. Adam Smith Institute website, www.adamsmith.org/about-us/frequently -asked-questions.

5. Jacob Viner, “Adam Smith and Laissez Faire,” Journal of Political Economy 35, no. 2 (April, 1927), 207.

6. Emma Rothschild, Economic Sentiments: Adam Smith, Condorcet, and the Enlightenment (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2001), 52.

7. Anthony Waterman, “Reappraisal of ‘Malthus the Economist,’ 1933–1997,” History of Political Economy 45, no. 1 (February 1998), 295.

8. Richard E. Teichgraeber III, “‘Less Abused Than I Had Reason to Expect’: The Reception of The Wealth of Nations in Britain, 1776–1790,” Historical Journal 30, no. 2 (June 1987), 366.

9. Rothschild, Economic Sentiments, 53.

10. See, for example, Dugald Stewart [1792], Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind, in Collected Works, vol. 2, edited by W. Hamilton (Edinburgh: Thomas Constable, 1854), 228.

11. John Saville, The Consolidation of the Capitalist State, 1800–1850 (London: Pluto Press, 1994), 36.

12. Unlike his predecessors, Smith regarded acts of self-interest as virtuous in themselves, not merely as the cause of unintended virtuous consequences. As Lucio Colletti writes: “For Mandeville, the selfish activity of man is a vice: a vice he certainly rejoices in, as against the hypocrisy and bigotry of priests and puritans, yet still a vice, at least in the sense that the individuals–being in competition with each other–seem to him to be intent on deceiving and swindling each other. For Smith, on the other hand, the selfish activity of the individual (in the face of which, he shows, it would be useless to appeal to ‘good will’ and ‘humanity’) tends to appear as a positive factor, almost a ‘virtue.’ This is because he takes it for granted that, in pursuing his private interests, the individual is collaborating in the promotion of the general interest. In the first case, negative factors produce a positive result; in the second case, the positive result arises from the sum of the partial factors which in themselves are already positive.” See “Mandeville, Rousseau and Smith,” in From Rousseau to Lenin: Studies in Ideology and Society (London: New Left Books, 1972), 213 and 208–16 more generally.

13. The most comprehensive account of the “problem” and, in my opinion, the most plausible attempt to resolve it is Dogan Göçmen, The Adam Smith Problem: Human Nature and Society in The Theory of Moral Sentiments and The Wealth of Nations (London: Taurus Academic Studies, 2007). But see also Richard Teichgraeber III, “Rethinking Das Adam Smith Problem,” in New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early Modern Scotland, edited by John Dwyer, Roger A. Mason, and Alexander Murdoch (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers, 1982).

14. Ruth Scurr, “Inequality and Political Stability from the Ancien Regime to Revolution: The Reception of Adam Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments in France,” History of European Ideas 35, no. 4 (December 2009), 413–17.

15. Teichgraeber III, “‘Less Abused Than I Had Reason to Expect,’” 339, 340.

16. Horner to Thompson, August 15, 1803, in Memoirs and Correspondence of Francis Horner, M.P., edited by Leonard Horner (London: John Murray, 1843), vol. 1, 229.

17. Robert Burns [1790], “On the Late Death of Dr Adam Smith,” in The Canongate Burns, edited by Andrew Noble and Patrick Scott Hogg (Edinburgh: Canongate, 2001), 445.

18. Thomas Paine [1791–2], Rights of Man, edited by Henry Collins (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1969), 97.

19. Edward P. Thompson [1963], The Making of the English Working Class (Second edition, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1980), 104–05.

20. Adam Smith [1759], The Theory of Moral Sentiments , edited by David D. Raphael and Alexander L. Macfie (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 158–59.

21. See, for example, Iain McLean, Adam Smith: Radical and Egalitarian (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006), vi–vii, 54–55.

22. Robert Burns [1786], “To a Louse: On Seeing One on a Lady’s Bonnet at Church,” in The Canongate Burns, 132. For the contrast between Smith and Burns, see Gavin Kennedy, Adam Smith: A Moral Philosopher and His Political Economy (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 48–50.

