ZAHIT ATÇIL
The Ottoman conception of sovereignty owed significantly to the Turco-Mongol tradition of the Steppe in that sovereignty was accepted as the collective property of the whole dynastic family, and, in theory, every male member of the family had the right to the kingdom. Unlike other examples of this tradition, the Ottoman system did not support the division of the kingdom among the princes, and much effort was made to keep the land unified. This led to brutal competitions among powerful princes, who had acquired experience in provincial administration, and the practice of frequent fratricide, especially immediately after the death of a ruling sultan (or as he neared death), became common place. Over time fratricide became entrenched in the political culture of the Ottomans. and it was codified within dynastic law (Kanunname-i Al-i Osman) by Mehmed II (r. 1451–1481). Mehmed, without reservation articulated this law of expediency: “For the welfare of the state, the one of my sons to whom God grants the sultanate may lawfully put his brothers to death. A majority of the ʿulamaʾ consider this permissible.”1
The most significant competitions for the imperial throne occurred in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. First, following the death of Mehmed II (r. 1451–1481), two of his sons, Bayezid and Cem, competed for the throne until the latter’s death in Rome while he was held captive under the jurisdiction of the Papacy. Then the sons of Bayezid II (r. 1481–1512) began their struggle for the throne, which culminated in the ascension of the youngest surviving son, Selim (r. 1512–1520), who sent his father to retirement and killed all other claimants.
FIGURE 5.2 Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent wearing the jewel-studded helmet
This impressive four-tiered jeweled crown belonged to Sultan Suleiman and was the centerpiece of a collection of royal jewelry fashioned by Venetian goldsmiths for the Ottoman ruler. This paritucular design was modeled after the three-tiered tiara of the pope and was meant to display Suleiman’s claim to universal sovereignty, a contentious ideological concern of the early modern empires. Art historians believe that crown was put on public display in the Doge’s Palace in Venice in 1532, providing the opportunity for the artist to study the piece for this woodcut.
Artist: Anonymous. Likely Venetian or Italian, sixteenth century
Date: c. 1540–50
Credit: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1942. 42.41.1
Perhaps the cruelest struggle for succession arose in 1550s, when Suleiman the Magnificent grew old and increasingly withdrew from daily politics. The principal factions in the dispute were Hurrem (d. 1558), the sultan’s favorite wife and one of the most powerful members of the Ottoman household, and Prince Mustafa (d. 1553), the son of another royal wife, influential and well-liked by the troops. Hurrem endeavored to save the lives of her sons (Mehmed, Selim, Bayezid, and Cihangir) from Mustafa should he succeed. At this junction, he appeared to have rebelled against his father, the ruling Sultan Suleiman, for which he was executed in 1553. No doubt, Hurrem played a major role in Mustafa’s downfall.
Although Hurrem succeeded in saving the throne for one of her sons, this time the bitterest rivalry between her two surviving sons, Selim and Bayezid, grew into an open battle in 1559 and culminated in Bayezid’s seeking refuge in the Safavid court in Iran. After extensive negotiations between the Safavid Shah Tahmasb and Sultan Suleiman and the heir apparent prince Selim II (r. 1566–1574), the renegade prince Bayezid was captured and later executed by the Ottoman envoy who had arrived from Istanbul at the Safavid camp to carry out the order.
Such a cruel succession process could not endure long, and efforts were made to change it significantly. Instead of sending princes to rule distant provinces (as was the customary practice so that they may learn the craft of administration) where they amassed their own power base, either only one was sent or they were all kept in the capital. Beginning in the seventeenth century, the right of primogeniture was instituted and the princes ascended the throne according to their seniority. This adaptation was not without its drawbacks, but it curtailed the unpopular practice of fratricide considerably.
These issues are recorded in detail by the Ottoman historian and bureaucrat Mustafa Ali in his world history book, Essence of History (Kunh ul-Ahbar). The excerpt below is the section in which Mustafa Ali outlined the struggle between Selim and Bayezid in the late 1550s. A traumatic event at the center of Ottoman power compelled Mustafa Ali to write a separate volume titled Rarity of Wars (Nadir ul-Meharib), which was devoted entirely to this struggle. Because of the allegorical nature of the book, I have opted to use his Essence of History in my translation, which is based on two manuscript copies. The first is held in Nuruosmaniye Library (no. 3409), and the second is housed in the Library of Turk Tarih Kurumu (Turkish Historical Society) published in facsimile form (see bibliography for details).
