Notes

Abbreviations

AEABH

Arquivo Eclesiástico da Arquidiocese de Belo Horizonte

AEAM

Arquivo Eclesiástico da Arquidiocese de Mariana

AGCRJ

Arquivo Geral da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro

HAHR

Hispanic American Historical Review

IANTT

Instituto Arquivos Nacionais Torre do Tombo, Lisbon

Chapter 1. The New World between God and the Devil

1. See Tzvetan Todorov, La conquête de l’Amérique: La question de l’autre, p. 14; The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, trans. Richard Howard, p. 5.

2. Jean-Paul Roux, Les explorateurs au Moyen-Âge.

3. In this aspect, Columbus is exemplary: “At sea, all the signs indicate land’s proximity, since that is Columbus’s desire. On land, all the signs reveal the presence of gold: here, too, his conviction is determined far in advance. . . . [H]e believes these lands are rich, for he greatly desires that they be so; his conviction is always anterior to the experience” (Todorov, La conquête de l’Amérique, pp. 27–28; The Conquest of America, p. 20).

4. In “O homem do século XVI,” Revista de História 1 (1950), L. Febvre underscored the primacy of the less intellectual of the senses during the sixteenth century. See also L. Febvre, Le problème de l’incroyance au XVIe siècle: La religion de Rabelais, pp. 467ff. Along the same line, Mandrou demonstrated how narratives at that time “nourished thoughts and the imagination”; people preferred to listen rather than see, “with all the disturbing imprecision that this enduring preference entails” (Introduction à la France Moderne—1500–1640, pp. 76, 77).

5. “Of the discovery of this ‘enormous unknown land’ . . . all we can say is that it has made the world small, destroying an entire supra-world of enchanting dreams and lovely imaginations—‘sogni leggiardi,’ ‘belle immaginazioni’—and of ‘sommamente poetiche’ geographical illusions, and the presence of America thus presents a dire threat to poetry” (cited in Antonello Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo: Historia de una polémica—1750–1900, p. 350).

6. According to Todorov, “one might say that Columbus has undertaken it all in order to be able to tell unheard-of stories, like Ulysses; but is not a travel narrative itself the point of departure . . . of a new voyage?” (La conquête de l’Amérique, p. 21; The Conquest of America, p. 13).

7. Michel Lequenne has this to say about Columbus’s ambiguous personality: “A man of more modern intellectual structure than Columbus, having at hand the most advanced cosmographic data available in the late fifteenth century, would have judged the crossing from Europe to Asia very long and dangerous; a wholly medieval spirit would have judged it too fraught with dangers for other reasons. It is precisely because he blended a medieval thinker with an intrepid adventurer of the new times that Columbus could be the necessary man” (introduction to Columbus, La découverte de l’Amérique: I. Journal de bord, 1492–1493, p. 23).

8. On the “vertigo of curiosity” and the “eye at the service of the discovery of the world,” see Michel de Certeau, “Etno-graphie: L’oralité, ou l’espace de l’autre: Léry,” in Certeau, L’Écriture de l’histoire, p. 242.

9. See Giuseppe Gatto, “Le voyage au Paradis: La christianisation des traditions folkloriques au Moyen-Âge,” Annales, E.S.C., 34th year, no. 5 (September–October 1979): 929–42. Jacques Le Goff examines many of these voyages in his work on purgatory, where he points particularly to the importance that one of these—the Purgatory of St. Patrick—had in constructing the image of the Christian purgatory. See La naissance du Purgatoire.

10. Claude Lecouteux, “Paganisme, christianisme et merveilleux,” Annales, E.S.C., 37th year, no. 4 (July–August 1982): 700–716.

11. Giulia Lanciani, Os relatos de naufrágios na literatura portuguesa dos séculos XVI e XVII, p. 52.

12. “The most pertinent of observations appears alongside improbabilities, as if the marvelous were inherent to every description of the Asian world” (Claude Sutto, “L’image du monde connu à la fin du Moyen-Âge,” in Guy H. Allard, ed., Aspects de la marginalité au Moyen-Âge, p. 63). See also Jean Delumeau, A civilização do Renascimento, vol. 1, pp. 49ff.

13. Carlo Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers: L’univers d’un meunier au XVIe siècle, p. 80; The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, trans. John Tedeschi and Anne Tedeschi, p. 42.

14. Sutto, “L’Image du monde.”

15. Jacques Le Goff, “L’Occident médiéval et l’Océan Indien: Un horizon onirique,” in Le Goff, Pour un autre Moyen-Âge: Temps, travail et culture en Occident, p. 290; Time, Work, and Culture in the Middle Ages, trans. Arthur Goldhammer, p. 195.

16. “Thus the oneiric horizon reflects the psychological repercussions of the very structure of medieval trade; for the West was an importer of precious products from far-off places, which it thought of in part as real, in part fantastic, in part commercial” (Le Goff, Pour un autre Moyen-Âge, p. 292; Time, Work, and Culture, p. 196).

17. Writing of the animal species that inhabited far-off regions—like asps, dragons, and basilisks—Sérgio Buarque de Holanda states that these wonders “remained solely in India, above all, and in Ethiopia, which continued to be the two vivaria of all marvels, primarily before discovery of the new continent” (Visão do Paraíso: Os motivos edênicos no descobrimento e colonização do Brasil, p. 198; emphasis added).

18. Accounts of travels to Paradise often included news about Prester John’s kingdom: “An anonymous Spanish friar, contemporary of Fazio, and who claimed to have visited all parts of the world, also offers us his vision of Paradise, but this time—accompanying the itinerary of the mysterious Prester John, who, once the great Asian sovereign, begins blending with the Christian potentate of Abyssinia—he places it over by Nubia and Ethiopia” (Visão do Paraíso, p. 165).

19. I refer to this book’s main epigraph. See Friar Vicente do Salvador, História do Brasil—1500–1627, p. 15.

20. Buarque de Holanda, Visão do Paraíso, p. 140.

21. “Foreshadowed by pagan tradition’s Islands of the Blessed [Afortunadas] and the Garden of the Hesperides, and in some fashion fertilized by these, the transfer of such marvelous settings to the Atlantic had already gained its own impetus when these traditions began intermingling with Celtic mythology, mainly Irish and Gaelic” (Buarque de Holanda, Visão do Paraíso, p. 166).

22. Ibid., p. 167.

23. Capistrano de Abreu, O descobrimento do Brasil pelos portugueses, p. 48.

24. K. Kretschmer, Die Entdeckung Amerikas in ihrer Bedeutung für die Geschichte des Weltbildes (Berlin, 1892), cited in Abreu, O descobrimento do Brasil, p. 49. In the city of Angra, on Terceira island, is a Mount Brasil; in Ireland, there is a shoal known as Brasil Rock (ibid., p. 50).

25. Antonio de Santa Maria Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico ou Crônica dos frades menores da Província do Brasil (1761), vol. 2, pp. 8–9.

26. Todorov, La conquête de l’Amérique, p. 22.

27. J. Servier, Histoire de l’Utopie (Paris: Gallimard, 1967); cited in Jean Delumeau, Le péché et la peur: La culpabilisation en Occident—XIIIe–XVIIIe siècles, p. 141.

28. If scholars have been unanimous in underscoring Léry’s importance in this matter, the same cannot be said about Thevet. Charles-André Julien, however, deems him “undeniably the father of the ‘noble savage,’ for it was in Les singularitez de la France Antarctique that Ronsard found the golden age of which he dreamed.” See the introduction to André Thevet, Les français en Amérique pendant la deuxième moitié du XVIe siècle, p. v. Regarding Gandavo, Capistrano de Abreu says, “His project consists solely of revealing the land’s riches and the natural and social resources found there, in order to incite the poor to come people it: his books are immigration propaganda” (bibliographic note to Tratado da terra do Brasil by Pero de Magalhães Gandavo, p. 18).

29. André Thevet, Les singularitez de la France Antarctique (1558), ed. Paul Gaffarel, p. lv (emphasis added).

30. Jean de Léry, Histoire d’un voyage faict en la terre du Brésil, intro. and notes by Paul Gaffarel, vol. 1, p. 73; History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil, trans. and intro. by Janet Whatley, p. 25. If fear of the sea is fear of the unknown, beings that come from the world of navigation may bring danger. This is what the tradition of medieval tempestários seems to tell us. During the late Middle Ages, Europe’s rural populations were terrified of the evils wrought by these beings who sailed ships through the air during storms, stealing crops. Agobard had this to say about peasants: “They believe and hold that there exists a country called Magonia, where ships come through the clouds.” Agobard called them “sailors of the air.” See Oronzo Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, pp. 142, 278.

31. Lanciani, Os relatos de naufrágios na literatura portuguesa, pp. 130–31.

32. Salvador, História do Brasil, p. 51.

33. Pe. Fernão Cardim, Tratados da terra e gente do Brasil, p. 66.

34. Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 143.

35. On the twofold character of expansion, see Luís Filipe Baeta Neves, O combate dos Soldados de Cristo na terra dos papagaios: Colonialismo e repressão cultural, p. 28.

36. Caminha’s letter in Carlos Malheiro Dias (ed.), História da colonização portuguesa do Brasil, vol. 2, p. 99 (emphasis in original).

37. “Regimento de Tomé de Souza, 17–12–1548,” in Malheiro Dias, História da colonização portuguesa do Brasil, vol. 3, p. 347.

38. See, among other works by Jean Delumeau, the superb initial pages of Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme, pp. 47–57.

39. Vieira cited in Eduardo Hoornaert, A igreja no Brasil Colônia, 1550–1800, p. 40.

40. Ibid., p. 41. Hoornaert states that theological Messianism, centered on the king of Portugal, is the interpretative key to Vieira’s discourse.

41. Sebastião da Rocha Pitta, História da América portuguesa desde o ano de mil e quinhentos do seu descobrimento até o de mil e setecentos e vinte e quatro (1730), pp. 27, 29.

42. Salvador, História do Brasil, p. 51.

43. Pero de Magalhães Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz (1576), pp. 119–20.

44. Hoornaert, A igreja no Brasil Colônia, pp. 68–69. The excerpts from Simão de Vasconcellos are found in Crônica da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil (p. 1663).

45. Rocha Pitta, História da América portuguesa, p. 15.

46. Thevet, Les français en Amérique, p. 166.

47. Léry, Histoire d’un voyage, vol. 2, pp. 27–28; History of a Voyage, p. 111. “O Lord, how manifold are your works! In wisdom you have made them all; the earth is full of your creatures”: Psalm 104:24 (The New Oxford Annotated Bible [New York: Oxford University Press, 1989]).

48. “The process of transposition began from the very moment that Columbus first set eyes on the Caribbean islands. The various connotations of Paradise and the Golden Age were present from the first. Innocence, simplicity, fertility, and abundance—all of them qualities for which Renaissance Europe hankered, and which seemed so unattainable—made their appearance in the reports of Columbus and Vespucci” (John Huxtable Elliott, The Old World and the New: 1492–1650, p. 25).

49. Columbus, “Journal,” October 21, 1492, cited in Todorov, La conquête de l’Amérique, p. 31; The Conquest of America, p. 23. On page 31 (Conquest, p. 24), Todorov further quotes the explorer: “There rises from the earth a fragrance so good and so sweet, from the flowers or the trees, that it was the fairest thing in the world.” On page 39 (Conquest, p. 33), the author observes in Columbus a “preference for land over men.” These humans are seen as part of the landscape (Conquête, p. 40; Conquest, p. 34). On page 33 (Conquest, p. 26) there are allusions to Columbus “the evangelizer and the colonizer.”

50. See Claude Kappler, Monstres, démons et merveilles à la fin du Moyen-Âge, pp. 92ff.

51. It is again Sérgio Buarque de Holanda—to whom these reflections of mine owe so much—who most eloquently analyzes the recovery of the idea of the Earthly Paradise initiated in the Early Modern age (Visão do Paraíso, pp. 181–83).

52. Salvador, História do Brasil, p. 37.

53. “Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha,” in Malheiro Dias, História da colonização portuguesa do Brasil, vol. 2, p. 99.

54. Rocha Pitta, Historia da América Portuguesa, pp. 1, 2.

55. Ibid., p. 2 (emphasis added).

56. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 2, pp. 3–6.

57. In “Notícias curiosas e necessárias das coisas do Brasil,” which opens the Crônica da Companhia de Jesus, Father Simão de Vasconcellos stated that the Earthly Paradise was to be found in America, more precisely, in Brazil. As a result, the copies of his work were confiscated. Following discussion by a number of scholars, who were “unanimous in sustaining that there was nothing in them contrary to the Holy Catholic Faith,” this passage was purged. See Buarque de Holanda, Visão do Paraíso, pp. xxii, xxiii.

58. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 1, p. 149 (emphasis added). Perhaps what may be detected in Jaboatão’s hesitations and timidity is what Sérgio Buarque de Holanda saw as a Portuguese near-incapacity to edenize. In a similar stance, J. S. da Silva Dias recognizes the Portuguese contribution to the revival of the myth of the Golden Age but relativizes that contribution: “Fundamental responsibility for the myth’s renewed prestige does not fall to them. This responsibility falls to the Spaniards from the time of Charles V and, above all, to the French who wrote after the first quarter of the century” (“A revolução dos mitos e dos conceitos,” in Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural do século XVI, p. 189).

59. Anthony Knivet, Vária fortuna e estranhos fados de Anthony Knivet, que foi com Tomás Cavendish, em sua segunda viagem, para o Mar do Sul, no ano de 1591, pp. 82, 145 (“The Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes of Master Anthonie Knivet, Which Went with Master Thomas Ca[ve]ndish in His Second Voyage to the South Sea, 1591,” in Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes: Containing a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells by Englishmen and Others, Vol. 16, pp. 220, 262 [emphasis added]).

60. Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz, pp. 82, 148–50. On the moderate climate—a constant theme in formulations of the Earthly Paradise—see the noteworthy chapter “non ibi aestus” in Buarque de Holanda, Visão do Paraíso, pp. 277–303. In his opinion, Gandavo basically incorporated climatic considerations concerning the Earthly Paradise from the European imagination, recalling Isidore of Seville in the medieval version of Orto do esposo: Gandavo’s edenic vision is “corrected and attenuated to the limits of what is plausible” (p. 295).

61. Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz, p. 81.

62. Gandavo, Tratado da terra do Brasil, p. 41; and História da Província de Santa Cruz, p. 75.

63. Ambrósio Fernandes Brandão, Diálogo das grandezas do Brasil (1618), p. 96.

64. Ibid., p. 200.

65. Ibid., p. 45.

66. Ibid., p. 138.

67. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 2, p. 4.

