MURAT UMUT INAN
The reigns of Murad II (r. 1421–1451) and Mehmed II (r. 1451–1481) marked the beginning of a more systematic patronage of literature in the Ottoman Empire. Murad II was the first Ottoman sultan to show a particular interest in poetry, regularly hosting literary and scholarly gatherings at his court in the city of Edirne (then the Ottoman capital) and frequently supporting the work of poets and scholars under his aegis. Inspired by his father, Mehmed II paid special attention to establishing a courtly literary circle and provided stipends for members of the literary community thriving under his auspices, which included thirty court poets. Shortly after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, the new ruler took pioneering steps to turn his burgeoning capital city into an acclaimed center of literary production. To that end, he brought together in his court not only numerous literary craftsmen but also invited famous figures to Istanbul, including the Persian poet and intellectual ʿAbd al-Rahman Jami (d. 1492).1 Poetic patronage, in particular, reached its apogee under Suleiman I (r. 1520–1566), better known as Suleiman the Magnificent, during whose time, as the Ottoman biographer Aşık Çelebi (1520–1572) put it, “dews of beneficence rained down upon the rose garden of the hopes of poets.”2 In Aşık Çelebi’s opinion, poets were able to acquire such unprecedented support from the royal court thanks to four particular characteristics of the reign of Suleiman: the remarkable growth of imperial income resulting from military and geographical expansion; the economic and political stability achieved by a long-reigning sultan; the unequaled influx of scholars, artists, and poets from the Arab lands and Persia to Istanbul; and, finally, the sultan’s passion for reading, studying, and writing poetry.3 Throughout the 1400s and 1500s, the imperial patronage of literature continued in an unbroken chain, becoming an institutionalized tradition handed down from sultan to sultan, from Murad II to Mehmed III (r. 1595–1603).4 The sultans’ motivation in offering patronage to men of letters was to promote the formation and development of a refined literary culture that would blend together Arabic, Persian, and Turkish traditions in creative ways and represent the grandeur of an empire fashioning itself as the new patron of the Islamic world. The Ottoman poets who received imperial patronage were expected to be well versed not only in Turkish but also in Arabic and Persian languages and literatures and were encouraged to craft fine literary works that would match and even excel those produced by the Arabic and Persian masters of literature.
Usually, poets were financially supported by sultans and princes, who requested works that suited their literary taste, or commissioned translations and commentaries on the Arabic and Persian literary classics they were interested to read or learn more about. Members of the court and the ruling class were equally driven to publicize themselves as great patrons of literature and art. Ibrahim Pasha (c. 1493–1536), the grand vizier of Suleiman the Magnificent, was nicknamed “Gold-scatterer” for his unmatched generosity and caring toward literati and artists. As someone who studied and wrote poetry, Ibrahim Pasha particularly welcomed the poets visiting him in his palace, which became not only the second major hub of patronage after Suleiman’s court but also one of the lively literary venues of early sixteenth-century Istanbul, thanks to the growing number of poets who joined the grand vizier’s circle.5 Religious feasts, royal ceremonies, public festivals, and imperial celebrations were the prime occasions during which sultans and the ruling elite were approached, directly or via courtly intermediaries, by poets who wanted to showcase their talents and present their finely crafted pieces, which ranged from short poems to works of considerable length. The poets seeking patronage saw these occasions as a great opportunity to request funding or a position; those who were already members of an entourage used these same occasions to cement their relations with their patrons and to promote their work.