TRANSLATION
Excerpts from Essence of History
I narrated the details of the war of princes in prose and poetry in my book titled Nadir ul-Meharib [Rarity of Wars]. I present in this book a summary of this narrative as a requirement of writing history. In fact, Sultan Selim was governor in the district [sanjak] of Manisa and Sultan Bayezid was the one in the district of Kutahya. While they were passing days in peace with hunting parties and holding banquet parties, the land conquering sultan [Suleiman] wanted to change their seats of government. Selim was given [the district of] Konya and Bayezid was given [the district of] Amasya. Messengers with imperial letters were sent to both of them. […], Bayezid resisted because he had been closer to the capital, whereas Selim submitted himself immediately as he received the imperial command. He arrived in Bursa step by step. As for Bayezid, he remained in Kutahya as if he was a snake impeding the way. Selim informed his father about a precaution against a possible start of quarrel [between brothers] within three days, if he was to move further from Bursa. However, the victorious sultan took measures against sedition and sent the third vizier, Mehmed Pasha, to Selim and the fourth vizier, Pertev Pasha, to Bayezid to counsel and warn the princes about moving toward their [respective] seats. The sultan reminded them that they should cling to the imperial command before breaking the bowl of honor and dignity. Although Selim had already submitted consciously himself [to the command], he sent an adviser lest Bayezid be suspicious about sending his viziers. Having received the instructions, [the viziers] left [Istanbul] and headed toward the princes’ lofty seats. However, Bayezid made his enmity more apparent day by day and sent handkerchiefs to his brother together with reviling letters to invite him to fight openly, so he resorted to behaviors and manners that could not show courage. Being large hearted, Selim forwarded all the letters coming from his brother directly to the seat of his justice-disseminating father.
In this manner, Bayezid’s inappropriate acts of disobedience showed its initial stages. His explicit wrongdoing and obstinacy concerning his withdrawal from comfort and tranquility by the desire of throne made itself apparent.
Therefore, the letters Bayezid wrote to Selim arrived altogether to the sultan. The sultan understood that Bayezid was lacking of discretion and devoid of competence for the throne as he intended to spark a grand sedition if he was to be neglected. He, therefore, sent [Bayezid] letters of warning and counsel. As Sultan Suleiman realized that nothing was useful, he decided to make an expedition by himself. He sent commands to the governor-generals [beylerbeyi]. In the year 965 [1558], he crossed to Uskudar; and for many days stayed there with the victorious army.
In addition, he sent commands to Selim, as well as to the governor-general of Anatolia Ahmed Pasha, the governor-general of Karaman Solak Ferhad Pasha, the governor-general of Dulqadir Ali Pasha, the governor of Adana Zubde-i Al-i Ramazan and Piri Pasha […] that they should head to the seat of prince [Selim] with their commanders and cavaliers, and that if the obstinate Bayezid intends to gather soldiers to challenge his brother they should turn off the light of his life. In this manner, many men gathered in the plains of Konya.
Obstinate Bayezid recruited a group of pests and troublemakers and headed toward Konya. In this manner, they came to the plains of Konya. On the side of Selim, the governor-general of Dulqadir Ali Pasha, who was previously lala [guardian] to [Selim], arrived to the side of his master.
Therefore, in addition to the military preparation of servants and aghas from both sides, especially Selim’s emirs and cavalries prepared their men. First, the artillerymen hurried forth to the front, and each one threw himself into the battlefield. Second came the courageous sword girding men, also adept with the rifle, all excited to attack the adversaries. And third, the archers, central cavalry forces, volunteers, and auxiliaries fearlessly lined up in formation.