68. “Jaboatão was a member of the Academia Brasílica dos Renascidos [Brazilian Academy of the Reborn], where he revealed his character as a flatterer, writing some décimas in homage to the all powerful Marquis de Pombal, the Academy’s Maecenas” (José Honório Rodrigues, História da história do Brasil, 1^a parte: Historiografia colonial, p. 303).

69. Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo.

70. “America was not as they imagined it; and even the most enthusiastic of [the humanists] had to accept from an early stage that the inhabitants of this idyllic world could also be vicious and bellicose, and sometimes ate each other” (Elliott, The Old World and the New, p. 27). Elliott speaks of the “uncertain impact” of America on Europe (pp. 1–27).

71. “From the beginnings of classical thought, there were two opposite opinions regarding man’s life in days of yore: ‘soft,’ or positive, primitivism, formulated by Hesiod, described the primitive form of existence as a ‘golden age,’ in comparison with which later phases were no more than successive stages of one long ruin; ‘hard,’ or negative, primitivism depicted the primitive form of existence as a truly bestial state, which humanity had overcome thanks to technical and intellectual progress.” The latter tendency traces its origins especially to Vitruvius (E. Panofsky, “Les origines de l’histoire humaine: Deux cycles de tableaux par Piero di Cosimo,” in Essais d’iconologie: Les thèmes humanistes dans l’art de la Renaissance [1939], p. 59).

72. Delumeau, Le péché et la peur, pp. 138, 189; Sin and Fear: The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture, pp. 123, 168.

73. E. Garin, “L’attesa dell’età nuova e la ‘renovatio,’” in L’attesa dell’età nuova nella spiritualità della fine del Madioevo, Convegni del Centro di Studi sulla spiritualità medievale, held in October 1960, Todi, Italy; published in 1962, vol. 3, pp. 16–19 (cited in Delumeau, Le péché et la peur, p. 140; Sin and Fear, p. 125).

74. Budé cited in Delumeau, Le péché et la peur, p. 157; Sin and Fear, p. 140 (emphasis added).

75. “In some cases, and particularly regarding the New World, a counter-movement to this mythification of the discovered lands could be sensed from early on, triggered perhaps by the news of many colonizers’ negative experiences. Perhaps originating from the thesis that Indians are half beasts (in contrast with their idealization by a Las Casas or a Montaigne)—a thesis much debated among sixteenth-century thinkers and theologians—this movement would two centuries later feed into the anti-American polemic of those who argued that . . . nature in this hemisphere was infirm and degenerate” (Buarque de Holanda, Visão do Paraíso, p. 274).

76. Gandavo, Tratado da terra do Brasil, p. 42. The idea of poisonous rains and winds must have been common in the sixteenth century. When addressing the dangers of navigation near the equinoctial line, Léry alludes to this sort of precipitation: “Furthermore, the rain that falls in the region of this line not only stinks, but it is so pestilent that if it falls on the flesh, it raises pustules and big blisters, and even stains and spoils garments” (Histoire d’un voyage, vol. 1, p. 67; History of a Voyage, p. 20).

77. Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz, p. 109 (emphasis added).

78. Cardim, Tratados da terra e gente do Brasil, pp. 33–34. Cardim is the author of a delightful description of the sloth: “It is an animal worth seeing; it resembles a shaggy dog, the setters; they are most ugly, and the face seems that of a woman with untidy hair” (ibid., pp. 30–31).

79. Ibid., p. 68.

80. Knivet, Vária fortuna, p. 132; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” p. 252.

81. Léry, Histoire d’un voyage, vol. 1, p. 157; History of a Voyage, p. 78.

82. Cited in Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 197.

83. “Carta de São Vicente, 12–6–1561,” in Serafim Leite, ed., Novas cartas jesuíticas: De Nóbrega a Vieira, p. 112.

84. Jerônimo Rodrigues, “A missão dos carijós—1605–1607,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 237.

85. Rodrigues in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 239.

86. Ibid., p. 238. One cannot help but see the analogy with Manuel de Mesquita Perestrelo’s report on the wreck of the São Bento, which took place off the coast of Africa in 1553. Among those who had been shipwrecked there raged a plague of lice “that took the lives of some, and threatened to take the lives of all.” With their clothing in rags, the men’s bodies were left exposed to these creatures. “There grew so many, visibly eating us, that we could not succor ourselves, and though we scalded our garments very often, and picked the fleas every three or four days . . . when we thought we had killed them all, in a short while there were again so many that we gathered them from our garments with a splinter of wood, and carried them off to burn or bury.” About four men “did so much digging about their backs and heads that they clearly died of this” (cited in Lanciani, Os relatos de naufrágios na literatura portuguesa, p. 141).

87. Cited in Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 7, note 15.

88. Cited in ibid., p. 37.

89. Cited in ibid., p. 8, note 20.

90. Ibid., p. 11.

91. The image of the cowardly lion comes from Voltaire: “Mexico and Peru have lions, but they are small and without any mane; and what is stranger, the lion of these climates is a cowardly animal” (cited in ibid., p. 42, note 38).

92. Cited in ibid., p. 51, note 12.

93. These are the “geographic marginals” of which Bruno Roy writes. See “En marge du monde connu: Les races de monstres,” in Allard, Aspects de la marginalité au Moyen-Âge, pp. 71–81. Regarding general aspects of European teratology, I have relied on this most interesting article. On monsters, see Kappler, Monstres, démons et merveilles à la fin du Moyen-Âge. On the relations between teratology and science, including an analysis of the relations between popular and elite culture, see Katharine Park and Lorraine J. Daston, “Unnatural Conceptions: The Study of Monsters in France and England,” Past and Present 92 (August 1981): 20–54.

94. Roy, “En marge du monde connu,” p. 76. Solinus, Pliny, and especially Isidore of Seville were well known throughout the Iberian peninsula. See Silva Dias, “A revolução dos mitos,” in Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural, p. 195.

95. “The fear of the geographical unknown, of which monsters are the embodiment, is nothing but a reflection of man’s countless inner fears: fear of forfeiting his bodily integrity, fear of an imminent punishment for certain behaviors, fear of the collapse of the fragile social edifice. Their abnormality defines the norm, affirms it, and puts an end to the fear” (Roy, “En marge du monde connu,” p. 79).

96. Cited in Silva Dias, Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural, p. 193.

97. Todorov, La conquête de l’Amérique, p. 23; The Conquest of America, pp. 15–16.

98. Cited in Delumeau, Le péché et la peur, p. 155; Sin and Fear, p. 138.

99. Park and Daston, “Unnatural Conceptions,” p. 37.

100. Cited in Lanciani, Os relatos de naufrágios na literatura portuguesa, pp. 23, 56–57. “They only looked like men in their faces; on their heads they had no hair but an armature, as like a ram, twisted about in two turns; their ears were larger than those of a burro, the color was dark gray, their noses had four nostrils, a single eye in the middle of their foreheads, their mouths stretching from ear to ear and two kinds of teeth, hands like a howling monkey, feet like an ox, and their bodies covered with scales, harder than shells” (p. 57).

101. Knivet, Vária fortuna, pp. 37–38; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” pp. 192–93.

102. Gabriel Soares de Souza, Notícia do Brasil (1587?), vol. 2 (São Paulo: Martins, n.d.), p. 190. The upupiara probably comes from indigenous folklore.

103. Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz, pp. 120–23.

104. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 1, pp. 118–19.

105. Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz, p. 57.

106. Léry, Histoire d’un voyage, vol. 1, pp. 164–65; History of a Voyage, p. 83.

107. See Delumeau, Le péché et la peur, p. 156; Sin and Fear, p. 138.

108. Park and Daston, “Unnatural Conceptions,” p. 20.

109. Ibid., p. 22.

110. Tant de sectes nouvelles

. . . Tant de monstres difformes,

Les pieds à haut, la teste contre-bas,

Enfants, morts-nez, chiens, veaux, aigneaux et chats

A double corps, trois yeux et cinq oreilles.

(cited in Delumeau, Le péché et la peur, pp. 156–57)

(So many new sects

. . . So many deformed monsters,

Their feet on top, their heads below,

Stillborn children, dogs, calves, sheep, and cats

With double bodies, three eyes and five ears.

(Delumeau, Sin and Fear)

111. Kappler, Monstres, démons et merveilles, p. 294.

112. The idea that monsters ceded their place to the Wild Man following the discoveries is defended by François Gagnon in the article “Le thème médiéval de l’homme sauvage dans les premières représentations des Indiens d’Amérique,” in Allard, Aspects de la marginalité au Moyen-Âge, pp. 83–89. Shaken by millennialist movements that preached a return to the Golden Age, and convinced that historical progress transpired through rebirths (returns to an innocent primitivism), the Middle Ages had prepared the way for reception of the noble savage. It was, however, the discovery of America that lent content to the myth. See Jacques Le Goff, “L’historien et l’homme quotidien,” in L’Historien entre l’éthnologue et le futurologue, p. 240.

113. Silva Dias, “A revolução dos mitos,” in Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural, p. 202.

114. In relation to the sexuality of indigenous peoples, European or Europeanized attitudes are extremely contradictory. Coeval sources, such as Jesuit letters, were scandalized by the indigenous peoples’ sexual exuberance. Based on these and on the Visitations of the Holy Office, Paulo Prado built an entire theory of Brazilian lust in Retrato do Brasil: Ensaio sobre a tristeza brasileira. At the same time, the sexual impotence and lack of virility of the American Indian were touchstones in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century polemics of detraction (Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo).

115. Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 67.

116. Ibid., p. 67. In the late eighteenth century The Magic Flute‘s Papageno illustrated the convergence and contamination of the symbolic figures of the Wild Man and the Amerindian: the feather-covered body had replaced the hairy body (ibid., p. 67).

117. “They were fierce creatures, rugged and hairy, lewd like fauns, which inhabited the thickest woods and cavernous lairs; they were most certainly subhuman creatures, but quite different from monkeys and other beasts” (Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 67).

118. Gagnon, “Le thème médiéval de l’homme sauvage,” in Allard, Aspects de la marginalité au Moyen-Âge, p. 86.

119. Salvador, História do Brasil, p. 52 (emphasis added).

120. Ibid., p. 52.

121. Rocha Pitta, História da América Portuguesa, pp. 26–27.

122. Gandavo, Tratado da terra do Brasil, pp. 48–53. The observation about the absence of the letters f, l, and r in the indigenous tongue and the consequent explanation are repeated by numerous chroniclers and historians of the early days of the colony. Three centuries later, Arthur Schopenhauer was to say that when “the force of life was made manifest in the Western Hemisphere, it felt very serpentine and volatile, not very mammiferous and absolutely not at all human” (cited in Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 422 [emphasis added]).

123. Gandavo, Tratado da terra do Brasil, p. 38.

124. Ibid., p. 39.

125. Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz, p. 125.

126. Gaspar Barleus, História dos feitos recentemente praticados durante oito anos no Brasil e noutras partes sob o governo do ilustríssimo João Maurício Conde de Nassau etc., trans. Cláudio Brandão, p. 64.

127. Thevet, Les singularitez, p. 140.

128. Thevet, Les français en Amérique, p. 67.

129. Thevet, Les singularitez, p. 233.

130. Ibid., pp. 134–35.

131. Ibid., pp. 151–52.

132. Regarding the dispute over hegemony in Europe and control of the colonies, see Fernando A. Novais, Portugal e Brasil na crise do antigo sistema colonial, 1777–1808, especially chapter 1, “Política de neutralidade.”

133. Knivet, Vária fortuna, pp. 55, 56–67; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” p. 203.

134. Knivet, Vária fortuna, pp. 58–59; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” p. 206.

135. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 1, pp. 105–6.

136. Ibid., pp. 106, 107, 108.

137. Ibid., p. 110.

138. Ibid., p. 114.

139. “Carta do Pe. João de Azpilcueta Navarro aos irmãos de Coimbra; Porto Seguro, 19 de setembro de 1553,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 158.

140. “Ao padre Simão Rodrigues, Provincial de Portugal, Bahia, 10–7–1552,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 26.

141. Knivet, Vária fortuna, p. 84; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” p. 222.

142. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 1, pp. 13–14.

143. “Carta de 19–9–1553,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 156.

144. Rodrigues, “A missão dos carijós,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 232. One of the colonial era’s most famous practitioners of incest was João Ramalho. See Nóbrega’s letter, “Ao padre Simão Rodrigues,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 46.

145. Prado, Retrato do Brasil, p. 166.

146. Rodrigues, “A missão dos carijós,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, pp. 230, 239. On pages 226–27, there is an anthological passage on the poor education of indigenous children and on sloth.

147. Knivet, Vária fortuna, p. 142; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” p. 259. In the eighteenth century De Pauw would say the Wild Men were weaker than civilized peoples because they did not work, and work strengthens the nerves (cited in Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 62, note 54).

148. Serafim Leite, “Antonio Rodrigues, soldado, viajante e jesuíta português na América do Sul, no século XVI,” Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro 49 (1927): 55–73.

149. “Their similarity to animality or to disorder precludes the formation of a permanent unanimity of opinion regarding the possibility of conversion. Is indigenous man capable of understanding the Christian message? Does he possess Reason? Is he Human?” (Neves, O combate dos Soldados de Cristo, p. 58). Questioning the human condition of the indigenous peoples, the Jesuits also questioned their efforts at catechism: “Are the Jesuits falling into the sin of pride in setting for themselves a task that God would not have proposed for Himself? Or had God reserved this mission to test the valor of his undisputed children?” (ibid., p. 61).

150. Cited in Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 113. Galiani also stated that, like Wild Men, cats too could be educated and civilized; it was merely a question of time. Cats took forty to fifty thousand years to learn what they know today. “It is therefore just that Californians and Australians, who are three or four thousand years old, are still beasts” (cited in Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 113, note 209).

151. “A pensive melancholy animal,” “a serious melancholy animal” (cited in Gerbi, La disputa del nuevo mundo, p. 152, note 44).

152. Cited in ibid., p. 303.

153. Buarque de Holanda, Visão do Paraíso, pp. 298–99, 303. “Repudiation of indigenous people—of their animality—centers on three types of behavior that are classified as abhorrent and that are common to all ‘natives.’ These are incest, cannibalism, and nudity” (Neves, O combate dos Soldados de Cristo, p. 56).

154. “Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha,” in Malheiro Dias, História da colonização portuguesa do Brasil, vol. 2, p. 94.

155. Buarque de Holanda, Visão do Paraíso, p. 303; José de Anchieta, Cartas, informações, fragmentos históricos e sermões (Rio de Janeiro, 1933), p. 186 (emphasis added).

156. J. S. da Silva Dias, “Os portugueses e o mito do ‘bom selvagem,’” in Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural, p. 296.

157. Manuel da Nóbrega, Diálogo sobre a conversão do gentio, (1556–59?), intro. and notes by Pe. Serafim Leite, p. 54.

158. Manuel da Nóbrega, “Ao Pe. Miguel de Torres, Provincial de Portugal, 2–9–1557,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 68.