Geographically, the imperial capital of Istanbul was the center of literary patronage, a metropolis that attracted hundreds of poets from all corners of the empire and the Islamic world who wanted to introduce themselves and their work through literary networks that led all the way up to the court and, it was hoped, to the sultan. Ahmed Ahdi (d. 1594), a poet who arrived in Istanbul from Baghdad in the mid-sixteenth century, described the city as a place brimming with poets: “I came to Constantinople and saw that it is a noble and beautiful city…. Since it is a place under the protection of the sultan of sultans, there are innumerable refined poets and prolific men of learning.”6 The prospects of securing the attention and support of patrons were not limited to Istanbul. Bursa and Edirne, the former Ottoman capitals, and Manisa, Amasya, and Kütahya, the three major centers where princes were trained as future rulers, also were populated by many poets in pursuit of sponsorship and recognition. In particular, the court of Prince Ahmed (1465–1513), the son of Bayezid II (r. 1481–1512), in Amasya was home to many talented poets and artists who were drawn to the city, from Anatolia as well as from Iran, in the hope of obtaining the patronage of a benevolent prince filled with enthusiasm for literature and the arts.7
Poets under imperial patronage received different forms of beneficence: some poets, particularly those affiliated with the royal court or household of a governor, were paid a regular salary, either an ulufe (monthly salary) or a salyane (annual salary), and employed in secretarial, bureaucratic, and academic positions. The celebrated lyric poet Necati Bey (d. 1509), for instance, was appointed by Mehmed II to a post in the scribal service, which provided him with an income of seventeen akçes (aspers) per day.8 According to court payment records, more than thirty poets received a salyane during the time of Bayezid II. The same records also indicate that in 1535 Sultan Suleiman’s favorite poet, Hayali Bey (d. 1556), was paid a salary at the rate of 50 akçes daily.9 Those poets who presented their gazels (lyric poems), kasides (panegyrics), or recently completed works to the sultans, or sent a copy of their literary masterpieces to the court, were presented with caizes (rewards), including money, jewelry, and valuable clothes. It is recorded in imperial registers that the chancellor and court poet, Cafer Çelebi (d. 1515), for instance, was paid 10,000 akçes for each of the four kasides he wrote for Bayezid II. Likewise, the poetess Mihri Hatun (d. after 1512) received 3,000 akçes when she dispatched a copy of her divan (poetry collection) to the court of Bayezid in 1508.10 Further, some privileged poets were even granted a tımar (small fief) or zeamet (large fief), which meant that they received part or all of their income from land revenue. Hayali Bey, for example, was the holder of a zeamet worth 100,000 akçes per year.11
Literary patronage worked from the bottom up. When a young and gifted poet was noticed by an established poet or an associate of the ruling class, he would be introduced to a notable with political ties who, in turn, would recommend the poet to a local or provincial ruler. A poet’s inclusion in the patronage system sometimes, if not often, meant his involvement in the politics of the royal court. This was particularly the case with poets supported by competing political figures, such as viziers and high-ranking bureaucrats, who sought opportunities for promotion by getting closer to the sultan. In such a political context, a poet’s personal connections with the sultan often enhanced his sponsor’s chances for promotion to higher ranks in the court hierarchy. As courtly rivalry intensified, poets belonging to opposing courtly cliques competed with one another to gain the sultan’s favor both for their own careers and for the benefit of their patrons.12
The 1400 to 1600 period can be considered the golden age of literary patronage, mainly for two reasons. First, poets of the period were generously funded in several forms and on myriad occasions, which contributed to the increased production and distribution of literature in Ottoman society as well as to the growing employment of people with literary backgrounds in Ottoman bureaucratic and academic institutions. Second, the sultans of the era, from Murad II to Murad III (r. 1574–1595), were all productive poets who composed poetry on a regular basis, presided over literary meetings, and were interested in literary works and discussions. Throughout this period the Ottoman sultan was always accompanied by a court poet who met with him regularly, ran his literary circle, and was regarded as head of the poets of the time. The poet Ahmed Pasha (d. 1496), for instance, was one of the frequenters of Mehmed II’s court, where he held a prestigious position as tutor of the sultan and was later promoted to vizierate. Another famous example is Selim I (r. 1512–1520) and his mentor Halimi Çelebi (d. 1516). As noted by Ottoman biographers, Halimi was more than a fellow court poet: he was Selim’s chief counselor and closest confidant, accompanying the sultan not only during his residence in Istanbul but also during his travels and campaigns.13 Last but not least, Hayali Bey enjoyed close proximity to Sultan Suleiman to the extent that he was admitted to his private circle, which, to no surprise, sparked jealousy among fellow poets, as we learn from the poet’s biography by the Ottoman historian Mustafa Ali (d. 1600).14
These examples illustrate that the form of patronage sometimes went beyond the bestowal of money on a needy poet: it involved a companionship between the patron and his favored poet, who sometimes shared the joyous moments of poetry reading at a wine gathering, sometimes discussed a poem or literary issue during a tutoring session, and sometimes engaged in long, intimate conversations on a military expedition. The close patronal relationship between the two was a symbiotic relationship that benefited both patron and poet. The patron multiplied the dignity and fame of both his name and his court as he became known, gradually and widely, as the generous supporter of the work of gifted literati who conquered hearts and minds within and beyond the borders of his empire, and the beneficiary of royal patronage enjoyed prestige, financially and socially, while his literary output circulated widely and was held in high esteem.