In this manner, the courageous men leaning on each other and the celebrated men being abundant with the intention of sacrificing heads and souls drew their swords or arrows. Selim endeavored to patronize them sumptuously. Being acquainted with the meaning of the verse “the day when wealth and sons avail not, save him who bringeth unto Allah a whole heart” (Q. 26:88–89), Selim and his man Lala Mustafa Pasha (who would later become the conqueror of Cyprus and Shirwan) warned the soldiers not to incline on chasing [the enemy] for booty. The commanders of the army too confirmed the order with obedience.
In this fashion, from sunrise to sunset a true battle took place on the battlefield, and from each side many brave men confirmed the point in the verse “a party will be in Paradise and a party in the Blaze.” Then the arrival of evening allowed blood-spilling warriors to withdraw from fighting and postpone the fight until the next day.
That night, guards watched with caution; commanders and guards under the governor-generals never allowed anything unnoticed passed. […] While the sun was setting, by the help of God, the opponent’s downfall became certain. To the ears of men on Selim’s side, the good news of “victory from Allah and an imminent conquest” (Q. 61:13) arrived. At the same time, the harbinger of “we have given you a clear conquest” [Q. 48:1] reached to the auspicious ears of Selim. From many sides, the voices of “so they defeated them by permission of Allah” [Q. 2:251] were heard. From the left side, the verifying news of “and victory is not but from Allah” rose up. The enemy troops chose to escape. Selim’s courageous men flocked around the plunder like bees.
However, Bayezid seemingly escaped on the field of arrogance, and verified one by one the conditions explained by the verse, “on the Day a man will flee from his brother” [Q. 80:34]. He changed fighting with escape. He hardly escaped and withdrew toward Amasya. In fact, it has become manifest that rout and fleeing is equal to a thousand [severed] heads. He received his just rewards because of his actions. [His misconducts included], that first he rebelled against his father; and second drew sword against his noble brother, and third recruited all errant robbers whose evil actions stuck on him; fourth he burst into the city of Konya, the gathering place of the shrines of saints, and tainted its pure ground with unruly people.
This poor [soul] (that is, the author) heard from a person with piety and miracles called Kocek Molla, who had came from Syria to Konya to seek a place of retreat, that the verse “And thy Lord is not at all a tyrant to His slaves” became manifest in respect to Bayezid and his seditious men drawing swords during the Battle of Konya. [This person also] said that they were sentenced to death as part of their punishment for they deserved it because of rebellion and sedition.
Bayezid’s Escape to the Safavid Shah
Bayezid “the obstinate” selling all that he had in the market of battle immediately headed toward his governorate. His son Orhan too joined him there. The remaining sword girding soldiers and the audacious men who enticed him to rebellion, among them Kuduz Ferhad, the lunatic of the ignoble, and Seyfeddin, the lame of the faithless, and Mestane the colonel all gathered together to come to Amasya with a thousand comrades, while sending countless letters of apology on behalf of [Bayezid]. They asked from the noble father pardon [for] the sins of the son. Guided by divine wisdom, none of these letters arrived at the threshold of the sultanate. Even the men whom he sent disappeared and never returned.
In short, the cause for this issue and the reason for such great sedition was Lala Mustafa Pasha. At his early career, he was in the service of Beyazid. The late Rustem Pasha did not like him because of his being one of the associates of Vizier Ahmed Pasha [who was a rival for Rustem Pasha]. Therefore, while Mustafa was the junior master of the stables, [Rustem Pasha] victimized him and offered him the post of chief-taster, then sent him to the governorate of Safed. Meanwhile, around the year 963 [1555], he decided to appoint him to the service of Selim in order to have Selim know of Bayezid’s doings. While he was on his way from Safed to Manisa [that is, the seat of Selim], in order to deter him Bayezid demanded a servant (lala) for himself from the sultanate and sent letters reverently. Bayezid’s demand was not approved as it was considered a cause of rebellion. When he reached Selim, he understood that [Selim] himself and all his nobles were in a banquet drinking and they were all oblivious about the passion of the sultanate. Then he began to give advice to Selim by saying that Rustem Pasha and all imperial household grandees were inclined to support Bayezid and if we [that is, Selim and Lala Mustafa Pasha] could show [Bayezid] as rebellious during the reign of his father, he [Selim] could ascend the throne and neither he could attain the sultanate nor the viziers could assist in the matter before the death of the father.