159. On the “contagion” of animality: “The evil came first from a neighboring colony, where Portuguese blood had mixed greatly with that of the Indians. The contagion of this bad example quickly reached São Paulo, and from this mixture there resulted a perverse generation” (Charlevoix, cited in Friar Gaspar da Madre de Deus, Memórias para a história da Capitania de São Vicente, p. 230).

160. Barleus, História dos feitos recentemente praticados, p. 64 (emphasis added).

161. Manuel da Nóbrega, “Apontamento de coisas do Brasil,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, pp. 76, 77 (emphasis added). “The Jesuit’s analysis is, as one can see, foreign to the legend of the Indian’s paradisiacal goodness and lacks indications that would suggest the moral or ‘cultural’ superiority of their customs” (Silva Dias, “Os portugueses e o mito do ‘bom selvagem,’” in Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural, pp. 297–98). This author defends the thesis that the myth of the noble savage was “marginal” in Portuguese culture. In the Jesuit letters, he contends, the traits of the evil savage are “more accentuated and by far more abundant” than those of the noble savage (p. 294). On the principle of subjugation and obedience in Nóbrega, see pages 328 and 329.

162. Rodrigues, “A missão dos carijós,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 236.

163. Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz, p. 137 (emphasis added).

164. Salvador, História do Brasil, p. 377.

165. Madre de Deus, Memórias para a história da Capitania de São Vicente, p. 147.

166. “Prone to melancholy, they seek to ease it with ditties and musical instruments, of which they have their own” (Barleus, História dos feitos recentemente praticados, p. 24).

167. Ibid., pp. 260–61.

168. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 2, pp. 4, 7.

169. Thevet, Les français en Amérique, p. 40.

170. Léry, Histoire d’un voyage, vol. 2, p. 81; History of a Voyage, p. 150.

171. Léry, Histoire d’un voyage, vol. 1, p. 122; History of a Voyage, p. 56.

172. “The dialectic winds of the Fathers of Jesus, from whatever direction we approach them, blow contrary to Montaigne and Rousseau. Far from nourishing the notions of natural morals, of natural religion, of natural society, they endorse the ideals of the Christian civilization established in Europe” (Silva Dias, “Os portugueses e o mito do ‘bom selvagem,’” in Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural, p. 339).

173. André João Antonil, Cultura e opulência do Brasil por suas drogas e minas, intro. and notes by Alice P. Canabrava, p. 169 (emphasis added).

174. The demonization of American indigenous people moved forward with expansion. “The confrontation of reality and legend advanced with appreciable speed; and as penetration into the territories progressed, the revelations of missionaries and explorers brought to light non-paradisiacal realms, sometimes even deemed diabolical, within American man’s ‘primitive’ humanity” (Silva Dias, “A revolução dos mitos,” in Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural, pp. 190–91).

175. Neves, O combate dos Soldados de Cristo, p. 63. On pages 30–33, the author offers an eloquent analysis of the discovery as the reencounter with secret regions ruled by the devil: “Are not the abysses, monsters, and seas mere obstacles, tests that must be passed—so that the ‘fallen’ regions might be reconquered?” (p. 31).

176. “Carta do Padre Luís da Grã a Santo Inácio, 27–12–1553,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 163.

177. Cardim, Tratados da terra e gente do Brasil, pp. 185–86. In another felicitous analysis, Neves characterizes this passage as “a series of astonishments” in reaction to indigenous “disproportion.” For Europeans, norms and equilibrium would be introduced with Jesuit settlement (O combate dos Soldados de Cristo, pp. 124–30).

178. Rodrigues, “A missão dos carijós,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 123.

179. Ibid., pp. 214–15.

180. Ibid., p. 220.

181. “Carta de Pero Correia, 18–7–1554,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 174.

182. “It is astonishing that, though they are not rational, these poor men, because they are deprived of the use of true reason and of knowledge of God, are subject to any number of fantastic illusions and persecutions of the evil spirit. We have said that here something similar happened prior to the advent of Our Lord; for the evil spirit only endeavors to seduce and deprave those creatures who have no knowledge of God” (Thevet, Les singularitez, p. 168).

183. Ibid., p. 172.

184. Léry, Histoire d’un voyage, p. 71.

185. Certeau, L’Écriture de l’histoire, pp. 243–44.

186. Antonil, Cultura e opulência do Brasil, pp. 163, 164.

187. Cited in Sylvio de Vasconcellos, Mineiridade: Ensaio de caracterização, p. 25 (emphasis added).

188. Neves, O combate dos Soldados de Cristo, pp. 134, 58.

189. Gandavo, História da Província de Santa Cruz, p. 131.

190. “Carta de Dom João III, Évora, 21–1–1535,” cited in Madre de Deus, Memórias para a história da Capitania de São Vicente, pp. 258–72.

191. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Caderno do Promotor, no. 126, p. 413. It was the historian Luiz Mott who discovered this passage—“a real gem,” as he wrote me. I am indebted to him for kindly bringing it to my attention.

192. In this regard, see my chapter “Minas Gerais, a síntese da colônia,” in Laura Vergueiro, Opulência e miséria de Minas Gerais, pp. 75–79.

193. This is the position taken by Le Goff in La naissance du Purgatoire. On pages 404–5, he makes it clear that the penalties for magical practices will be cleansed in purgatory, this new geographical space whose birth guaranteed the masses a place in the great Beyond.

194. Delumeau, Le péché et la peur, p. 143; Sin and Fear, pp. 128, 130.

195. Michel Foucault, Histoire de la folie à l’Âge Classique, p. 18; Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason, trans. Richard Howard, p. 7.

196. Foucault, Histoire de la folie, p. 19; A History of Insanity, p. 8.

197. Foucault, Histoire de la folie, p. 20; A History of Insanity, p. 9.

198 Foucault, Histoire de la folie, p. 22; A History of Insanity, p. 11.

199. Foucault, Histoire de la folie, p. 22; A History of Insanity, p. 11. Léry has an exemplary passage in this regard: “Indeed, since we had been tossing and afloat on the sea almost four months without putting into port, it had often occurred to us that we were in exile out there, and it seemed as though we would never escape it” (Histoire d’un voyage, vol. 1, p. 73; History of a Voyage, p. 25 [emphasis added]).

200. Foucault, Histoire de la folie, p. 23; A History of Insanity, p. 12. A further comment on De Lancre’s ideas: “It is not surprising that seamen should be treacherous, inconstant, and unpredictable. The people of Labourd, bad tillers of the ground and worse craftsmen, had little love for their country, their wives and children, and since they were neither French nor Spanish, they had no established pattern of behavior to follow” (Julio Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 185; The World of the Witches, trans. Nigel Glendinning, p. 158). On the persecution in Labourd, see Roland Villeneuve, Le fléau des sorciers: Histoire de la diablerie basque au XVII^e siècle.

201. Antonio Sérgio, “As duas políticas nacionais,” in Ensaios II, p. 63.

202. A. de Souza Silva Costa Lobo, História da sociedade em Portugal: No século XV, p. 49. The historian says: “For Portugal, its overseas possessions were always the dungeon of its delinquents.”

203. Columbus stated: “Gold is the treasure, and he who possesses it holds all that he needs in this world, as he also holds the way of redeeming souls from Purgatory and calling them to Paradise” (cited in Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme, p. 54).

204. Relaçam do naufrágio da nao Santiago e itinerário da gente que dele se salvou, written by Manuel Godinho Cardoso with the permission of the Holy Inquisition in Lisbon; printed by Pedro Crasbeeck, year MDCII (cited in Lanciani, Os relatos de naufrágios na literatura portuguesa, p. 137). On page 18, Lanciani says there is another account of the same shipwreck by another passenger, the Jesuit priest Pedro Martins, dated Goa, December 9, 1586, thus confirming this earlier year for the shipwreck.

205. Buarque de Holanda, Visão do Paraíso, pp. 253–54.

206. Salvador, História do Brasil, p. 496 (emphasis added).

207. Knivet, Vária fortuna, p. 86; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” p. 224 (emphasis added).

208. Knivet, Vária fortuna, p. 72; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” pp. 214–15.

209. Knivet, Vária fortuna, p. 153; “Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes,” p. 267.

210. Leite, “Antonio Rodrigues, soldado, viajante e jesuíta,” pp. 64, 69.

211. “Carta do Pe. João de Azpilcueta Navarro aos irmãos de Coimbra; Porto Seguro, 19 de setembro de 1553,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 155. The first three paragraphs of this letter are particularly noteworthy.

212. “Ao Pe. Geral, Diogo Láinez, São Vicente, 12–6–1561,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 109 (emphasis added).

213. Nóbrega, “Ao Pe. Mestre Simão Rodrigues, São Vicente, 12–2–1553,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 35.

214. Antonil, Cultura e opulência do Brasil, p. 203.

215. Ibid., pp. 217–19.

216. Hoornaert, A igreja no Brasil Colônia, pp. 75–76. On page 76, the author cites Vieira, explaining the Jesuit’s words in parentheses: “I am already convinced beyond doubt that the bondage of the first transmigration (from Africa to Brazil) has been ordained by His Mercy for the liberty of the second (from Brazil to . . . heaven).” Vieira preached this sermon to members of the brotherhood of the Rosário dos Pretos (Rosary of the Blacks), in the Recôncavo Baiano, in 1663.

217. Antonil, Cultura e opulência do Brasil, p. 160.

218. The metropolis might seem like paradise but it was not. The author of A nova gazeta alemã wrote: “The lower deck of the ship is loaded with brazilwood, and below filled with slaves, young girls and boys. They cost the Portuguese little, for most of them were given of free will, because the people there think their children are going to the Promised Land” (A nova gazeta alemã—O valor etnográfico da Newen Zeytung Auss Presillo Landt, ed. Joaquim Ribeiro, p. 50).

219. Madre de Deus, Memórias para a história da Capitania de São Vicente, p. 361. “If therefore at the time of 1580 João Ramalho already had some 90 years of residence in Brazil, it follows that he arrived here in 1490, more or less thereabouts.”

220. “Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha,” in Malheiro Dias, História da colonização portuguesa do Brasil, vol. 2, p. 90. Another reference to Afonso Ribeiro can be found on pages 94–95.

221. Malheiro Dias, História da colonização portuguesa do Brasil, vol. 2, p. 97.

222. Ibid., p. 99.

223. Abreu, O descobrimento do Brasil, p. 29; Prado, Retrato do Brasil, p. 159.

224. The outline of a serious study appears in Emília Viotti da Costa, “Primeiros povoadores do Brasil,” Revista de História (São Paulo) 13, no. 17 (1956): 3–22.

225. Prado, Retrato do Brasil, p. 155.

226. Ibid., p. 194.

227. Ibid., p. 198.

228. Todorov, La conquête de l’Amérique, pp. 25–26; The Conquest of America, p. 18.

229. “Any misappropriation of tobacco, in any part of Brazil, left out of records and journals, under which all is dispatched, shall carry the penalty of seizure of this tobacco and of the vessel on which it is found and in addition five years of banishment to Angola for the author of the crime” (Antonil, Cultura e opulência do Brasil, p. 252).

230. Since this topic will be the subject of a later chapter, I will leave further commentary aside for now, as well as references to the trials on which this hypothesis is based.

231. “A Santo Inácio de Loyola, carta de Nóbrega de São Vicente, 25–3–1555,” cited in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 60.

232. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 1, p. 75.

233. Brandão, Diálogo das grandezas do Brasil, p. 155.

234. “Carta do Conde ao Príncipe de Orange,” cited in Barleus, História dos feitos recentemente praticados, pp. 45–46.

235. I address the issue of the onus and usefulness of the socially dispossessed strata in “As metamorfoses do ônus e da utilidade,” in Laura de Mello e Souza, Desclassificados do ouro: A pobreza mineira no século XVIII, pp. 215–19. In another article, I begin to explore the relation between perception of this metamorphism and capitalist consciousness. See “Notas sobre os vadios na literatura colonial do século XVIII,” in Roberto Schwarz (ed.), Os pobres na literatura brasileira, pp. 9–12.

Chapter 2. Popular Religiosity in the Colony

1. The spirit of organization was an early modern novelty in the realm of Christian history and apostleship, with St. Ignatius being one of its greatest “theoreticians.” See Jean Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, pp. 103–4. In a fine formulation, Delumeau characterized St. Vincent de Paul’s later activities as “the spirit of organization placed at the service of love” (p. 108); Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire: A New View of the Counter-Reformation, trans. Jeremy Moiser, pp. 56, 59.

2. See Charles R. Boxer, A igreja e a expansão ibérica, 1440–1770, p. 99; Fortunato de Almeida, História da igreja em Portugal, ed. Damião Peres, vol. 1, pp. 367ff.

3. Hoornaert, A igreja no Brasil Colônia, pp. 35–36.

4. “The council was ecumenical de jure and not de facto. It primarily represented Europe’s southern Christianity” (Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 67).

5. Boxer, A igreja e a expansão ibérica, p. 101.

6. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, pp. 138–39; Hoornaert, A igreja no Brasil Colônia, p. 35; Boxer, A igreja e a expansão ibérica, p. 104.

7. Gilberto Freyre, Casa Grande e Senzala: Formação da família brasileira sob regime de economia patriarcal, p. xxxvii; The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization, trans. Samuel Putnam, p. xxxiii. The testimony of the slave Joana, arrested in Belém by the Visitation of 1764–68 for practicing sorcery, casts doubt on the alleged influence wielded by plantation chaplains: “When she was in this town, she always attended mass on prescribed days and on Saturdays of Our Lady; however, after moving to the engenho, only very rarely did she attend mass, for she had no opportunity except when her masters went” (IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.691, “Processo de Joana preta crioula”).

8. Hoornaert, A igreja no Brasil Colônia, pp. 12–13.

9. Eduardo Hoornaert, “A cristandade durante a primeira época colonial,” in Eduardo Hoornaert, Riolando Azzi, Klaus Van Der Grijp, and Benno Brod (eds.), História da igreja no Brasil: Primeira época, pp. 248–49.

10. Ibid., pp. 355–56.

11. John Bossy, “The Counter-Reformation and the People of Catholic Europe,” Past and Present 47 (May 1970): 59.

12. Jean-Marie Goulemot, “Démons, merveilles et philosophie à l’Âge Classique,” Annales, E.S.C., 35th year, no. 6 (November–December 1980): 1226.

13. Ibid., p. 1226. See Lucien Febvre, “Sorcellerie: Sottise ou révolution mentale?” Annales, E.S.C., year 3, no. 1 (January–March 1948); and Robert Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers en France au XVII^e siècle.

14. Goulemot, “Démons, merveilles et philosophie,” p. 1236.

15. Jean Delumeau, “Les chrétiens au temps de la Réforme,” in Un chemin d’histoire: Chrétienté et christianisation, p. 18.

16. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 233; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 159.

17. Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 183.

18. Jean Delumeau, “Ignorance religieuse, mentalité magique et christianisation,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 120.

19. Ibid., p. 117.

20. Jean Delumeau, “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 79.

21. Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England, p. 169. See chapter 6, “Religion and the People,” pp. 151–73.

22. Sônia A. Siqueira, A Inquisição portuguesa e a sociedade colonial, p. 87.

23. Ibid., pp. 65, 253.

24. Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme, p. 76: “The two enemy Reformations represented the same startling of Christian conscience.” In another work he states: “The two Reformations judged themselves hostile to each other when at heart they were carrying out the same work” (Delumeau, “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 79).

25. Delumeau, “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 72.

26. Delumeau, Un chemin d’histoire, preface, p. 4.

27. Cited in Delumeau, “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 72 (“Luther’s Small Catechism with Preface,” in Robert Colb and Timothy J. Wengert (eds.), Book of Concord: Confessions of the ELCA, [Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2000], pp. 347–48).

28. Robert Muchembled, “Sorcellerie, culture populaire et christianisme,” Annales, E.S.C., 28th year, no. 1 (January–February 1973): 268.

29. Delumeau, “Ignorance religieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 122.

30. Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 19.

31. A. H. de Oliveira Marques, A sociedade medieval portuguesa, p. 170; Daily Life in Portugal in the Late Middle Ages, trans. S. S. Wyatt, p. 226.

32. Oliveira Marques, A sociedade medieval portuguesa, p. 170; Daily Life in Portugal, p. 226.

33. These authors include José Ferreira Carrato: “This Portuguese faith excels in its externalist religiosity, which will be more accentuated here” (Igreja, iluminismo e escolas mineiras coloniais, p. 29).

34. Oliveira Marques, A sociedade medieval portuguesa, pp. 156–57.

35. Carrato, Igreja, iluminismo e escolas mineiras coloniais, p. 45. “The Christianization of older days was both narrower in scope and shallower than has been supposed” (Delumeau, Un chemin d’histoire, preface, p. 8).

36. Jorge Benci, Economia cristã dos senhores no governo dos escravos (1700), pp. 93–94, 95–96 (emphasis added).

37. Antonil, Cultura e opulência do Brasil, p. 161.

38. Ibid., p. 164.

39. Roger Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil: Vers une sociologie des interprétations de civilisations, p. 157; The African Religions of Brazil: Toward a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations, trans. Helen Sebba, p. 113.

40. “Syncretism is symptomatic of one of the conditions of slave societies: the mixing of races and peoples, the cohabitation of the most diverse ethnic groups in one place, and the creation, at a level above the self-centered ‘nations,’ of a new form of solidarity in suffering, a solidarity of color” (Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 260; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 187).

41. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 79; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 58.

42. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 26; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 19.

43. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 91; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 66. The first scholar to identify the syncretic relationships between Catholic saints and African orixás was Nina Rodrigues. Today, the main pais-de-santo and mães-de-santo of Bahian Candomblé—especially those of Ketu lineage—repudiate this notion of equivalences, seeking instead a religious purism.

44. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 91; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 66.

45. Primeira Visitação do Santo Ofício às partes do Brasil pelo licenciado Heitor Furtado de Mendonça—Denunciações da Bahia, 1591–1593, intro. by Capistrano de Abreu, p. 277.

46. Ibid., p. 321.

47. Ibid., p. 346.

48. Ibid., p. 473.

49. Ibid., p. 266.

50. Ibid., p. 383.

51. Ibid., p. 454 (emphasis added). Hoornaert says the Santidades were indigenous Messianic movements that were a reaction against the missionaries. In the Jesuit provinces of the south, a number of Messianic Santidade movements are also said to have existed (Hoornaert, “A cristandade,” in Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 393).

52. Freyre, Casa Grande e Senzala, vol. 1, p. 379 (emphasis added).

53. José Gonçalves Salvador, Cristãos-novos, Jesuítas e Inquisição, p. 187; see also p. 159. João Lúcio de Azevedo, História dos cristãos-novos portugueses: “Livorno, Bordeaux, and Amsterdam were ports of preference sought by the Jewish Portuguese who went into exile. Nowhere else, however, did they find refuge as felicitous as that in Holland” (p. 387). Eduardo d’Oliveira França points out the coming and going of New Christians from Bahia to Holland and from Holland to Bahia (Segunda Visitação do Santo Ofício às partes do Brasil pelo inquisidor e visitador o licenciado Marcos Teixeira: Livro das confissões e ratificações da Bahia, 1618–1620, intro. by Eduardo d’Oliveira França and Sônia A. Siqueira, Anais do Museu Paulista 17: 158).

54. “Of the 83 clerics who in 1656 held posts in the prelateship, at least 12 were of Jewish lineage, which gives us a percentage of almost 15%, and with regards to the captaincies of Rio de Janeiro and of São Vicente, we list 46 priests and 14 friars of [Jewish] lineage, and almost all native to this land” (Gonçalves Salvador, Cristãos-novos, Jesuítas e Inquisição, p. 189). “The convents were at that time crowded with clergy of Jewish descent, many of whom were sincere Catholics” (Anita Novinsky, Cristãos-novos na Bahia, 1624–1654, p. 52).

55. Novinsky, Cristãos-novos na Bahia, p. 161.

56. Sônia Siqueira’s position seems untenable to me. “In the externalization of their faith, the Jews reaffirmed themselves daily, emphasizing their difference from Christian generality and individualizing themselves collectively” (A Inquisição portuguesa e a sociedade colonial, p. 68).

57. Novinsky, Cristãos-novos na Bahia, p. 162.

58. André Vauchez, La spiritualité du Moyen-Âge occidental, VIII^e–XII^e siècles, p. 24; Spirituality of the Medieval West: From the Eighth to the Twelfth Century, p. 25.

59. Vauchez, La spiritualité du Moyen-Âge occidental, p. 26; Spirituality of the Medieval West, p. 27. One of the finest analyses of the incorporation of folk elements by Christianity—which has inspired almost all subsequent analyses—is offered by Jacques Le Goff in “Culture cléricale et traditions folkloriques dans la civilisation mérovingienne,” in Pour un autre Moyen-Âge. The same author addresses the institution of worship of the dead by the monks of Cluny in La naissance du Purgatoire. Analyzing medieval literature on voyages to the great Beyond, Giuseppe Gatto points to a trend toward Christianizing folk traditions by incorporating elements of oral tradition into the universe of written tradition (“Le voyage au Paradis,” p. 938).

60. I do not feel Oronzo Giordano is correct in his formulation: “that slow and complex phenomenon of osmosis or, if you prefer, of religious syncretism, understood as an encounter, an often inverted adaptation, a merger of diverse experiences and of natural attitudes of man before the sacred” (Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 138).

61. “Indeed, a folk feature may maintain its own consistency and reality, alongside and independent of a religious feature, so long as it is not absorbed by it. . . . However, these both become an element of popular religion as soon as they take on a religious connotation, for some reason or in some way. In certain cases, it may even happen that one of these elements, after having been admitted into the world of popular religion, becomes merely a popular tradition, devoid of any component of a spiritual nature” (Raoul Manselli, La religion populaire au Moyen-Âge: Problèmes de méthode et d’histoire, p. 37).

62. “The theory of ‘survivals’ of paganism has become obsolete: nothing ‘survives’ in a culture; everything is living, or it is not” (Jean-Claude Schmitt, “‘Religion populaire’ et culture folklorique,” Annales, E.S.C., 31st year, no. 5 [September–October 1976]: 946).

63. Regarding medieval Christianity, Manselli says that it “lives . . . in constant tension, endeavoring to incorporate from what it receives whatever is acceptable and striving to do away with whatever disfigures it or threatens its structuring forces” (La religion populaire au Moyen-Âge, p. 41).

64. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 145; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 89. On religious syncretism in Mexico, see Jacques Lafaye, Quetzacóatl et Guadalupe: La formation de la conscience nationale au Méxique. See also Robert Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico: An Essay on the Apostolate and the Evangelizing Methods of the Mendicant Orders in New Spain, 1523–1572, trans. Lesley Byrd Simpson, pp. 264–82. On the study of indigenous survivals in Peru despite the church’s efforts to suppress them, see Pierre Duviols, La lutte contre les religions autochtones dans le Pérou colonial: L’extirpation de l’idolatrie entre 1532 et 1660.

65. Leila Mezan Algranti, “O feitor ausente: Estudo sobre a escravidão urbana no Rio de Janeiro (1808–1821).”

66. Nuno Marques Pereira, Compêndio narrativo do peregrino da América (1728), vol. 1, pp. 111, 113.

67. Hoornaert, “A cristandade,” in Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 388.

68. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 173; The African Religions of Brazil, pp. 124–25.

69. On the joyful masses of the sixteenth century, see Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 297. The baroque festivals have been described by authors of that era, among them Simão Ferreira Machado. See Afonso Ávila’s Resíduos seiscentistas em minas: Textos do século do ouro e as projeções do mundo barroco, where both the Triunfo eucarístico and the Áureo trono episcopal are published and commented on.

70. Primeira Visitaçõo, Denunciações da Bahia, p. 267.

71. Anita Novinsky, “A gente das bandas do sul,” Suplemento Literário de O Estado de S. Paulo, April 15, 1967; cited in Gonçalves Salvador, Cristãosnovos, Jesuítas e Inquisição, p. 113.

72. Gonçalves Salvador, Cristãos-novos, Jesuítas e Inquisição, p. 84. The people of the Iberian peninsula likewise hated the Holy Office. “A tailor from Pontevedra [Spain] is denounced in 1565 for stating that he holds the Holy Office in as much esteem as the tail of a dog” (Carmelo Lisón-Tolosana, Brujería, estructura social y simbolismo en Galicia, p. 28).

73. Primeira Visitação do Santo Ofício às partes do Brasil: Confissões de Pernambuco, ed. J. A. Gonsalves de Mello, p. 138.

74. Segunda Visitação do Santo Ofício às partes do Brasil: Denunciações da Bahia (1618—Marcos Teixeira), intro. by Rodolfo Garcia, Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro 49 (1927): 136.

75. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 287. Friar Vicente do Salvador alludes to the Calvinist “João Bouller,” who arrived among the first French accompanying Nicolas Durand de Villegaignon to Rio. The Portuguese from São Vicente—where Bouller fled—saw him “sometimes prick the authority of the Supreme Pontiff, the use of the sacraments, the value of indulgences, and the worship of images.” Denounced to the bishop, he was obstinate and did not want to recant; he ended up dying at the hands of an executioner (História do Brasil, p. 193). Capistrano de Abreu tells a different story: after being tried by the Holy Office of 1560 to 1564 and released, João Bolés had gone to India, where he disappeared. See Capistrano de Abreu, “João Cointa, Senhor de Bolés,” in Ensaios e estudos (Crítica e história), pp. 11–30. See also “Processo de João de Bolés e justificação requerida pelo mesmo (1560–1564),” in Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro 25 (1903): 215–308.

76. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.289, “Processo de Isidoro da Silva cordoeiro filho de Antonio da Silva lavrador de mandioca e natural e morador na cidade da Bahia.” As was the case of nearly all the trials I consulted, the pages are not numbered.

77. Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers, p. 56; The Cheese and the Worms, pp. 20–21.

78. Primeira Visitação do Santo Ofício às partes do Brasil pelo Licenciado Heitor Furtado de Mendonça: Denunciações de Pernambuco, 1593–1595, intro. by Rodolfo Garcia, p. 426.

79. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 34.

80. Ibid., p. 24.

81. Ibid., p. 27. Arriving in Rome in the eighteenth century, Giacomo Casanova observed that in no other Catholic city did people pay so little heed to religion. Women went to mass in clothing not at all modest: their heads covered by a thin gauze, their eyes uncovered, always staring at the men (Maurice Andrieux, La vie quotidienne dans la Rome Pontificale au XVIIIe siècle, pp. 143, 153). Widespread prostitution in the two main cities of the Italian Renaissance, Rome and Venice, engendered a veritable “myth of the Italian Renaissance courtesan,” which, according to Paul Larivaille, was a fallacy (La vie quotidienne des courtisanes en Italie au temps de la Renaissance, pp. 195–201).

82. “The conjugal state cannot be preferred to the state of virginity or of celibacy,” the assembly of Trent affirmed. “To the contrary, it is better or more blessed to remain in virginity or celibacy than to be joined in matrimony” (Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 94; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 13).

83. Primeira Visitaçõo: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 89 (emphasis added).

84. Ibid., p. 43.

85. Ibid., p. 57.

86. Ibid., pp. 90–91.

87. See Souza, Desclassificados do ouro, pp. 174–77.

88. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Manuscritos da Livraria, no. 959.

89. Ibid.

90. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.723, “Processo de frei Luís de Nazareth religioso professo de Nossa Senhora do Carmo Colado da Província da Bahia e morador na mesma cidade.”

91. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Manuscritos da Livraria, no. 959.

92. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 148.

93. See Jean Delumeau, La peur en Occident, XIVe–XVIIIe siècles, pp. 305–45; see also A civilização do Renascimento, vol. 2, p. 125.

94. With regard to the obscene and erotic backdrop of popular festivals, see Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, pp. 103–4. On the topic of the country of Cockaigne, see Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers, p. 128; The Cheese and the Worms, p. 83. See also Jean Delumeau (ed.), La mort des Pays de Cocagne: Comportements collectifs de la Renaissance à l’âge classique; and Mikail Bakhtine, L’oeuvre de François Rabelais et la culture populaire au Moyen-Âge et sous la Renaissance.

95. “Baltazar Fonseca, stonemason, who was 35 years old in 1594, was accused of not believing in the Cross and in saints such as Peter, Paul, and John, but only in God” (Arnold Wiznitzer, Os judeus no Brasil colonial, p. 22).

96. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 188.

97. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 351. On popular Catholicism in Brazil, Artur Ramos says: “God, as a monotheistic abstraction, is an incomprehensible entity, existing solely in the play of words. For the common man to stop and think about Him, He must be configured and represented in a concrete symbol. And so thus we see the Eternal Father transformed into a bearded old man, with a heavy scowl and a gruff and thunderous voice. Legacy of ancient paganisms” (O folclore negro no Brasil, p. 17 [emphasis in the original]).

98. Primeira Visitação do Santo Ofício às partes do Brasil pelo Licenciado Heitor Furtado de Mendonça: Confissões da Bahia 1591–1592, preface by Capistrano de Abreu, p. 58.

99. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, pp. 385–86.

100. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 128.