OTTOMAN TEZKIRES
The passages translated here are from three Ottoman Turkish tezkires (biographies of poets) compiled, respectively, by the Ottoman biographers Sehi Bey (d. 1548), Latifi (1491–1582), and Aşık Çelebi (1520–1572), who were also poets associated with literary circles and enjoyed, though sporadically, the backing of patronal figures. These tezkires provide biographical accounts and anecdotes about Ottoman poets, present us with samples of their poetry, often accompanied by literary critical comments, and offer insights into how they made connections that brought them into contact with patronage networks.15
Dated 1538 and titled Heşt Bihişt (Eight Paradises), Sehi Bey’s work is the first Ottoman collection of poet biographies. The collection includes 240 biographical entries and, as its title implies, is divided into eight sections, with each section devoted to a group of poets except the first one, which is dedicated to the reigning sultan Suleiman and his poetry. The tezkire concludes with an epilogue in which Sehi praises Suleiman as a patron who is appreciative of the work of men of letters and artists and is capable of rewarding them appropriately. Sehi found a chance to present his newly completed tezkire to the sultan in 1538 when he stopped in Edirne on his return to Istanbul after one of his European campaigns. Although Sehi’s work was appreciated, he did not receive as much financial support as he had hoped. Suleiman’s patronage of Sehi Bey began, however, well before 1538. When Selim I appointed his son Suleiman as governor of Manisa in 1513, the prince took Sehi as his chancellor. Sehi was offered a position in the department responsible for the maintenance of the imperial army soon after Suleiman ascended to the Ottoman throne in 1520, although he was later dismissed from this position and appointed administrator of a small estate in Edirne where he spent the rest of his life far from his beloved patron.16
Latifi’s Tezkiretü’ş-Şuara ve Tabsıratü’n-Nuzama (Biography of Poets and Beacon for Versifiers) is an alphabetically arranged compilation including more poets, 334 in total, as well as more detailed biographical and literary information. The tezkire was completed in 1546 and presented to Sultan Suleiman, who welcomed Latifi’s work and secured him a position as a secretary in a pious endowment in Istanbul. Latifi stayed in his position until 1553, when he was discharged and assigned to a minor post in Rhodes. Judging by the complaining tone of his introduction to the tezkire, Latifi did not have a long-standing patronal relationship to the court, nor did he have continuing access to patronage resources.17
The year 1568 marks the appearance of Aşık Çelebi’s biographical dictionary, Meşairü’ş-Şuara (Assemblies of Poets), which he presented to Sultan Selim II (r. 1566–1574). In the same year Aşık Çelebi completed another biographical work, which he wrote in Arabic and presented to the grand vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (in office 1565–1579). These two works earned him a judgeship in Skopje, a position he held until his death in 1572. Aşık Çelebi’s dictionary is the largest of the three tezkires, featuring the biographies of 426 poets arranged not in alphabetical order but in the order of the letters of the abjad system, wherein each letter has a numeric value.18 The tezkires differ from one another in terms of the compiler’s focus and approach to biographical writing, but one common thread ties the three texts together—they all feature a separate section on Ottoman sultans who wrote poetry or compiled their poems into a divan. Always placed at the beginning of the tezkires, these sections are particularly foregrounded and provide a space for the biographers to draw attention to the active engagement of sultans with poetry as well as to their patronal role in the flourishing of poetic production and in the shaping of the literary sphere in the Ottoman world.