As Selim asked whether a solution existed for this, he replied: “The solution is easy…First send some letters and slowly kindle the blaze of rebellion.” Then, [Lala Mustafa] wrote a letter addressed to [Bayezid] where he mentioned Selim’s preoccupation with banquets and drinking. The letter also advised Bayezid that it would be appropriate to set aside the rivalry for the throne by engaging in raids while Selim was still oblivious. He showed the letter to Selim and clandestinely sent a letter to Bayezid. He faithfully waited for the painful goal. [Bayezid] replied: “Help me my lala, it is not difficult to raid from here and eliminate him.” Lala Mustafa sent another letter by saying: “Coming to battle is inappropriate, you should send some items from women’s clothes to invite Selim into open battle. Besides, banditry is not suitable for raiding and will ruin your glory. You had better engage in battle like a royal leader and attain the goal.” [Bayezid] then sent a woman’s handkerchief and headgear and invited Selim to fight him in open field. Thus, Lala [Mustafa Pasha] meanwhile in order to introduce sedition among them, had Selim send all letters and handkerchiefs to the sultan. In this way, he showed Bayezid as sinful, and Selim as humane and therefor qualified for support and protection.
When the sultan became aware of these, he sent letters of advice and warning to Bayezid, saying that he should end the enmity and hostility toward his brother in order to attain [his] goal. He even warned that if he wishes to receive good prayers of the sultan, he should never attempt to do these indecorous actions. These [advices] never hit the point. Bayezid the obstinate never took back what he had decided.
In fact, all the paths were taken…. They killed the sultan’s gatekeepers sent for Bayezid and took the letters and brought them to Selim’s servant [Lala Mustafa Pasha]. Lala would send letters to Bayezid informing him about Selim. He circulated the rumors that [Bayezid] killed the sultan’s men and burned the letters. He even surpassed the men renowned with tricks and manipulation, such as Rustem. Particularly, he had Selim write all the letters and made it known by the grand vizier that Bayezid was the instigator. As for the sultan who was cognizant of the princes’ differences and similarities, he used to believe all the news. In fact, being the grand vizier [Rustem Pasha] was accused of being on Bayezid’s side, whatever he transmitted as news about Selim and his servant it did not have any effect, and whatever measure he took did not fulfill its objective. Thus, [Lala Mustafa]’s golden ideas won. Then this affair resulted in Bayezid’s rebellion.
According to the account of Hamid Efendi who was Kadiasker (Military Judge) of Rumelia, once the rebellion of Bayezid was related to the sultan, he said, “I have sent many letters saying his repentance will be accepted before and after the battle and he will not be taken responsible and considering the responsibility of parenthood, I begged [him] many times; he never listened [to the contents of] my letters and obeyed my counsels and warnings. Besides, he killed all the men I sent to him.” Because Bayezid did not know that the letters and the men carrying letters were lost on the way, Bayezid was not free from torment.
The fact was that aforementioned Mustafa Pasha did not attain his objective. He was not given the post of grand vizierate as Selim had promised him in return for this service. Because he caused the murder of a member of this dynasty and he was found too ambitious, he became deprived of the post of grand vizierate because of the individuals filling the position. Although he achieved many conquests during the expedition to Iran [in 1578–79] that should have brought the seal of vizierate, instead, Sinan Pasha, an inferior to him, was accorded with the seal of vizierate. Being inflicted with incurable affliction because of this disloyalty, he died.
In short, Bayezid arrived in Amasya. He realized that neither he nor his men could remain within the Ottoman territories. Taking his four sons and a thousand men, he said farewell to the people of his governorate. Leaving his women behind, he headed toward Iran.