101. In medieval times there was one current of elite thought that saw God as unattainable, cloistered in a far-off universe, which only revelation (and never reason) could reach: the system of the English Franciscan William of Ockham (1270–1347). It lies at the base of the violent Protestant reaction against the everyday familiarity with which God was treated. One proverb went: “Laissez faire Dieu, qui est homme d’aage.” Jean Froissart stated: “Pour si hault homme qui Dieu est” (Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme, pp. 58, 60).

102. Delumeau, “Ignorance religieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 131. Black influence was to reinforce this barter aspect of popular religiosity. For Fernando Ortiz, the black “theoanthropic economy” differed greatly from one of “longterm credit.” To the contrary, it was “a religion of immediate consumption, of barter rites, without credit or accumulated interest” (cited by Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 196; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 141).

103. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, pp. 135, 117.

104. Ibid., p. 32.

105. Ibid., pp. 76, 77.

106. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 451.

107. Ibid., p. 506.

108. Livro da Visitação do Santo Ofício da Inquisição ao Estado do Grão-Pará, 1763–1769, intro. by José Roberto Amaral Lapa, pp. 198–99.

109. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, no. 145–6–180A.

110. I owe this observation to Hilário Franco, Jr.

111. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 160.

112. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 24.

113. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 370. Menocchio said Jesus was a man like any other, only “with more dignity” (Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers, p. 39; The Cheese and the Worms, p. 6).

114. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 105.

115. Ibid., p. 159.

116. Ibid., pp. 152, 153, 182, 195. The quotation is found on page 195.

117. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 228–29.

118. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 124.

119. Ibid., p. 34.

120. Ibid., p. 124.

121. Ibid., pp. 91–92. Lashing crucifixes was quite a common practice among colonists. Around 1628 an Old Christian who lived in Vila de São Paulo was accused of lashing a crucifix (Gonçalves Salvador, Cristãos-novos, Jesuítas e Inquisição, p. 109).

122. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, pp. 300–6.

123. Norman Cohn, Los demonios familiares de Europa, p. 125; Europe’s Inner Demons, p. 92.

124. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan, de 1294 à 1324, p. 479; Montaillou: The Promised Land of Error, trans. Barbara Bray, p. 302.

125. Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan, p. 479; Montaillou: The Promised Land of Error, p. 302.

126. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 20.

127. Boxer, A igreja e a expansão ibérica, p. 132; The Church Militant and Iberian Expansion, 1440–1770, p. 108.

128. Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 345.

129. Georges Balandier, La vie quotidienne au Royaume du Kongo du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle, cited in Muchembled, “Sorcellerie, culture populaire et christianisme,” p. 278.

130. Gonçalves Fernandes, O folclore mágico do Nordeste: Usos, costumes, crenças e ofícios mágicos das populações nordestinas, p. 119.

131. Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers, p. 56; The Cheese and the Worms, pp. 20–21. During the eighteenth-century Visitation to northern Brazil, an entire family was accused of disrespecting the image of Christ: “They would back away from the Altar and, unbuttoning their trousers, would raise their shirts behind and turn this part toward the said images and opening their buttocks they would show them to the images, at the same time looking with a contorted face and base posture at the said image of the Lord” (Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 220).

132. Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme, p. 53.

133. Delumeau, “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 67; J. Huizinga, El otoño de la Edad Média (Buenos Aires: Revista de Ocidente Argentina, 1947), p. 214.

134. Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 347. Concerning the episode involving Nossa Senhora da Graça and the spouses Caramuru-Paraguaçu, see Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 1, p. 51; Rocha Pitta, História da América Portuguesa, p. 31.

135. Jaboatão, Novo orbe seráfico brasílico, vol. 1, pp. 88–91.

136. Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 346.

137. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 43. In Portugal as well it was common to introduce the Virgin into profane contexts, carnivalizing her role: “Hickey was scandalized when he saw the Holy Virgin in a silver dress, covered in jewels, dancing a fandango with Our Lord, hair powdered” (Suzanne Chantal, A vida quotidiana em Portugal ao tempo do terremoto, p. 179).

138. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 43.

139. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, pp. 511–12.

140. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 103.

141. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa: Manuscritos da Livraria, no. 959.

142. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 360.

143. Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan, pp. 288, 493.

144. Ibid., p. 528; Montaillou: The Promised Land of Error, pp. 320–21.

145. Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers, p. 38; The Cheese and the Worms, p. 4.

146. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 175; see also pp. 114–15.

147. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 550; Antonio Baião, “A Inquisição no Brasil—Extractos d’alguns livros de denúncias,” Revista de História (Sociedade Portuguesa de Estudos Históricos, Lisbon) 1 (January–March 1912): 194.

148. AEAM, Devassas—1747–1748, p. 32.

149. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa: Caderno do Promotor, no. 128, 1762; cited in Luiz Mott, “Acotundá: Raízes setecentistas do sincretismo religioso afrobrasileiro,” p. 7.

150. Freyre, Casa Grande e Senzala, vol. 1, p. 343.

151. Ibid., pp. 342–43.

152. Ibid., p. 312.

153. Ibid., p. 313.

154. Ibid., p. 343.

155. Freyre noted “the erotic vibrancy, the procreative tension, which the country of necessity sought to maintain in the fervent era of Imperial colonization” (Casa Grande e Senzala, vol. 1, pp. 346–47; The Masters and the Slaves, pp. 259–60).

156. Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme, p. 54.

157. Vauchez, La spiritualité du Moyen-Âge occidental, p. 26; Spirituality of the Medieval West, p. 27: “The faithful felt unprotected before God, the faraway and yet Omnipresent Judge. They experienced the need to resort to go-betweens.”

158. Wicked powers were attributed to the saints, and at Berry people spoke of saints being “jealous” (Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 246; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 168). In his Peregrinatio colloquium, Desiderius Erasmus poked fun at the groundless fears the saints provoked in simple folk: “Peter may close the gates to heaven; Paul is armed with a sword; Bartholomew, with a knife; William, with the lance. The holy fire is at Anthony’s beck and call. Francis of Assisi himself, after he went to heaven, may blind or make mad those who do not respect him. Poorly worshipped saints unleash terrible diseases” (cited in Delumeau, “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 68).

159. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 109.

160. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 367.

161. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 170.

162. Ibid., p. 166; see also p. 121.

163. Ibid., p. 178.

164. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 170.

165. Ibid., pp. 350–51.

166. Ibid., p. 544.

167. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 390.

168. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 288.

169. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 129.

170. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa: Processo no. 4.491, “Processo de José de Jesus Maria que dantes se chamava José de Moura que tem parte de cristãonovo solteiro, ermitão filho de Manuel d’Oliveira tratante, natural de Montemor e novo residente nesta cidade de Lisboa. Réu preso nos cárceres da Inquisição dela.” I am indebted to Professor Anita Novinsky for referring me to this trial.

171. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 138. Suzanne Chantal provides examples of wrath directed against saints in eighteenth-century Lisbon. After various threats against the image of St. Anthony, boatmen who were rowing against the current on the Tagus and had not seen their supplications answered pulled out their knives and yelled in fury: “Son of a . . . if not out of respect for this bastard you carry on your lap, I would cut off your . . .” (A vida cotidiana em Portugal, p. 175).

172. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 50.

173. “[The New Christian] calls into question society’s values, Catholic dogma, and the morals imposed by this dogma” (Novinsky, Cristãos-novos na Bahia, p. 162).

174. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 145.

175. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 360.

176. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, pp. 433–34.

177. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 143. Vauchez points out that as part of the process of desacralization of the world and the rise of laicism, the dogma of the Holy Trinity was even discussed at crossroads (La spiritualité du Moyen-Âge occidental, p. 79; Spirituality of the Medieval West, pp. 78–79).

178. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 395.

179. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 192.

180. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 403.

181. Manselli, La religion populaire au Moyen-Âge, p. 115.

182. Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers, p. 179; The Cheese and the Worms, p. 128.

183. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 26.

184. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 91.

185. Ibid., p. 95; see also pp. 39–40.

186. Ibid., pp. 396–97.

187. Ibid., pp. 420–22.

188. Aaron J. Gurevich, “Au Moyen-Âge: Conscience individuelle et image de l’au-delà,” Annales E.S.C., 37th year, no. 2 (March–April 1982): 272–73.

189. I refer again to the notable book by Jacques Le Goff, La naissance du Purgatoire.

190. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, pp. 139–40.

191. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 167.

192. Ibid., p. 165.

193. Ibid., p. 141.

194. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, pp. 110–11.

195. Livro da Visitação, Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 225–26. Menocchio had this to say about fetuses: “When we are in the mother’s womb we are just like nothing, dead flesh” (Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers, p. 139; The Cheese and the Worms, p. 93).

196. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 168.

197. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, pp. 435–36.

198. Ibid., p. 140.

199. Ibid., p. 190.

200. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 77.

201. Ibid., p. 48.

202. Ibid., p. 144.

203. Ibid., p. 90.

204. Ibid., p. 91.

205. Manselli, La religion populaire au Moyen-Âge, p. 97.

206. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 367.

207. Andrieux, La vie quotidienne dans la Rome Pontificale, p. 156.

208. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 147.

209. Fighting with the indigenous slave Catarina, Isabel Fernandes said that “she did not believe in the oil she had received if it was not paid for” (ibid., p. 119). Jerônima Baracha repeated practically the same blasphemy: “Fighting with one of her female slaves, vexed, she said that she would rub off the oil and chrism if the Negro woman did not pay” (ibid., p. 104).

210. Ibid., p. 98.

211. Segunda Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 140.

212. Ibid., p. 173.

213. Ibid., p. 182.

214. Hoornaert contends that the liberating aspect of the sacramental system was demoralized because the society was a repressive slave system. “The imperatives of concrete life in Brazil, above all the imperative of slavery and the consequent perversion of human relationships in this country, stripped the liberating sacraments like baptism and confession of any and all salvational force they are meant to signify, at the risk of reducing them to empty symbols” (“A cristandade,” in Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 312).

215. Cited in Delumeau, “L’histoire de la christianisation,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 146.

216. Because they refer more directly to magic, issues involving theft of hosts and altar stones will be discussed in the next chapter.

217. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 49.

218. Ibid., p. 61.

219. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 488.

220. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 12.925, “Processo de Violante Carneira cristã-velha viúva moradora nesta cidade.”

221. Menocchio thought he was hurting no one with his blaspheming (Ginzburg, Le fromage et les vers, p. 104; The Cheese and the Worms, p. 62). “Everybody has his calling, some to plow, some to hoe, and I have mine, which is to blaspheme” (Le fromage et les vers, p. 37; The Cheese and the Worms, p. 4). There was an entire set of laws against blasphemers. Delumeau states that starting in the sixteenth century throughout western and central Europe—“with amazing unanimity”—authorities had the impression “that their contemporaries swore and blasphemed greatly, and much more so than in the past.” This was perhaps a result of the period’s instability, which had people swinging from one extreme to the other, from violence to regret, denoting “superficial Christianization” and heretical and atheistic sympathies (“L’histoire de la christianisation,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 152). Title 2 of the Philippine Ordinances is called “Concerning those who renounce, or blaspheme against God, or against the Saints.” See Código Filipino ou ordenações e leis do Reino de Portugal, ed. Cândido Mendes de Almeida. At the time of Dom Dinis, there was a law that those who blasphemed should have their tongues yanked out and their bodies burned. “Under Afonso V, it apparently became impossible to fulfill the law to the letter, perhaps because blaspheming and disbelief had become generalized” (Oliveira Marques, A sociedade medieval portuguesa, p. 172).

222. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 163.

223. Ibid., pp. 233, 234. João de Sousa Tavares was another irreverent blasphemer. In 1775, in the town of Minas do Paracatu, he said that “Christ was not in the host, that Catholics were beasts of burden for Jesus Christ, that the apple of paradise was the privy parts of Eve and that God had forbidden the eating of it” (IANTT, Cadernos do Promotor, nos. 129 and 130; cited in Mott, “Acotundá,” p. 10).

224. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 275–76.

225. Notice again the merger of religiosity and daily life: discussions of matters of faith mixed with wagers involving chickens!

226. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, pp. 110–14.

227. Although part of everyday life, the world of the demons was unsettling, and recourse to it grew increasingly illicit. See Françoise Bonney, “Autour de Jean Gerson: Opinions de théologiens sur les superstitions et la sorcellerie au début du XV^e siècle,” Le Moyen-Age—Revue d’Histoire et de Philologie 77, 4th series, vol. 26, no. 1 (1971): 89.

228. The first two decades of the seventeenth century represented the time of greatest risk of inquisitorial intervention in the colony (Gonçalves Salvador, Cristãos-novos, Jesuítas e Inquisição, pp. 114–15).

229. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, pp. 90–94, 100–7.

230. Delumeau, La peur en Occident, p. 232.

231. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 470.

232. Philippe Erlanger, La vie quotidienne sous Henri IV, pp. 19, 31.

233. Ibid., p. 32. In the fifteenth century, Johannes Tinctoris listed the feats the devil could and could not perform (Muchembled, “Sorcellerie, culture populaire et christianisme,” p. 280).

234. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 248; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 170.

235. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 294.

236. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 61.

237. Muchembled, “Sorcellerie, culture populaire et christianisme,” p. 280. Delumeau states that within the collective mentality there often was no difference in nature between a saint—or God—and the devil. See “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 69. Demons are a sort of “saints of evil” (Manselli, La religion populaire au Moyen-Âge, p. 76).

238. Manselli, La religion populaire au Moyen-Âge, p. 76.

239. Muchembled, “Sorcellerie, culture populaire et christianisme,” p. 269.

240. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 253; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 173.

241. For Jean Bodin, no earthly power could resist the force of Satan, “Prince of this world.” Pierre de Bérulle would later say that the demon was lord of the earth following the advent of original sin: “Satan, who before had no rights over the world or any power over man, has despoiled him victoriously of his kingdom and arrogated to himself the power and empire of the world, which had been man’s from his birth” (cited in Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, pp. 253–54; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 173).

242. “Ao Pe. Luís Gonçalves da Câmara, 15–6–1553,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 41.

243. “Carta de Pero Correia,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 71.

244. Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, pp. 174, 175. The devil thus sanctioned and legitimized Christian orthodoxy, both Catholic and Protestant. The primitive Christian church had seen demons in gods and pagans; the bellicose religious sects of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries alleged that their opponents worshipped Satan: “This was said by Protestants of Catholics, by Catholics of Protestants, and by Christians of the Red Indians and other primitive peoples” (Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 477).

245. Rodrigues, “A missão dos Carijós,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 216.

246. Cited in Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 253; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 173. English quotation from “Luther’s Large Catechism,” in Book of Concord: The Symbols of the Evangelical Lutheran Church (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1952), p. 204.

247. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 60.

248. Cited in Delumeau, La peur en Occident, p. 245; see also pp. 240 and 246.

249. On the role of spirits among indigenous peoples, see A. Métraux, A religião dos Tupinambás, trans. Estévão Pinto, p. 137.