These translations provide access to the workings of literary patronage in the Ottoman courtly context because they illustrate both how Ottoman sultans are portrayed, not merely as patrons but as readers and producers of literature, and the ways in which poets established patronal as well as personal ties with powerful courtiers, as well as with the sultan.
Selections from Sehi’s Eight Paradises (Heşt Bihişt)
Mehmed II:
No other sultan showed poets respect and honor as he did. The circle of poets around him was incomparable to that of any other reign. He bestowed generous grants upon each of them. He regularly invited his poets to his noble presence for poetic contest. Skilled poets from Iran and the Arab lands were sought, found, and brought to him. He held them in great esteem.19
Ulvi:
He mastered the art of poetry and had a very good grasp of its semantics. During the time of Sultans Murad [II] and Mehmed [II] he was always in the service of the court, which is the refuge of the world. When he presented kasides, he would be showered with common as well as with special gifts. As such, he benefited from royal favors and munificence. When he became old and feeble, he could not make it to the threshold of felicity [the court], but still he continually sent kasides.20
Sayi:
He is a man of knowledge. He writes poetry in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish. In his youth, he became friends with the famous merchant Dülgerzade Muhammed Çelebi, the son of Hoca Şems, and went with him to the city of Skopje. Meanwhile, the late Sultan Bayezid [II] saw one of Sayi’s gazels and found it admirable. He gave an order that the author of the gazel should be sought and found. They searched for Sayi everywhere and finally located him in Skopje. When Bayezid was informed, he sent one of his servants to the city to let Sayi know that he employed him in his service and conferred upon him a position at his court as the holder of the sultan’s pen-case.21 “I do not need position,” he told the sultan’s servant bearing in his hand the imperial edict. Thus he did not forsake Dülgerzade’s companionship, nor did he accept the position offered by the sultan…. Later, when the late Sultan Selim [I] came to the throne, Sayi was sought after and brought to the city of felicity [Istanbul]. He was made tutor to the students trained for royal service. He instructed them in sciences and manners. He passed away while he was in the service of the sultan.22
Selections from Latifi’s Biography of Poets and Beacon for Versifiers (Tezkiretü’ş-Şuara ve Tabsıratü’n-Nuzama)
Murad II:
He is the first sultan in the Ottoman dynasty who wrote poetry and appreciated the work of poets. Though the sultan himself rarely produced poetry, this art enjoyed the prominence it deserved and remained in vogue during his imperial reign. Men of letters, too, enjoyed prestige and prosperity. As the tradition has it, the sultan convened his poets and scholars twice a week to encourage discussion…and assigned a discussant for every branch of science and art…so that everyone’s merit would be recognized and no one would be treated with injustice. When it became known who was good and who was bad, he would reward the talented ones with favors, privileges, and titles. Thus he followed the path of justice in judging the qualities of people. When he felt that someone had a certain skill or showed a sign of giftedness, he would greatly esteem him and honor him with a title. The reason why he did so was because he wanted to encourage the study and acquisition of knowledge and virtue…. It is said that the sultan was in general enthusiastic about sciences and arts and loved poetry and poets. As it is told, he sprinkled versified words into his conversations, where appropriate, and recited [a] few lines of verse at wine gatherings.23
Mehmed II:
During his rule, the art of poetry and prose achieved popularity while poets and writers were equally acclaimed. Every year the sultan sent 1,000 florins to Iran and India as a present for Jami [ʿAbd al-Rahman Jami] and Khvaja Jihan [?], respectively. Also, thirty accomplished poets from the land of Rum [Ottoman Rumelia and Anatolia] were paid a yearly salary. Some of these poets commemorated the history of his conquests in works of verse and prose and others praised him with stanzas and panegyrics. The sultan himself had a refined character and an inclination for poetry. He adopted the pen-name “Avni” [the helper] and occasionally wrote poetry—sometimes a couplet, sometimes a whole poem.24
Ahmed Pasha:
[As the anecdote goes,] one day, at a distinguished gathering presided over by Sultan Mehmed [II], notables and courtiers profusely extolled Khvaja Hafiz [of Shiraz, d. c. 1390], whose eloquent divan is the interpreter of the hidden and expounder of divine revelation. To divine their fortunes, they opened the divan respectfully and came across the following couplet:
Those who turn the dust into gold with a glance,
would they turn the corner of their eye toward us?