The Governor-General of Rumelia Temerrud Ali Pasha was at that time hiding in the castle of Sivas in order to watch highway robbers. He received the imperial command saying that if that rebel intended to pass by, he should not allow him to go through. However, instead, the Governor of Malatya, Mustafa Pasha and the Governor of Ayntab, Husrev Pasha showed courage and chased him to a place called Saatcukuru. They harassed him either by skirmish or plundering. Ultimately, they encountered Bayezid’s troops at Saatcukuru and during the battle many were killed and wounded. Being defeated, [Bayezid] withdrew. But Governor-General of Erzurum Ayas Pasha did not obey the command of the world-conquering sultan. Not to mention that he did not exert effort to prevent him from escaping to the Persian Shah’s lands, he also provided all necessary horseshoes and nails as demanded [from Bayezid]. For this [offense], Selim killed this governor-general by the command of the sultan. After this traitor was killed, the governor of Malatya Mustafa Pasha who showed great courage to serve the victorious prince [that is, Selim] was appointed in his place. In addition, his associate Husrev Pasha was appointed to the governorate of Pasin.
Bayezid the obstinate together with 12,000 men withdrew from the lands of Rum [that is, Anadolu] and passed to the lands of Persia. Shahquli Sultan, the shah’s governor there, welcomed him with respect and kindness. He told [Bayezid] that Shah Tahmasb was busy with chasing his enemy at Astarabad though he knew personally of the prince’s arrival; and [Bayezid] had to stay here until the news from the shah arrived.
Prince Selim informed the sultan on all happenings. In accordance with the imperial command, Selim and vizier Mehmed Pasha, together with the men under his command and the governor of Adana Ramazanoglu Piri Pasha, withdrew to Aleppo, the honorable city of the Arab lands. After wintering in Aleppo, Selim returned to his seat at Konya, Vizier Mehmed Pasha to the lofty threshold [that is, the capital, Istanbul], and all other governors to their own places.
After this, the grand vizier and the royal son-in-law Rustem Pasha, who had admirable skills in administration and experienced wisdom, was inclined toward the candidacy of Bayezid and hesitant about the candidacy of Selim. As he knew that Lala Mustafa Pasha himself caused the rebellion of Bayezid and he managed everything while Selim was busy with banquets and drinking, he wanted to appoint [Lala Mustafa Pasha] as governor of Pojega (a place near Bosna in the province of Buda/Hungary) in order to remove his possible vizierate. He planned to finish up his affair after distancing him from Selim. However, Lala Mustafa Pasha objected to this appointment with the excuse that he was the acting adviser and servant to the prince. He had Selim send many letters of recommendation to the sultan, and had many influential men to intercede to the sultan and the grand vizier. This time, he was appointed as governor-general of Timisoara, again in Rumelia. But another letter arrived from Selim, conveying that Lala Mustafa Pasha’s service was even more necessary from this time onward as he would arrange the release of Bayezid from the Qizilbash lands (that is, Iran), and demanded that he would be appointed as governor-general of Van (a border province with Iran). This request was accepted, and Lala Mustafa Pasha was appointed to Van, and in his place as lala [prince’s adviser and servant], the governor of Pojega Tutunsuz, Huseyin Pasha was appointed.
Negotiations with Tahmasb
Prince Bayezid waited for the arrival of news for Shah Tahmasb. The shah told the aforementioned Shahquli Sultan in a letter that Bayezid could come to him with only a few soldiers. Probably he feared from the incursion of Bayezid with a couple of thousands of soldiers. He also told his entourage that this was a recompense for the renegade Alqas Mirza who had done the reverse [that is, rebelled against the Shah years earlier]. Then, without delay, he left Astarabad and went to his capital city, Qazvin. He sent his viziers with some soldiers to welcome Bayezid. As the two groups of soldiers met, they displayed to each other their military skills and deftness. Having seen their superiority, some of the courageous soldiers among the men of Bayezid demanded permission to attack on the Qizilbash. They were sure that if they had permission they could even cut the shah’s head and loot the capital and its vicinity. However, this was not actually possible or easy. In other words, all the subjects [Qizilbash] were the followers of a different religious sect [Shiʿism] and they would fight together with all their children and adults. This time all subjects were heretical believers on the point that they would kill all the Sunnis.