250. “. . . and so great is the fear they have of him that in but imagining him they die, as has occurred many times already” (Cardim, Tratados da terra e gente do Brasil, p. 102).

251. “Carta dos meninos do Colégio de Jesus na Bahia ao Pe. Pedro Domenech, 5–8–1552,” in Leite, Novas cartas jesuíticas, p. 150.

252. Hoornaert, A igreja no Brasil Colônia, p. 65.

253. Delumeau, “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 68.

254. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 366.

255. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 168.

256. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 367.

257. Ibid., p. 544.

258. Ibid., pp. 508–9.

259. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 126.

260. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 470.

261. Ibid., pp. 270, 273.

262. Ibid., pp. 508–9.

263. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, pp. 59–60.

264. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 348.

265. Ibid., pp. 398–99.

266. Primeira Visitação: Confissões de Pernambuco, p. 24.

267. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 68.

268. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 395.

269. Ibid., p. 351.

270. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 294.

271. Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 153.

272. Jorge Benci, Economia cristã dos senhores no governo dos escravos, p. 120.

273. Pereira, Compêndio narrativo do peregrino da América, p. 133.

274. Ibid.

275. Ibid., p. 125. For Ronaldo Vainfas, what is notable about the Pilgrim’s account is “the consciousness of the contradictions between the Christian version and the pragmatic version of slavery: what was a ‘horrendous clamor’ for the ‘pilgrim’ was ‘sonorous’ and ‘peaceful’ for the slave master” (“Idéias escravistas no Brasil Colonial,” p. 134).

276. See chapter 1 of this book.

277. Pereira, Compêndio narrativo do peregrino da América, p. 259.

278. Sílvia Hunold Lara, “Campos da violência.”

279. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa: Processo no. 12.231, cited in Siqueira, A Inquisição Portuguesa e a sociedade colonial, p. 223.

280. Siqueira, A Inquisição Portuguesa e a sociedade colonial, p. 223.

281. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 282.

282. Ibid., p. 283.

283. Ibid., p. 331.

284. Ibid., p. 338.

285. “Also associated with the Mendes family was the Crypto-Jew Fernão Roiz, a blasphemer, sugar master by trade. He was married to one of the daughters of Tristão, named Esperança” (Gonçalves Salvador, Cristãos-novos, Jesuítas e Inquisição, p. 179).

286. Antonil, Cultura e opulência do Brasil, p. 232.

287. Ibid., p. 233.

288. Ibid., p. 234.

289. Ibid.

290. Vainfas offers a fine analysis of this section of text, from a different perspective. For him, there is an analogy between the slave and Jesus, and purgatory is the slave trade (“Idéias escravistas no Brasil Colonial,” p. 173).

291. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 80.

292. These words were pronounced by a freed mulato slave, Antonio Dias, to the young man Arnal de Holanda, son of his boss, Cristóvão Lins (ibid., p. 423).

293. This eloquent phrase is taken from José Saramago’s Memorial do convento (São Paulo: DIFEL, 1983), p. 50.

Part II. Sorcery, Magical Practices, and Daily Life

1. See Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde,. See also Carlo Ginzburg, “Présomptions sur le sabbat,” Annales, E.S.C., 39th year, no. 2 (March–April 1984): 341–54. Ginzburg goes further than Dumézil. For the latter, the existence of a mythical complex shared by different peoples can be explained by a common genetic source, while Ginzburg stresses the issue of a dissemination based on linguistic parallelism and borrowings between Indo-European and non-Indo-European tongues (p. 346).

2. Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 32.

3. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, pp. 253 and 194, respectively.

4. Gustav Henningsen, El abogado de las brujas: Brujería vasca e Inquisición española, trans. Marisa Ray-Henningsen.

5. Edward Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande, 405.

6. Robert Rowland, “Anthropology, Witchcraft, Inquisition,” p. 16.

7. Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers, p. 78.

8. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 464–65. For an analysis of the controversy surrounding this topic, see also Carlos Roberto Figueiredo Nogueira, “Universo mágico e realidade: Aspectos de um contexto cultural (Castela na modernidade),” pp. 9–36.

Chapter 3. Material Survival

1. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 227; Europe’s Inner Demons, p. 113.

2. Código Filipino ou ordenações e leis do Reino de Portugal, book 5, vol. 3, t. 33 § 2. In 1612 it was stated in Confessional, written by Brittany’s Evzen Gueguen, that divination by art or intelligence of the Enemy, such as using the song or flight of birds, was a deadly sin, as was the use of divinations entailing “a manifest or occult pact with the Enemy, as charmers make” (cited in Delumeau, “Ignorance religieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 125).

3. Francisco Bethencourt, “Astrologia e sociedade no século XVI: Uma primeira abordagem,” reprint from Revista de História Econômica e Social (Lisbon, 1982): 63.

4. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 187.

5. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa: Processo no. 1.377, “Processo de Antonia Maria casada com Vasco Janeiro natural e moradora da cidade de Beja.”

6. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.565. This is in point of fact a denunciation.

7. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 210, “Sumário contra Maria Francisca preta escrava de Mateus Alves Martins moradora na rua Formosa da cidade do Pará.” This indictment, which includes a number of denunciations lodged during the Visitation of Geraldo José de Abranches, is not found in Amaral Lapa’s Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará (nor are a number of other documents, as will be seen later). Perhaps the complete work has yet to be published.

8. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.697, “Apresentação e confissão de Manuel Pacheco Madureira natural desta cidade viúvo de Dona Claudina Maria Pinheira.” Amaral Lapa transcribes only the confession (Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 236–39).

9. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 157.

10. Yvonne Cunha Rego (ed.), Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários: Textos antigos portugueses, p. 167. Casting sieves was deemed a serious offense under the Philippine Ordinances, bringing a penalty of public flogging and a fine of two mil-réis. In this divination, the names of suspected wrongdoers were written on the rind of a sieve (Código Filipino, book 5, vol. 3, p. 1151).

11. “Stick a pair of shears in the rind of a sieve and let two persons set the top of each of their forefingers upon the upper part of the shears holding it with the sieve up from the ground steadily; and ask Peter and Paul whether A, B, or C hath stolen the thing lost; and at the nomination of the guilty person the sieve will turn round” (Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 213).

12. See Thomas’s observations in ibid., pp. 213–14.

13. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, pp. 447, 449, 450.

14. Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 170; see also p. 169. The church actually went backward: in the Confessional from Brittany, cited earlier, it had been stated that using Bible verses to find lost objects was a mortal sin (Delumeau, “Ignorance réligieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, pp. 125–26).

15. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 214.

16. Ibid., p. 214.

17. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

18. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377.

19. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

20. Ibid. This divination greatly resembles another, employed by Dona Paula Tereza de Miranda Souto Maior for matters of the heart. Tried by the Inquisition in Lisbon for sorcery during the first quarter of the eighteenth century, she was a good friend of Dom João V. She “would light two candles and in between them place a urinal almost wholly filled with water, and inside she would place nine straw rushes and would pronounce the words that the sorceress had taught her; and in the said urinal she would see the church of a friars’ convent and in it the said person whom she desired to wed” (Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 79).

21. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 184–85. Water and mirrors seem to do the same job: reflect the criminal’s image. Le Roy Ladurie speaks of the “art of St. George” employed in the village of Aix-les-Thermes, where a young girl would read a mirror to find the trail or traces of stolen goods (Montaillou, village occitan, p. 580).

22. Almeida, História da igreja em Portugal, vol. 1, p. 403.

23. Lisón-Tolosana, Brujería, estructura social y simbolismo en Galícia, p. 23.

24. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 234.

25. Robert Mandrou, Possession et sorcellerie au XVIIe siècle: Textes inédits, p. 112. In 1624 the curé of Brazey, in the diocese of Autun, conjured demons in order to find a treasure hidden in Brandon castle, said to date to the time when the English occupied a large part of French territory (i.e., the One Hundred Years War). He was hanged and burned (ibid., pp. 115–20).

26. IANTT, Inquisição de Évora, m° 803, no. 7.759. After having searched for this trial as part of the Inquisition at Lisbon (since the accused was listed as Brazilian), I was eventually able to locate it as part of the Inquisition at Évora, thanks to the assistance of Francisco Bethencourt, who provided me with invaluable information.

27. Francisco Barbosa was a sorcerer known as “the uncle of Massarelos.” He was garroted following an auto-da-fé held in Lisbon on July 24, 1735. He boasted of discovering treasures guarded by twelve male and twelve female Moors, all richly dressed (Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 90).

28. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 295.

29. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 452.

30. Ibid., p. 448.

31. AEAM, Livro de Devassas—Comarca do Serro do Frio, 1734, pp. 52–52v.

32. Robert Muchembled, “Sorcières du Cambrésis: L’acculturation du monde rural aux XVI^e et XVII^e siècles,” in Marie-Sylvie Dupont-Bouchat, Willem Frijhoff, and Robert Muchembled, Prophètes et sorciers dans les Pays-Bas, XVIe–XVIIe siècles, pp. 180–81.

33. Métraux, A religião dos Tupinambás, p. 153.

34. Brandão, Diálogo das grandezas do Brasil, pp. 167–68. Disapproval of magical practices continued in the early eighteenth century. For Antonil, sorcerers and word healers were “deserving of abomination,” as were those who resorted to them, “abandoning God” (Cultura e opulência do Brasil, p. 149).

35. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 536.

36. François Lebrun, Médecins, saints et sorciers au XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, pp. 94, 97, 99, 103.

37. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 14.

38. Ibid., pp. 5, 12.

39. For the Azande in the Southern Sudan, witchcraft is to blame for practically all maladies. See Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande, p. 404.

40. AEAM, Devassas—janeiro 1767–maio 1778, p. 21; cited in Luciano Raposo de Almeida Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória: Estudo do papel, participação e condição social da mulher no século XVIII mineiro,” p. 134.

41. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, pp. 319, 318.

42. AEAM, Devassas—1721–1735, p. 79.

43. Lisón-Tolosana, Brujería, estructura social y simbolismo en Galicia, p. 49. “Como curaba, las gentes de envidia empezaron a decir que era hechicera [since she could heal, some envious people started to say she was a witch],” one of the accused women stated.

44. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 447.

45. AEAM, Livro de Devassas—Comarca do Serro do Frio, 1734, p. 17.

46. Claude d’Abbeville, História da missão dos padres capuchinhos na ilha do Maranhão, p. 253.

47. Métraux, A religião dos Tupinambás, p. 163.

48. In the Ursuline convent in Aix, Gaufridy followed the devil’s orders to blow on women to seduce them (Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers, p. 201). Around the same time, in Gascony, Marie Barast’s breath had the power to kill little children (Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, La sorcière de Jasmin, p. 48).

49. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, pp. 176–77.

50. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 536.

51. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 252, m° 26.

52. AEAM, Devassas—1721–1735, p. 47.

53. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 212, “Sumário contra José preto escravo de Manuel de Souza natural da Costa da Mina e morador na rua de São Vicente na Cidade do Pará.” Amaral Lapa published part of the indictment, except the inquisitor’s final provisions regarding the defendant. See Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 137–40, 153–54.

54. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377, “Processo de Antonia Maria casada com Vasco Janeiro natural e moradora da cidade de Beja.”

55. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 448.

56. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 243; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 166.

57. The Cathars kept the deceased’s nail parings and hair precisely because they embodied vital energy (Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan, p. 60).

58. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 17.771, “Auto sumário que mandou fazer o reverendo vigário da vara João de Barros Leal sobre o que adiante se segue.” These accusations are not found in Amaral Lapa’s Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará and do not seem to be a part of it, although they took place during the Visitation, in 1767.

59. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 17.771.

60. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 212. See Amaral Lapa, Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 137–38.

61. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 166.

62. Ibid., p. 172.

63. Ibid., pp. 172–73.

64. Ibid., pp. 267–68.

65. Ibid., p. 268.

66. Fernandes, O folclore mágico do Nordeste, pp. 96–97.

67. Abbeville, História da missão dos padres capuchinhos, p. 253.

68. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, pp. 49–50.

69. Philippe Ariès, Essais sur l’histoire de la mort en Occident: Du Moyen-Âge à nos jours, pp. 17–45. “In traditional societies—that is, in the early Middle Ages but also in all folk and oral cultures as well—man resigned himself without great suffering to the idea that we are all mortal” (p. 45).

70. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 15.559, “Segunda via de uma denunciação acerca de um preto tido, e havido por feiticeiro.”

71. IANTT, Inquisição de Évora, mç. 803, no. 7.759. The term “stone malady” could refer to either kidney stones or gallstones. The problem was quite common in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, where it became known as the Stuart malady (Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 6–7).

72. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 152.

73. Ibid., p. 153.

74. Fernandes, O folclore mágico do Nordeste, pp. 37–38.

75. Delumeau, “Ignorance religieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 126. In England, an individual with a toothache was supposed to set down the following verse three times on a little paper: “Jesus Christ for mercy sake / Take away this toothache” (Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 180).

76. Segunda Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 457. On curative prayers mixing the sacred and occultism, see Robert Mandrou, De la culture populaire en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, p. 72.

77. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 178. Lebrun lists a number of prayers meant for curative purposes (Médecins, saints et sorciers, pp. 110–11).

78. AEAM, Devassas—maio–dezembro 1753, p. 21v; cited in Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória,” p. 134.

79. Quebranto could be diagnosed by these symptoms: paleness, sleepiness, lassitude, a glazed look. See Artur Ramos, O negro brasileiro, p. 195.

80. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 151–52.

81. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.705, “Apresentação da índia Domingas Gomes da Ressurreição.” See also Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 179–82, where the Genealogy and Verdict handed down by the Visitor are of course not to be found.

82. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.706. In Spain, visiting foreigners were surprised by the custom of placing numerous amulets on children to ward off the evil eye. Julio Caro Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, p. 265.

83. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.706. See also Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 152.

84. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.705. See also Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 180. Amaral Lapa transcribes this prayer in a slightly different fashion, attributable to the fact that he and I consulted different copies.

85. Fernandes, O folclore mágico do Nordeste, p. 43. Amulets, scapulars, signs of the cross, and mysterious powders were ways of warding off the evil eye in the late Middle Ages. See Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 126.

86. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.723, “Processo de Frei Luís de Nazaré, religioso professo de Nossa Senhora do Carmo Colado da Província da Bahia e morador na mesma cidade.”

87. Lebrun, Médecins, saints et sorciers, p. 96.

88. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 243; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 166.

89. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.723 (emphasis added). Concerning this trial, see my study “O padre e as feiticeiras: Notas sobre a sexualidade no Brasil Colonial,” in Ronaldo Vainfas (ed.), História e sexualidade no Brasil.

90. Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 246.

91. Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan, p. 332.