When Ahmed Pasha saw that Sultan Mehmed greatly admired the couplet, he improvised a [Persian] couplet drawing on Hafiz’s:
Those who turn the dust into gold with a glance
use the jewel dust of your feet to make kohl
A timely improvisation, the couplet was applauded and deemed appropriate for the occasion. In accordance with his immaculate conscience, the learned Sultan Mehmed filled Ahmed Pasha’s jewel-scattering mouth with precious stones and highly valued his poetry, which is like pearls strung in order.25
He was always on the lookout for men of competence and skill, searching for them in every nook and corner…. He was by nature genuinely interested in Persian and had a cordial relationship with the language. He was as eloquent as Sahban, and as a poet he was the Salman of his day.26 No other poet in Rum except him forsook Turkish poetry in favor of Persian poetry and compiled a Persian divan. Attracted to [ʿAli Shir] Nava’i’s [d. 1501] poetry, he spent most of his time reading and studying his divan. This contributed to the popularity and circulation of Nava’i’s poems during his time. Marked by eloquence, the sultan’s poetry is esteemed and acclaimed by men of letters and rhetoricians. Persian literati compare his excellent verses to those of the Persian poet Shahi [of Sabzavar, d. 1453]. They say the sultan, whose poetic language is comparable to that of Hafiz [of Shiraz], is the [Amir] Khusrav [d. 1325] of Rum.27
Şükri:
He has a book on the conquests and legendary battles of the late Sultan Selim [I]. Written in plain verse and composed in eloquent couplets, the book is entitled Selimname [Book of Selim]. Şükri presented his book to the sultan [Suleiman I] via the late Ibrahim Pasha, who was the most generous of the generous. In exchange, he was lavishly rewarded with a royal allowance of 20,000 akçes as well as with a tımar worth 20,000 akçes. Thanks to the influence and support of the venerable Pasha, he gained esteem and was drowned from head to toe in the ocean of benevolence. He was unique among his contemporaries in terms of the favor and support he enjoyed.28
Selections from Aşık Çelebi’s Assemblies of Poets (Meşairü’ş-Şuara)
Lamii Çelebi:
He wrote a charmingly ornate book entitled Hüsn ü Dil [Beauty and Heart], which is based on the theme of the Husn u Dil [Beauty and Heart] by Fattahi of Nishapur [d. c. 1448]. He sent the book to the court of Sultan Selim [I] and, in return, was appointed to a position. Thus he gained what he hoped for. Later he composed a work in the hazaj meter.29 Entitled Ferhadname [Book of Farhad], the work was presented as a gift to the sultan, who conceded to him the revenue of a village as a salyane. When the late Sultan Suleiman [I] wanted to have a translation of Unsuri’s [d. 1039–40] Vamiq u ʿAzra [Vamiq and Azra] and looked for a capable poet, Kadiri Çelebi and Muhyiddin Çelebi, the chief military judge, encouraged and urged Lamii to translate the romance. Within six months he completed the translation, which is versified in the ramal meter.30 Lamii appended to his translation a kaside with the refrain “rose” and presented his work to Sultan Suleiman in a way as if he scattered rose petals on the skirts of his garment. The sultan honored him with splendid gifts and rewards. As such, he blessed the sapling of his wishes.31
When he became acquainted with Sultan Suleiman [I]…he was initially given an ulufe. Later he was offered first a tımar and then a zeamet. The sultan bestowed on him his patronage and loaded him with favors each time he presented a gazel or kaside. The value of his zeamet holdings was more than 100,000 akçes…It is no wonder that Hayali became Hayali: the late Sultan Suleiman…chose him from among so many poets and treated him with distinction all the time. And by doing this, the sultan had other poets bitten by the wicked snake of jealousy…. With his favors and caring support, the sultan left his fingerprints on everything found in Hayali’s poetry: from lofty meanings, rare nuances, and pleasing love-similes to elaborate expressions, mystical sayings, and masterfully crafted couplets.32
Zati:
[Aşık Çelebi quotes from Zati:] I came to Istanbul in the reign of the late Sultan Bayezid [II]. It was a time of generosity and expectations. It was a time when scholars, bureaucrats, sheikhs, and poets were lavished with caizes and salyanes. I presented to the sultan kasides celebrating a feast or the coming of winter and spring. With my own eyes, I saw in the mirror of his generosity that my every hope was fulfilled. I also presented a kaside to Ali Pasha, who was a successful vizier, a fulfiller of wishes, and a man with a sense of humor…. He gave me a permission to enter his private gatherings. He also plentifully supplied me with money, food, and clothes including turbans and special garments. The late sultan [Bayezid II] ordered the poets [under his patronage] to present three kasides each year: one for the New Year festival and one for each of the [two] feasts.33 Every year I was paid a caize of 2,000 akçes at the New Year festival and furnished with brocade and broadcloth at each feast. I made my living with these caizes and salyanes for many years…. I became included in the private gatherings of the viziers and was admitted to the parties attended by their companions. Hersekzade, too, who often held drinking parties, had a compassion for me and was always generous to me. I had no desire or concern to obtain a position or gain a title: I was peacefully happy and enjoying a prosperous life thanks to the salyane granted by the sultan, the gifts and favors I received from Ali Pasha and Hersekzade as well as from the chief military judges Hacı Hasanzade and Müeyyedzade, and the endless caizes bestowed on me by the [imperial] chancellor Tacizade Cafer Çelebi…The sultan [Bayezid II] asked his court poets for gazels. We collected our newly composed gazels together and had them delivered to the court. He overwhelmed us with so many favors that it seemed like we were presented with the royal treasury. When the sultan was perusing my gazels, the one with the rhyme letter “f” engaged his attention…. He read aloud the following couplet [from that gazel]:
He came, the one who turns
the garment of asceticism into a piece of coarse cloth.
Oh ascetic, pull your head into your cloak like a tortoise!
The sultan nodded his head and said, “My God, look at that [couplet]! They say we live in a world in which we have run out of meanings. God forbid, the world is full of meanings! But it takes skill to find them out!” Then he ordered the chief eunuch of the harem: “Let them give Zati a post.”…When Sultan Selim [I] came to the throne, I gave him a kaside with the rhyme letter “n.” He liked this couplet:
Oh my sultan, justice is an unrestrained servant at your door!
Nushin-ravan couldn’t restrain him by chaining him up!34
Though he did not give me a promotion, he raised the amount of my caizes and ordered that I be granted the income of an available village…. Then came the reign of Sultan Suleiman [I]. Being under his shadow meant felicity. It was as if I were under the divine shadow. The kasides I wrote for him were welcomed and esteemed in his presence. He provided me with caizes and salyanes and made my wishes come true.35
NOTES
1. For the development of Ottoman literature under Mehmed II, see Gönül Tekin, “Fatih Devri Türk Edebiyatı,” in İstanbul Armağanı, ed. Mustafa Armağan (Istanbul: İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kültür İşleri Daire Başkanlığı Yayınları, 1995), 1:161–235; Franz Babinger, Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time, ed. William C. Hickman, trans. Ralph Manheim (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), 470–78.
2. Filiz Kılıç, ed., Aşık Çelebi: Meşairü’ş-Şuara (Istanbul: İstanbul Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, 2010), 1:203. For a list of the poets who received grants and cash rewards during the time of Suleiman the Magnificent, see Ismail E. Erunsal, “Kanuni Sultan Suleyman Devrine Ait Bir Inamat Defteri,” Osmanlı Arastırmaları 4 (1984): 1–17.
3. Kılıç, Aşık Çelebi, 1:203–10.
4. For a general account of the system of patronage in the Ottoman Empire, see Hilal Kazan, XVI. Asırda Sarayın Sanatı Himayesi (Istanbul: ISAR Vakfı, 2010), 17–61. For literary patronage, see Halil İnalcık, Şair ve Patron: Patrimonyal Devlet ve Sanat Üzerinde Sosyolojik Bir İnceleme (Ankara: Doğu Batı Yayınları, 2003); Tuba Işınsu Durmuş, Tutsan Elini Ben Fakirin: Osmanlı Edebiyatında Hamilik Geleneği (Istanbul: Doğan Kitap, 2009).