Finally, on 23 Safer 967 [November 24, 1559], they met. They embraced each other like father and son. Moreover, as they enter the shah’s palace, decorated carpets furnished the floor. Then thirty golden and silver trays full of gold and pearls were scattered for the joy of the arrival of Prince Bayezid. Many displays, free of malevolence, showed respect and happiness [toward the prince]. When they sat, they exchanged the offers of love and sincerity.
After five days, the prince invited the shah to his encampment in order to reciprocate the shah’s benevolence with gifts and offerings. As the shah arrived, Bayezid offered him sumptuous presents including small bounties and fine flowered silk clothes, silver and gold sacs and baizes, and Anatolian clothes with pearls and gems. He also presented a decorated sword and a jeweled dagger. They sat down in the pavilion provided by Shah Tahmasb.
A few days passed by in this manner. Then Tahmasb decided to offer another banquet. After welcoming [ceremonies], various kinds of carpets on the floor; 300 sacs of countless coins, many long shining and gold-gilded clothes and tools ordered in twelve layers and robes of honor were given to all of [Bayezid’s] nobles, commanders, and soldiers, and they were served a delicious feast. Following the feast, Tahmasb did something strange in order to remove his fear. He said, “It seems that your comrades have become exhausted because of your painful travel. It is appropriate that with your permission, all your men except for your servants could become guests to our governors and chieftains so that they could rest and their necessities could be met.” Therefore, he sent all of them to the villages around. The prince acceded to this request by the fear of losing everything.
However, the sultan learned of the agreement between the shah and the prince. Mahmud Beg, one of the palace servants, and Turak Agha, the master of stable of Selim, were sent to the shah’s palace and presented letters. As a symbol of ancient royalty, silver coins were scattered on the letters and then the covers were opened with perfect reverence. A black scribe read out loud the letters. As the Qizilbash understood the content of the letters, Tahmasb responded.
Meanwhile Tahmasb demanded soldiers from [Bayezid] by saying, “I ask your help to go against Astarabad where we left previously for your honor.” A number of men who had become miserable on the [Safavid] border and who were least useful in the princely service were sent. Even a man called Arab Mehmed, who was the gatekeeper of the black servants, was assigned as their leader. As they conquered the castles, they delivered them to the Qizilbash. When the important conquests were achieved, they arrived in Qazvin. As a means of thanking them, Tahmasb offered a banquet to the prince. Although externally he showed perfect congeniality, internally he carried the intent to deliver him to the sultan.
In order to execute his plan, he invited Bayezid to his palace. He gathered some fifteen strong warriors in the middle of a room. The prince entered the palace and passed through the men by saluting them. Just before he entered into the shah’s private chamber, he fell into the claws of merciless predatory birds. In this manner, he was captured at a time between two prayers in the middle of Jumada I of the year [9]67 (February 8–17, 1560). Then Tahmasb’s men in the palace took him. In addition, while the owners of the houses were warned, [Bayezid’s] miserable men who remained in Qazvin were also taken. Those who only accompanied him were saved. but those who resisted were killed. Besides, his sons were also captured, and each one of them was assigned to a vizier who would take care of their protection. All of their arms and treasury full of gold and silver coins were confiscated.
Bayezid was told that Tahmasb had sent letters to his father through envoys. In those letters these were stated: “Bayezid regrets all mistakes he has committed so far. As part of his good intention and sincerity in repentance, he delivered us all unruly men who caused the sedition and we executed them. In addition, he agreed to go into prison in order to remove the possibility of rebellion.” The prince was told that, “In fact, you agreed to none of these conditions, but because the outcome would serve for your advantage, we have taken these measures and in order to fulfill our promise, we killed some of your servants and imprisoned you.” They made Bayezid cry out loud. After this, two envoys named Fartut and Arshadi secretly arrived in the sultan’s threshold and the seat of [Selim] and the content of these letters were delivered. The shah interceded on behalf of [Bayezid] to ask pardon from the sultan and to keep peaceful relations.