23. David McNally, Against the Market: Political Economy, Market Socialism and the Marxist Critique (London: Verso, 1993), 43.

24. class="italic">Edinburgh Review or Critical Journal 14 (April/July 1809), 50–51.

25. See, for example, William Lovett’s comments in Northern Star, March 31, 1839.

26. A Traveller Underground [John R. Leifchild], Our Coal and Coal Pits, the People in Them, and the Scenes around Them (London: Thomas Nelson, 1856), 223–24.

27. Alan B. Campbell, The Lanarkshire Miners: A Social History of Their Trade Unions, 1775–1874 (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers, 1979), 254–55.

28. Karl Marx [1862–3], Theories of Surplus Value, part 1, edited by S. Ryazanskaya (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1963), 288, 300.

29. Karl Marx [1862–3], Theories of Surplus Value, part 2, edited by S. Ryazanskaya (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969), 165, 169.

30. Marx, Theories of Surplus Value, part 1, 81.

31. Ibid., 97.

32. Adam Smith [1776], An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, edited by Edwin Cannan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), Book II, Introduction, 291–92; Karl Marx [1867], Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1 (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1976), 873–74.

33. James Steuart [1767], An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy, vol. 1, edited by Andrew. S. Skinner (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd for the Scottish Economic Society, 1966), 171, 176.

34. Marx, Theories of Surplus Value, vol. 1, 43.

35. McLean, Adam Smith, 69, 82, note 1, and chapter 4 more generally.

36. Michael Perelman, The Invention of Capitalism: Classical Political Economy and the Secret History of Primitive Accumulation (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2000), 166, 170.

37. Milonakis and Fine, From Political Economy to Economics, 12, 93.

38. Murray Milgate and Shannon C. Stimson, After Adam Smith: A Century of Transformation in Politics and Political Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009), 32.

39. Dimitris Milonakis and Ben Fine, From Political Economy to Economics: Method, the Social and the Historical in the Evolution of Economic Theory (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), 94–95, 102–03.

40. Rothschild, Economic Sentiments, 65 and 64–66 more generally.

41. Frederick von Hayek, “The Complexity of Problems of Human Interaction,” in The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism, edited by W. W. Bartley III (London: Routledge, 1988), 148.

42. See, for example, Kennedy, Adam Smith, chapter 12 or Milgate and Stimson, After Adam Smith, 89–94.

43. Jonathan Rose, The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 300. To a large extent interest in Smith went in parallel with how sectarian institutions of working-class education were. “Henry Heslop, the Durham miner-novelist, attended the CLC [Central Labour College] in 1925–26 and found the curriculum dismally propagandistic. ‘They insisted that there was no viable reasoning on economics before Marx, and none whatever since,’ so the students learned nothing of Adam Smith, David Ricardo, or John Stuart Mill.” Ibid., 303.

44. James Buchan, Adam Smith and the Pursuit of Perfect Liberty (London: Profile Books, 2006), 5.

45. Milton Friedman, The Relevance of Adam Smith for 1976, University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, Selected Papers no. 50 (1976), 1, 3.

46. Stedman Jones, Masters of the Universe, 104–07.

47. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London: HarperCollins, 1993), 618. See also David Torrance, “We in Scotland”: Thatcherism in a Cold Climate (Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2009), 25, 57, 161 and 165.

48. Dennis MacLeod and Michael Russell, Grasping the Thistle: How Scotland Must React to the Three Key Challenges of the Twenty First Century (Glendaruel: Argyll Publishing, 2006), 95–96.

49. Milonakis and Fine, From Political Economy to Economics, 48.

50. Elmar Altvater, “The Roots of Neoliberalism,” The Socialist Register 2008: Global Flashpoints. Reactions to Imperialism and Neoliberalism, edited by Leo Panitch and Colin Leys (London: Merlin Press, 2007), 346.

51. James D. Young, letter in The Herald (March 21, 2007).

52. Michael Perelman, The Invisible Handcuffs of Capitalism: How Market Tyranny Stifles the Economy by Stunting Workers (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2011), 174–175 and 160–76 more generally. A subsequent chapter is entitled “The Dark Side of Adam Smith”–somewhat redundantly since for Perelman Smith’s work, like the moon in Pink Floyd’s 1973 album, is all dark. For his entire discussion, see ibid., 149–99. See also Perelman, The Invention of Capitalism, 171–228.