5. For Ibrahim Pasha’s generosity, see Ahmet Sevgi, ed., Latifi’nin İki Risalesi: Enisü’l-Fusaha ve Evsaf-ı İbrahim Paşa (Konya: Selçuk Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1986).
6. Suleyman Solmaz, ed., Ahdi ve Gülşen-i Şuarası (Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Başkanlığı Yayınları, 2005), 87.
7. Kazan, XVI. Asırda, 123–25.
8. Kılıç, Aşık Çelebi, 2:852.
9. Kazan, XVI. Asırda, 54.
10. İsmail E. Erünsal, “II. Bayezid Devrine Ait Bir İnamat Defteri,” in Türk Edebiyatı Tarihinin Arşiv Kaynakları (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Literatures, 2008), 54, 63, 75, 81.
11. Kazan, XVI. Asırda, 105.
12. For instance, for the competition between Suleiman’s grand vizierIbrahim Pasha and his chief treasurer İskender Çelebi (d. 1535), see Durmuş, Tutsan Elini Ben Fakirin, 45–50. For a different but comparable context in which patronage was politically motivated, see Dustin Griffin, Literary Patronage in England, 1650–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), chap. 3.
13. See, for instance, Rıdvan Canım, ed., Latifi: Tezkiretü’ş-Şuara ve Tabsıratü’n-Nuzama (Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Başkanlığı, 2000), 231.
14. Mustafa İsen, ed., Künhü’l-Ahbar’ın Tezkire Kısmı (Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi, 1994), 212–13.
15. For a general introduction to Ottoman tezkires, see J. Stewart-Robinson, “The Ottoman Biographies of Poets,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 24, nos. 1–2 (1965): 57–74.
16. For Sehi and his work, see Günay Kut, ed., Heşt Bihişt: The Tezkire by Sehi Beg (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Printing Office, 1978).
17. For Latifi and his work, see Canım, Latifi, 7–62.
18. For Aşık Çelebi and his tezkire, see Kılıç, Aşık Çelebi, 1:27–82.
19. Kut, Heşt Bihişt, 96–97.
20. Kut, Heşt Bihişt, 196.
21. That is to say, Sayi became the sultan’s personal secretary.
22. Kut, Heşt Bihişt, 225–26.
23. Canım, Latifi, 137–38.
25. Canım, Latifi, 158–59.
26. Sahban al-Waili (d. 674) is an Arab poet and orator who was famed for his eloquence. Salman Savaji (d. 1376) is a famous Persian panegyrist.
29. Hazaj is one of the common syllabic meters used in Arabic, Persian, and Ottoman Turkish poetry.
30. Ramal is another common syllabic meter.
31. Kılıç, Aşık Çelebi, 2:745–46.
32. Kılıç, Aşık Çelebi, 3:1544–48.
33. Namely, the Feast of Sacrifice and the Feast of Fast-Breaking.
34. Nushin-ravan is the name of a Sassanian king famous for his justice.
35. Kılıç, Aşık Çelebi, 3:1580–84.
FURTHER READING
Andrews, Walter G. “Speaking of Power: The Ottoman Kaside.” In Qasida Poetry in Islamic Asia and Africa, ed. Stefan Sperl and Christopher Shackle, 1:281–300. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996.
Durmuş, Tuba Işınsu. Tutsan Elini Ben Fakirin: Osmanlı Edebiyatında Hamilik Geleneği. Istanbul: Doğan Kitap, 2009.
İnalcık, Halil. “The Origins of Classical Ottoman Literature: Persian Tradition, Court Entertainments, and Court Poets.” Journal of Turkish Literature 5 (2008): 5–75.
——. Şair ve Patron: Patrimonyal Devlet ve Sanat Üzerinde Sosyolojik Bir İnceleme. Ankara: Doğu Batı Yayınları, 2003.
Kazan, Hilal. XVI. Asırda Sarayın Sanatı Himayesi. Istanbul: ISAR Vakfı, 2010.
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