Understanding the [main purpose of] of the letter’s content was realized. The sultan sent the chiefs of gatekeepers Hasan Agha and Ali Pasha (who was previously servant of Selim), and Selim sent his chief of gatekeepers Mahmud Agha as envoys to the shah. They were told that everything should be stated just orally. As they arrived in Qazvin, they were taken to the shah’s presence with all respect and reverence. The sealed letters of the sultan were read out loud. The sultan’s scribes penned a text demanding the extradition of the princes as they remained between fear and hope.
In accordance with the content of this letter, the shah agreed to deliver them but in order to secure more gifts and grants added another condition. He said to the envoys that, “When Bayezid came to my territory we made a deal by writing that if the sultan demanded me to deliver him, I would not extradite him. We stayed firm on this deal, so that it is impossible to deliver him to you. However, if the prince’s brother, Selim, initiates a request for this matter [in writing?], there is no impediment to proceed in his extradition.” In this manner a trick was done to some degree.
Then in order to receive good news this time, Selim sent his servant named Besaret [lit., good news]. Selim’s envoy discussed the terms of agreement and even negotiated a few days more on the peace between the Ottomans and the Safavids, as he being the representative of the heir-apparent to the Ottoman throne. With God’s benevolence, at that time, Selim was transferred to Kutahya and his son Murad, who was governor of Aksehir, was transferred to Manisa on his father’s place. On early Rajab 960 [March 7–16, 1562], Selim’s envoy Besaret Agha returned with good news. After reading the shah’s letter, everything was done accordingly. As the objective was [the prince’s] deliverance, everything was to be accepted to achieve this objective.
Then the sultan sent the governor-general of Van Husrev Pasha and Selim sent the commander Ali Agha who was eloquent, and they left with letters, which stated that [Tahmasb] should deliver Bayezid and his sons to these men. As the envoys arrived in Qazvin, their objectives were fulfilled when they met with the shah. On 15 Muharram 969 (sic. 970) [September 14, 1562] the prince and his sons were executed and their dead bodies were shown on the gate for a week. When the envoy Sinan Agha [sic. Ali Agha] was asked whether he could recognize Bayezid, he responded “I spent a long time in his service and devoted myself to his cause, I know him and recognized him immediately.” Therefore, a possible mischief by changing Bayezid with someone else was avoided. Then, Bayezid was delivered to Selim’s chief officer Ali Agha and he was told that he should submit to the command of the sultan. After his execution, he was put on an old cloth on his back and a rough cap on his head and an inexpensive belt on his waist. Taking into consideration the fact that he committed defamation of the Ottoman dynasty, he was accorded an ungenerous funeral procession. In short he was executed by strangulation. His sons were also executed.
The Qizilbash cried a lot, as Shah Tahmasb and the people of Qazvin mourned. They threw stones to the place where the envoys passed. Then, the dead bodies were cleaned quickly and transferred to the Ottoman lands in accordance with the imperial decree. They were buried in Sivas. The envoy immediately went to Selim’s seat [of power] and conveyed the news. Then as part of the agreement, the sultan sent 300,000 filori [gold coins] and Selim sent 100,000 filori and many gifts and presents of precious stones [to the shah]. The fourth vizier Pertev Pasha oversaw their transfer until Kazabad, and from there onward to the governor of Karahisar-i Sarki, Ilyas Beg and aforementioned Mahmud Agha from the service of Selim carried these treasures to Qazvin.
NOTES
1. Abdulkadir Ozcan, ed., Kanunname-i Al-i Osman (Istanbul: Kitabevi, 2007), 18.
FURTHER READING
Atçıl, Zahit. “Why Did Suleyman the Magnificent Execute His Son Sehzade Mustafa in 1553?” Osmanlı Arastırmaları / Journal of Ottoman Studies 48 (2016): 67–103.
Imber, Colin. The Ottoman Empire, 1300–1650: The Structure of Power. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Inalcık, Halil. “The Ottoman Succession and Its Relation to the Turkish Concept of Sovereignty.” In The Middle East and the Balkans Under the Ottoman Empire: Essays on Economy and Society. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993.
Ozcan, Abdulkadir. ed. Kanunname-i Al-i Osman. Istanbul: Kitabevi, 2007.
Turan, Serafettin. Kanuni’nin Oglu Sehzade Bayezid Vak’ası. Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1961.