53. In this respect there is a major difference between the reception of Smith and that of David Ricardo, aspects of whose work were consciously used by economists hostile to neoclassicism (the “neo-Ricardians”) but unconvinced by the labor theory of value in its Marxist form, which they saw as being unable to determine producer prices. The main source for the revival of Ricardo’s thought was Piero Sraffa, Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities: Prelude to a Critique of Economic Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960). For the classic statement of the neo-Ricardian position, which is by no means identical with Sraffa’s, see Ian Steedman, Marx after Sraffa (London: New Left Books, 1977). Smith has rarely been used to “correct” Marx in this way; his influence has either been unconscious or deliberately posed as an alternative to Marxism, not a supplement to it.

54. Robert Brenner, “The Origins of Capitalist Development: A Critique of Neo-Smithian Marxism,” New Left Review I/104 (July/August 1977), 27–41; “Property and Progress: Where Adam Smith Went Wrong,” Marxist History Writing for the Twenty-First Century, edited by Chris Wickham (Oxford: Oxford University Press for The British Academy, 2007), 49–50, 82–89. Perelman makes an interesting argument for seeing Lenin as a Smithian Marxist in relation to the development of capitalism in Russia. See The Invention of Capitalism, 352–365.

55. Immanuel Wallerstein, “From Feudalism to Capitalism: Transition or Transitions?,” Social Forces 55, no. 2 (December 1976), 273, 280.

56. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, book I, chapter 2, 17.

57. See, for example, Stephen Miller, “French Absolutism and Agricultural Capitalism: A Comment on Henry Heller’s Essays,” Historical Materialism 20, no. 4 (2012), 144.

58. David Graeber, Debt: The First 5,000 Years (New York: Melville House, 2011), chapter 2.

59. “Capitalists” seems to have been used from the late 1780s, “capitalism” from the 1850s; Marx’s first use of the latter term occurs as late as 1870. See Neil Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2012), 73, 131–32.

60. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, book I, chapter 2, 17.

61. Göçmen, The Adam Smith Problem, 159.

62. Giovanni Arrighi: Adam Smith in Beijing: Lineages of the Twenty-First Century (London: Verso, 2007), 39 and 13–68 more generally.

63. John McMurty, The Cancer Stage of Capitalism (London: Pluto Press, 1999), 45 and 41–45 more generally.

64. David C. Korten, When Corporations Rule the World (London: Kumerian Press, 1995), 78.

65. Ibid., 80, 88.

66. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991(London: Michael Joseph, 1994), 225–400.

67. Neil Davidson, “What Was Neoliberalism?,” in Neoliberal Scotland: Class and Society in a Stateless Nation, edited by Neil Davidson, Patricia McCafferty, and David Miller (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2010), 10–21.

68. Ashley Lavelle, The Death of Social Democracy: Political Consequences in the 21st Century (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 11–16.

69. Gordon Brown, “Foreword,” in McLean, Adam Smith, viii.

70. McLean, Adam Smith, 139. See also Craig Smith, “Adam Smith: Left or Right?,” Political Studies (2012), onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467–9248.2012 .00985.x/full.

71. See the classic discussion in Leszek Kolakowski [1957], “The Concept of the Left,” in Marxism and Beyond: On Historical Understanding and Individual Responsibility (London: Paladin, 1971).

72. McLean, Adam Smith, 147.

73. Brown, “Foreword,” ix. See McLean, chapter 5 for an attempt to substantiate this claim.

74. Timothy Garton Ash, “The US Democratic-Capitalist Model Is on Trial. No Schadenfreude, Please,” The Guardian (October 2, 2008).

75. Göçmen, The Adam Smith Problem, 162.

76. P. J. O’Rourke, On The Wealth of Nations (London: Atlantic Books, 2007), 51.

77. Bank of England website, www.bankofengland.co.uk/banknotes/Pages/current /smith.aspx.

78. Ryan Patrick Hanley, Adam Smith and the Character of Virtue (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 211.

79. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, book II, chapter 1, 405.

80. Ibid., Book III, chapter 4, 437, 440.

81. Adam Smith [1762–63, 1766], Lectures on Jurisprudence, edited by Ronald L. Meek, David D. Raphael, and Peter G. Stein (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 264.

82. Henri de Saint-Simon [1818], “On the Political History of Industry,” in Selected Writings on Science, Industry and Social Organization, edited by Keith Taylor (London: Croom Helm, 1975), 178.

83. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, Book I, chapter 1, 8–9.

84. Smith, Lectures on Jurisprudence, 340–341.

85. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, Book 5, chapter 1, 302–03.

86. Ibid., book 5, chapter 1, 303.

87. See, for example, Adam Ferguson [1767], An Essay on the History of Civil Society, edited by Duncan Forbes (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1966), 181. The connections are explored in Buchan, Adam Smith and the Pursuit of Perfect Liberty, 5–7, 9; Neil Davidson, “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 3: The Enlightenment as the Theory and Practice of Improvement,” Journal of Agrarian Change 5, no. 1 (2005), 47–53, 62–64; Göçmen, The Adam Smith Problem, 114–18; and Lisa Hill, “Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson and Karl Marx on the Division of Labor,” Journal of Classical Sociology 7, no. 3 (2007).

88. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, Book V, chapter 1, 305, 306.

89. Kennedy lists twenty-five areas in total, all but three from The Wealth of Nations. See Kennedy, Adam Smith, 247–48.

90. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, book 1, chapter 10, 143. See also ibid., book I, chapter 11, 277–78.

91. Ibid., book I, chapter 10, 144.

92. Ibid., book V, chapter 1, 236; book IV, chapter 7, 81.

93. David McNally, Political Economy and the Rise of Capitalism: A Reinterpretation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 256–57. See also Richard Koebner, “Adam Smith and the Industrial Revolution,” Economic History Review 2:11, no. 3 (April 1959), 389–91.

94. Neil Davidson, “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 2: The Capitalist Offensive (1847–1815),” Journal of Agrarian Change 4, no. 4 (October 2004), 423–31, 438–43. See also Davidson, “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 3,” 47–53.

95. Perelman, The Invisible Handcuffs of Capitalism, 159.

96. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, book IV, chapter 7, 75–158. Smith supported a federal solution that would have allowed colonial representatives to sit in the British parliament, thus removing the basis of the demand for “no taxation without representation” within an overall context of free trade between Britain and the American colonies. See Dalphy I. Fagerstrom, “Scottish Opinion and the American Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly 3:11, no. 2 (April 1954), 258–61 and Ned C.Landsman, “The Provinces and Empire: Scotland, the American Development of British Provincial Identity,” in An Imperial State at War: Britain, 1689–1815, edited by Lawrence Stone (London: Routledge, 1994), 264–67.

97. Michael Merrill, “The Anticapitalist Origins of the United States,” Review 13, no. 4 (Fall 1990), 477.

98. Franklin to Babcock, January 13, 1772, in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 19, edited by William B. Willcox (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1975), 7.

99. Perelman, The Invention of Capitalism, 256–60.

100. Nicholas Phillipson, Adam Smith: An Enlightened Life (London: Allen Lane, 2010), 229–30.

101. Charles Post [2009], “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Colonial British North America: The Place of the American Revolution in the Origins of Capitalism in the USA,” in The American Road to Capitalism: Studies in Class-Structure, Economic Development and Political Conflict, 1620–1877 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2011), 171–73, 180–84. Marx made a similar point about white colonial-settler societies, although tending to describe their economies as based on small commodity production. See Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 931–40 and Theories of Surplus Value, part 2, 302.

102. Albert O. Hirschman [1977], The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Twentieth anniversary edition, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), 69–70.

103. Ibid., 100.

104. John Dwyer, The Age of the Passions: An Interpretation of Adam Smith and Scottish Enlightenment Culture (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1998), 103.

105. Joseph Cropsey, Polity and Economy: An Appreciation of the Principles of Adam Smith (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1957), x.