92. Lecouteux, “Paganisme, christianisme et merveilleux,” pp. 706–7.

93. Almeida, História da igreja em Portugal, vol. 2, p. 365.

94. Código Filipino, book 5, vol. 4, p. 1152.

95. Fernandes, O folclore mágico do Nordeste, p. 40.

96. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 121.

97. AEAM, Devassas—1733, p. 32v.

98. Lanciani, Os relatos de naufrágios na literatura portuguesa, p. 32.

99. “La peur en mer,” in Delumeau, La mort des Pays de Cocagne, p. 91.

100. Delumeau, “Ignorance religieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 120.

101. Cited in Henningsen, El abogado de las brujas, p. 23.

102. Cited in Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 224; The World of the Witches, p. 197. Relación que hizo el Doctor don lope de ysasti presbytero y beneficiado de leço, que es en guipuzcoa acerca de las meleficas de Cantabria por mandado del S^or Inquisidor Campofrio en Madrid, 1618, MSS 2031, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, pp. 133 r–136 v.

103. Among Trobriand Islanders, only men could avail themselves of the protective magic of mist (kayga’u). See B. Malinowski, La vie sexuelle des sauvages du Nord-Ouest de la Mélanésie, trans. Dr. S. Jankelevitch, p. 58.

104. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.704, “Apresentação e confissão de Maria Joana, solteira.”

105. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.382.

106. B. Malinowski, Los argonautas del Pacífico Occidental, pp. 239–48.

107. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 220.

108. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 432.

109. Ibid., p. 385.

110. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 61.

111. IANTT, Inquisição de Évora, m° 803, no. 7.759.

112. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 10.181, “Processo de Manuel João barbeiro solteiro filho de Francisco João ferreiro natural e morador da cidade de São Luís do Maranhão preso nos cárceres da Inquisição de Lisboa.”

113. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 9.972, “Processo de Manuel da Piedade homem preto escravo do capitão Gaspar de Valadares, natural da cidade da Bahia e morador nesta de Lisboa.” I am indebted to Professor Anita Novinsky for referring me to this trial.

114. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 343.

115. Ibid., p. 412.

116. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 5.180, “Processo de Isabel Maria de Oliveira, solteira, filha de Roque de Oliveira, lavrador, natural da Vila de Cantanhede [sic], Bispado de Coimbra e moradora na cidade de Belém do Grão-Pará.”

117. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, pp. 98–99.

118. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.382, “Processo de Maria Barbosa mulher parda casada com João da Cruz ourives natural da cidade de Évora moradora na Bahia de Todos os Santos partes do Brasil presa no cárcere da Inquisição desta cidade de Lisboa.”

119. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, pp. 121–22.

120. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 185.

121. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, pp. 171–72.

122. Ibid., pp. 132–33.

123. Ibid., p. 79.

124. Lisón-Tolosana, Brujería, estructura social y simbolismo en Galícia, p. 24. This is probably a reference to the disaster at Alcazarquivir.

125. This compilation was drawn up from lists of autos-da-fé: IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Novos Maços, m° 6–1; Novos Maços, m° 5–4; Manuscrito da Livraria, no. 732; Manuscrito da Livraria, no. 959; Livros 144–2–41; Livros 145–6–180A; 159/6/862; 149–6–671. On Maria da Silva, see IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 7.020.

126. Although the Inquisition banished these individuals to Brazil, some of them appealed and had their sentences reduced to exile in Portuguese coutos: Úrsula Maria, for example, who claimed to suffer from gout and who never reached Brazil (AF May 10, 1682), and Paula de Moura, who served out her sentence in Algarve (AF December 10, 1673). See, respectively, IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 4.912; and OANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 5.723. In addition to the lists of autos-da-fé cited above, this compilation also included the following trials: IANTT, Inquisição de Coimbra, Processo no. 4.501 and Processo no. 6.823; IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processos nos. 1.063; 4.744; 6.308; 7.579; 12.616; 11.242; 11.358; 7.095; 834; 6.005: 7.611; 7.840; and 74.

127. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Manuscrito da Livraria, Processo no. 959 and Processo no. 557 (for Joana da Cruz).

Chapter 4. The Onset of Conflict

1. Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 66.

2. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

3. AEAM, Livro de Devassas—7 Janeiro 1767–1777, p. 34v.

4. AEAM, Devassas—1763–1764, pp. 17–17v.

5. Sorceresses have traditionally held the bones of the dead in great esteem. In the late Middle Ages, Incmar de Reims referred to them in his De divortio Lotharii et Tetbergae. See Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 287. The sorceresses in Logroño used the bones of the dead to make poisonous water (Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 55). In “Galán Castrucho,” by Lope de Vega, reference is made to the bones of hanged men that witches used in their sortilege: “que a la horca / vas de noche con candelas / y las muelas / quitas a los ahorcados / que aún muertos no están seguros / de conjuros / y de maldades que haces” (cited in Caro Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, p. 231). As seen earlier, malice could be done using hair, fingernail parings, and human excrement, which contained a person’s vital spirit. See also Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 438.

6. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 385.

7. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.382, “Processo de Maria Barbosa mulher parda casada com João Cruz ourives natural da cidade de Évora moradora na da Bahía de Todos os Santos partes do Brasil presa no cárcere da Inquisição desta cidade de Lisboa.”

8. AEAM, Devassas—janeiro 1767–maio 1778, p. 65. See also Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória,” pp. 135–36. Figueiredo states: “In Pitangui, a sorceress threatened to kill a number of people in the community. She engendered tremendous insecurity among the local population, feared as she was” (p. 135).

9. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.163, “Processo de Luzia da Sila Soares, preta.”

10. Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers, p. 96.

11. Marie-Sylvie Dupont-Bouchat, “La répression de la sorcellerie dans le duché de Luxembourg au XVI^e et XVII^e siècles,” in Dupont-Bouchat, Frijhoff, and Muchembled, Prophètes et sorciers dans les Pays-Bas, pp. 57–58.

12. Le Roy Ladurie, La sorcière de Jasmin, pp. 15–69: “Trois sorcières gasconnes.”

13. On sorcery and neighborly relations, see Lisón-Tolosana, Brujería, estructura social y simbolismo en Galicia, p. 49.

14. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1377, “Processo de Antonia Maria casada com Vasco Janeiro natural e moradora da cidade de Beja.” Years later, in Portugal, Domingas Maria learned similar prayers to keep a woman’s husband from killing her. Pieces of cloth, a pigeon heart, rosemary, a new cross, and a palm of new broom straw were boiled together. The prayer went: “By Barabbas, Satan, and Caiaphas and Maria Padilha and her whole company, warm the heart of the said prisoner, etc.” (Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 170). Another supplicative prayer was: “Good Jesus, give me succor as the sea flows, the wind blows, the heavens shine with stars, in like manner flow, blow, and shine, that so and so can do me no evil” (ibid., p. 172).

15. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 179. He offers as typical of this category of prayer one employed in the early eighteenth century to stop bleeding: “There was a man born in Bethlehem of Judaea whose name was called Christ. Baptized in the River Jordan in the water of flood; and the Child also was meek and good; and as the water stood so I desire thee the blood of (such a person or beast) to stand in their body, in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost” (p. 180).

On the thaumaturge kings, see Marc Bloch, Les rois thaumaturges. Delumeau transcribes prayers that invoke such real-life saints as Abelard as well as fictitious ones, like St. Bouleverse: “O grand Saint Bouleverse, vous qui avez le pouvoir de bouleverser la terre, vous êtes un saint et moi un pécheur, je vous invoque et vous prend pour mon singulier défenseur, partez, partez, je vous envoie chez (un tel), bouleversez sa tête, bouleversez son esprit, bouleversez son coeur, chavirez, tournez pour moi sa tête, brisez tous ses membres, faites éclater la foudre et déchaînez la tempête et la discorde chez (un tel)” (“Ignorance religieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 115).

16. “Hallowed be thou Vervain, as thou growest on the ground / For in the mount of Calvary there thou was first found . . . , etc.” (Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 181).

17. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377, “Processo de Antonia Maria casada com Vasco Janeiro natural e moradora da cidade de Beja.”

18. Le Roy Ladurie, La sorcière de Jasmin, p. 42.

19. Henningsen, El abogado de las brujas, p. 25.

20. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 15.

21. Dupont-Bouchat, “La répression de la sorcellerie,” pp. 53–54.

22. The seventeenth century—when the madness of the witch-hunts had perhaps entered its death throes—was a time of tremendous crisis. See Eric J. Hobsbawm’s classic work, “La crisis general de la economía europea en el siglo XVII,” in En torno a los orígenes de la revolución industrial, pp. 7–70.

23. Almeida, História da igreja em Portugal, vol. 3, p. 357.

24. Júlio Dantas, “Bruxedos de amor,” in O amor em Portugal no século XVIII, pp. 275–76.

25. This was the most widely employed law in the world of magic. By stirring the waters of a marsh, a sorceress could unleash storms, etc. (Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, pp. 240–41; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 164).

26. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 303.

27. Lisón-Tolosana, Brujería, estructura social y simbolismo en Galícia, p. 49. The poem by Lope de Vega cited earlier alludes to acts of malice against nursing children: “Abre, hechicera bruja, / la que estruja / cuantos niños hay de teta” (cited in Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, p. 230).

28. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, pp. 24–26.

29. Le Roy Ladurie, La sorcière de Jasmin, p. 58.

30. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 19.

31. Ibid., p. 52.

32. Geoffrey Parrinder, La brujería, pp. 168–69.

33. Cited in Francisco Vidal Luna, “A vida quotidiana em julgamento: Devassas em Minas Gerais,” in Francisco Vidal Luna and Iraci del Nero da Costa, Minas colonial: Economia e sociedade, p. 83.

34. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.163. I am indebted to Professor Anita Novinsky for referring me to this trial.

35. Lady Alice Kyteler, a fourteenth-century Irish sorceress, was accused of making “love charms with the brains of an unbaptized child” (Parrinder, La brujería, p. 109; Witchcraft: European and African, p. 89). Canidia, Horace’s witch, performed maleficia using a child’s liver and marrow (Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 51; The World of the Witches, p. 33).

36. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 92; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 67.

37. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 531.

38. Brandão, Diálogo das grandezas do Brasil, pp. 167–68.

39. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

40. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.767, “Processo de José Francisco Pereira homem preto escravo de João Francisco Pedroso natural de Judá na Costa da Mina e morador nesta cidade de Lisboa.”

41. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.163.

42. Ibid.

43. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 9.972, “Processo de Manuel da Piedade homem preto escravo do capitão Gaspar de Valadares, natural da cidade da Bahia e morador nesta de Lisboa.”

44. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 631, “Processo de Marcelina Maria mulher preta filha de Antonio e Luzia pretos escravos, natural do Rio de Janeiro e moradora nesta cidade em casa de seu senhor João Eufrásio de Figueiroa.”

45. Lisón-Tolosana, Brujería, estructura social y simbolismo en Galícia, p. 39.

46. Lebrun, Médecins, saints et sorciers, p. 107.

47. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.723.

48. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.767.

49. AEAM, Devassas—julho 1762–dezembro 1769 (cited in Figueiredo, “O avesso da memoria,” p. 135).

50. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.691, “Processo de Joana preta crioula.” Amaral Lapa publishes only one of the denunciations against the slave (Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 191–94).

51. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.163. In sixteenth-century England, sorcery sometimes reflected a conflict between neighborliness and a growing sense of private property (Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 556). In late seventeenth-century France, magical practices masked conflicts between shepherds and herd owners (Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers, p. 504).

52. Antonil, Cultura e opulência do Brasil, pp. 163–64.

53. Cited in Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória,” p. 135. This procedure was also employed to subdue someone to your will, and Joana used it on her husband for this purpose (IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.691).

54. AEAM, Devassas—1748–1749, p. 15v.

55. AEAM, Devassas—julho 1762–dezembro 1769.

56. Roberto Borges Martins believes that nineteenth-century Minas, along with the U.S. antebellum South, was the greatest slave system the Americas ever saw. See “Slavery in a Non-Export Economy: Nineteenth-Century Minas Gerais Revisited,” in collaboration with Amílcar Martins Filho (HAHR 63, no. 3 [1983]: 537–68).

57. Waldemar de Almeida Barbosa, Negros e quilombos em Minas Gerais.

58. Luís dos Santos Vilhena, Recopilação de notícias soteropolitanas e brasílicas, notes by Brás do Amaral.

59. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 10.181.

60. Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 268.

61. Lecouteux, “Paganisme, christianisme et merveilleux,” p. 707. The Homilia de sacrilegiis had the following to say about amulets: “Quicumque salomoniacas scripturas facit et qui caracteri in carta sive in bergamena, sive in laminas aereas, ferreas, plumbeas vel in quacumque christum vel scribi hominibus vel animalibus multis ad collum alligat, iste non christianus, sed paganus est” (ibid.).

62. Muchembled, “Sorcellerie, culture populaire et christianisme,” p. 279.

63. Goulemot, “Démons, merveilles et philosophic,” p. 1249.

64. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 232.

65. Mandrou, De la culture populaire en France, p. 71.

66. Lebrun, Médecins, saints et sorciers, p. 126. Even today, people in Spain use the kutun, which is a kind of pouch containing ashes, chicken manure, powdered umbilical cord, bay leaves, olives, rue, etc. (Caro Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, p. 264).

67. Cited in Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 240.

68. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, pp. 199, 210.

69. Ibid., p. 209.

70. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377.

71. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

72. I am grateful to Luiz Mott—who possesses a vast knowledge of religious matters and popular religiosity—for this invaluable information on the altar stone (including the reference found in the Constituições primeiras) and on purificators.

73. Lecouteux, “Paganisme, christianisme et merveilleux,” p. 706. I refer to Tugendsteine, a secularized form of ancient beliefs. On sacred Roman stones, see Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 63.

74. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 80.

75. In 1604 a priest from Château-Landon was hanged in Nemours because he consecrated the corpus domini with a piece of paper, using it for the purpose of divination (Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers, p. 82).

76. In the late Middle Ages, it was not uncommon for clerics and even bishops to pass themselves off as prophets and to practice pagan rites using sacred objects and ornaments (Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 184).

77. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

78. Bethencourt, “Astrologia e sociedade no século XVI,” p. 62.

79. On the Solomonic tradition and ritual magic, see Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 259; Europe’s Inner Demons, p. 104.

80. Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, pp. 157–58.

81. For all these cases, see IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, 145–6–180A.

82. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 16.722.

83. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 9.972, “Processo de Manuel da Piedade, homem preto escravo do capitão Gaspar de Valadares, natural da cidade da Bahia e morador nesta de Lisboa.”

“The hiding of different objects beneath the altar ornaments and the recitation of certain prayers in petto at the moment of consecration represent a regular repertoire in this reclaiming of the rite for demoniacal ends: some of the supernatural powers unleashed by the Church during mass are thus subjugated and deviated from their purpose, for the sake of Satanic works” (Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers, p. 82).

84. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.774, “Processo de José Francisco Pedroso homem preto solteiro escravo de Domingos Francisco Pedroso homem de negócios natural de Judá na Costa da Mina e morador nesta cidade de Lisboa Ocidental.”

85. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.767, “Processo de José Francisco Pereira homem preto escravo de João Francisco Pedroso natural de Judá na Costa da Mina e morador nesta cidade de Lisboa.” I am indebted to Professor Anita Novinsky for referring me to this trial.

86. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.774.

87. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.767.

88. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 254.

89. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.562.

90. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 508, “Processo de José Martins, homem preto, e livre, natural e morador do sítio do Riachão, termo da Vila de Jacobina, Arcebispado da Bahia, preso nos cárceres do Santo Ofício.”

91. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.131, “Processo de Mateus Pereira Machado, escravo de Veríssimo Pereira, mineiro, solteiro, filho de José de Castro, natural da freguesia de São José da Peroroca [sic], limite da Vila de Cachoeira, morador nos campos da mesma vila, e assistente na de Santo Antonio da Jacobina, tudo Arcebispado da Bahia, preso nos cárceres do Santo Ofício.”

92. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.134, “Processo de Luís Pereira de Almeida, escravo de Dona Antonia Pereira de Almeida natural da Vila de Jacobina e morador no sítio do Riachão, Arcebispado da Bahia.”

93. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 508.

94. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 8.909, “Processo de José Fernandes homem pardo carpinteiro natural e morador na Vila de Nossa Senhora da Abadia, Arcebispado da Bahia.”

95. Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 57.

96. Lecouteux, “Paganisme, christianisme et merveilleux,” p. 706.

97. Parrinder, La brujería, p. 109; Witchcraft, p. 89.

98. Oliveira Marques, A sociedade medieval portuguesa, p. 171.

99. “Cera del cirio-pascual / Y trébol de cuatro hojas, / Et simiente de granojas / Et pie de gato negral, / Agua de fuente perenal, / Con la sangre del cabrón / Y el ala del dragón / Pergamino virginal” (cited in Caro Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, p. 242).

100. Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers, p. 148.

101. Dupont-Bouchat, “La répression de la sorcellerie,” p. 65.

102. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 4.684, “Processo de Salvador Carvalho Serra, homem pardo, seleiro, solteiro, filho de Manuel Carvalho Serra, lavrador, natural do sítio de Brumado, Freguesia do Sumidouro, e morador no arraial do Itambé, termo da Vila do Príncipe, Bispado de Mariana” (information contained on the cover page contradicts the facts found in the records); IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.078. I am once again indebted to Luiz Mott, who referred me to this trial, for both his friendship and kindness.

103. Vauchez, La spiritualité du Moyen-Âge occidental, p. 18; Spirituality of the Medieval West, p. 19.

104. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 213, “Processo de Anselmo da Costa índio carpinteiro solteiro filho de Atanásio da Silva natural e morador no lugar da freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Conceição de Benfica Bispado do Grão-Pará.” Amaral Lapa published the vicar’s denunciation (Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 214–18).

105. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 218, “Processo de Joaquim Pedro índio sem ofício natural do lugar de Azevedo termo de Vila Viçosa de Cametá e morador na vila de Beja Bispado do Pará sacristão da igreja desta vila.” Amaral Lapa published one of the denunciations from this trial, that of Raimundo José Bittancur (Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 203ff.).

106. On the role of altar stones in indigenous and black cultures, see Fernandes, O folclore mágico do Nordeste, pp. 16–18. Pages 44, 45, and 99 contain prayers still in use today to protect from injury caused by sharp objects, knives, bullets, and snakebite.

107. Here I am borrowing some of Goulemot’s thoughts on popular mentality and the magical universe. See “Démons, merveilles et philosophie,” pp. 1237–38.

Chapter 5. Maintaining Bonds of Affection

1. Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, pp. 50–52; The World of the Witches, pp. 32–34.

2. Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 118; The World of the Witches, p. 101. In his “Comedia de las burlas de amor,” Lope de Vega says: “Este amaba a una ramera,/a quien trató muchos años,/mujer de mal trato y fiera,/remediadora de daños/y por extremo hechicera” (cited in Caro Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, p. 236).

3. Dupont-Bouchat, “La répression de la sorcellerie,” pp. 142–43.

4. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 568.

5. Freyre, Casa Grande e Senzala, vol. 2, pp. 450–51; this translation is based in part on The Masters and the Slaves, p. 333.

6. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 19 (emphasis added).

7. Caro Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, pp. 229–30.

8. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 78.

9. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 433.

10. In the words of John Gaule (Select Cases of Conscience Touching–Witches, p. 1646), the stereotype of a witch was an “old woman with a wrinkled face, a furr’d brow, a hairy lip, a gobber tooth, a squint eye, a squeaking voice, or a scolding tongue” (cited in Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 567).

11. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 49.

12. AEAM, Devassas—fevereiro–maio 1731, p. 4 (cited in Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória,” p. 136).

13. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

14. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.767.

15. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.894, “Processo de Adrião Pereira de Faria aliás Adrião Pereira de Passos sargento dos auxiliares natural da Vila da Vigia e morador no Engenho de Tapariuassu Bispado do Grão-Pará.”

16. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.696, “Apresentação de Crescêncio Escobar mameluco que tem ofício de ferreiro casado com Deodata Vitória da Cunha morador na Vila da Vigia.”

17. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, pp. 220–21; Europe’s Inner Demons, pp. 107–8.

18. Delumeau, “Ignorance religieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 125.

19. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 61.

20. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 201.

21. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.704, “Apresentação e confissão de Maria Joana, solteira.” See also Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 254–58, where parts of the trial have been published.

22. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377.

23. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.704.

24. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 254–55. See “Feitiço do Amor Fiel,” in Grande livro de São Cipriano ou Tesouros do feiticeiro, p. 203.

25. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.697, “Apresentação e confissão de Manuel Pacheco Madureira natural desta cidade viúvo de Dona Claudina Maria Pinheira.” See also Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 238.

26. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 132–34.

27. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.702, “Apresentação e confissão de Manuel Nunes da Silva natural da Vila da Vigia.” See Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 240, where Amaral Lapa transcribes the prayer somewhat differently. See also IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.704 (for Maria Joana); IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.697 (for Manuel P. Madureira); and Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 201 (for Manuel José da Maia).

28. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 5.180 (emphasis added).

29. I refer again to Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 181–82.

30. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.704; Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 252.

31. See Julio Caro Baroja, “El toro de San Marcos—A: Exposición,” in Ritos y mitos equívocos.

32. Julio Caro Baroja, “El toro de San Marcos—B: Comparaciones,” in Ritos y mitos equívocos, pp. 104, 105, 107.

33. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.894.

34. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.382.

35. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377. Madre Paula, lover to Dom João V, knew a similar spell, which she used some two decades later: “I cast this salt so that my master shall come fetch me, speak to me, love me; may he come and not tarry, by Barabbas, by Caiaphas, and at these signs, may the dogs howl, the flocks graze, the cats leap”; cited in Chantal, A vida cotidiana em Portugal, p. 182. In “Galán Castrucho,” by Lope de Vega, the procuress Teodora is described as “Caiaphas’s cook” (Caro Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, p. 230).

36. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.697; Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 238.

37. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 257; Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.704. Comparing the two versions, I have filled in some of the blanks left by Amaral Lapa.

38. “Conjúrote estrella, la más alta y la más bella, como conjuro la una, conjuro las dos, y como conjuro las dos, conjuro las tres . . . [repeating till reaching nine stars] todas nuebe os juntad y a Fulano combate le dad, y en la huerta de moysen entrad, y nueve varetas de amor le cortad, y en la fragua de berzebú, barrabás, satanás y lucifer entrad, y nueve rejones amolad y al diablo coxuelo los dad que se los baya a lançar a fulano por mitad del coraçon que no le dexen reposar, hasta que conmigo venga a estar.”

“Je te saue mille fois ô étoile plus resplendissante que la Lune. Je te conjure d’aller trouver Bellzebuth . . . & lui dire qu’il m’envoye trois esprits, Alpha, Rello, Jalderichel, & le Bossu du Mont Gibel . . . afin qu’ils aillent trouver N. fille de N. . . . Et que pour l’amour de moi ils lui ôtent le jeu, & le ris de bouche, & fassent qu’elle ne puisse ni aller, ni reposer, ni manger, ni boire, jusqu’à se qu’elle soit venue accomplir la volonté de moi N; fils de N. & c.” (Caro Baroja, “La magia en Castilla,” in Algunos mitos españoles, pp. 250–51).

39. All references to Maria Joana are taken from “Apresentação e confissão de Maria Joana solteira,” IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.704. Amaral Lapa publishes part of her confessions (Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 250–58).

40. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, p. 209. Among Trobriand Islanders, young men would wash themselves with leaves when they wanted to capture a woman’s heart. This is what Malinowski called “ablution magic” (La vie sexuelle des sauvages, pp. 345–48).

41. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 59.

42. Ibid., p. 60.

43. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.691.

44. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 631. Chapter 3 talks about belief in the magical power of urine, sperm, blood, and hair, which were often used in making philters. See Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 243; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 166. The Cathars believed that the first menstrual blood could be used as a love potion (Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan, pp. 62, 275).

45. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 300.

46. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, pp. 53–54. Innumerable types of sortilege involving the soles of shoes were used in Europe. To counter spells, one was supposed to spit in one’s right shoe before putting it on (Lebrun, Médecins, saints et sorciers, p. 107). To be rid of a lover, the eminent Dr. Curvo Semedo recommended spreading his or her feces on the inner sole (Dantas, O amor em Portugal no século XVIII, pp. 274–75). See also “Mágica da palmilha do pé esquerdo,” in Grande livro de São Cipriano, p. 197.

47. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.382.

48. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 5.180.

49. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 9.972.

50. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

51. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.382.

52. Cited in Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória,” p. 83.

53. AEAM, Livro de Devassas, 7 janeiro 1767–1777, p. 67v. See AEAM, Devassas—maio–dezembro 1753, p. 67, which talks about Josefa Doce, from the parish of Carijós, who used a variety of ingredients and superstitions so that men would like her.

54. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 5.180.

55. AEAM, Livro de Devassas, 7 janeiro 1767–1777, p. 47.

56. Rowland, “Anthropology, Witchcraft, Inquisition,” p. 10.

57. Lucy Mair, cited in ibid., p. 11.

Chapter 6. Communicating with the Supernatural

1. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 252, m° 26, “Processo de Luzia Pinta preta forra filha de Manuel da Graça natural da cidade de Angola e moradora na Vila do Sabará Bispado do Rio de Janeiro.” Once again, I am indebted to Professor Anita Novinsky for her generosity in referring me to this trial.

2. See Gatto, “Le voyage au Paradis,” pp. 929–42.

3. On the comparison of God to a colonial Brazilian master, see Hoornaert, “A instituição eclesiástica,” in Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 342.

4. “Apresentação a confissão de Maria Joana de Azevedo,” in Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 255–57.

5. See Arnold Hauser, História social da literatura e da arte, vol. 1, pp. 569–70.

6. Many present-day African societies believe that people can metamorphose into animals (Parrinder, La brujería, pp. 188–89; Witchcraft, pp. 145–47).

7. Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, pp. 55–56; The World of the Witches, pp. 36–37.

8. Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 63; The World of the Witches, p. 44.

9. Ginzburg, “Présomptions sur le sabbat,” p. 344.

10. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 17.

11. Métraux, A religião dos Tupinambás, p. 158. The sorcerers’ favorite form to take was that of a tiger.

12. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 540.

13. Ibid., pp. 349–50. In colonial Mexico, Martín Ucelo, or Ocelotl, was accused of transforming himself into a tiger, lion, dog, and cat. See Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico, p. 271.

14. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 342. The custom of hiding children or warning them about the dangers of witches made its way into folktales. The Seven Dwarves, for example, advised Snow White not to open the door to her witch-stepmother.

15. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.163.

16. Parrinder, La brujería, p. 184; Witchcraft, p. 146.

17. Delumeau, Le catholicisme entre Luther et Voltaire, p. 96; Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, p. 50.

18. Ramos, O folclore negro no Brasil, p. 119.

19. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 508.

20. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 10.181.

21. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377.

22. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.163.

23. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 9.972.

24. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.767.

25. Caesarius, a German monk from the monastery of Heisterbach, believed it was not uncommon for demons to appear as Moriscos or black Moors (Cohn, Los demonios familiares, pp. 102–3; Europe’s Inner Demons, pp. 25–26).

26. Here I am borrowing from Germain Bazin’s evocative analysis: “Formes démoniaques,” in Germain Bazin et al., Satan, p. 508. In the same collection, see the many forms the devil takes in dreams, in Dr. Jolande Jacobi, “Les démons du rêve,” p. 454.

27. Cited in Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 469.

28. Ibid., p. 476.

29. Ibid., p. 477.

30. Cited in Erlanger, La vie quotidienne sous Henri IV, p. 65.

31. Cited in Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 475, note 3 (emphasis added). On Escoto and The Discovery of Witchcraft, see Rossell Hope Robbins, The Encyclopedia of Witchcraft and Demonology, p. 453.

32. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, pp. 299, 319; Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, pp. 121–22, 187; AEAM, Devassas—maio 1730–abril 1731, p. 17.

33. AEAM, Livro de Devassas—7 janeiro 1767–1777, p. 67v.

34. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 5.180.

35. AEAM, Devassas—maio–dezembro 1753, p. 58v; cited in Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória,” p. 133.

36. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 446.

37. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 37. On the nursing of familiars by witches, see Parrinder, La brujería, pp. 116–17.

38. Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 90; The World of the Witches, pp. 71–72. At the cathedral of Notre Dame in Semur-en-Auxois, two animals resembling toads and birds of prey hang from a woman’s breasts. See Roland Villeneuve, Le diable: Érotologie de Satan, p. 68.

39. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 446. On Hopkins’s fight against animal familiars, see also Parrinder, La brujería, p. 113. The Zulu and Lovedu of contemporary Africa have also been said to believe in animal familiars (Parrinder, La brujería, p. 184; Witchcraft, p. 146).

40. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, pp. 61–62.

41. Ibid., p. 62. The name of Lady Alice’s familiar was Robert Artisson (Parrinder, La brujería, p. 109). In the sixteenth century, Margerey Barnes had three familiars: Paygne, a rat; Russoll, a cat; and Dunsott, a dog (ibid., p. 111).

42. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 61.

43. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 245.

44. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 228; Europe’s Inner Demons, p. 114.

45. Cited in Delumeau, “Ignorance religieuse,” in Un chemin d’histoire, p. 125.

46. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 219; Europe’s Inner Demons, p. 106. Laden with magical significance, Uriel, Raguel, Tibuel, Adinus, Tubuel, Sabaoc, and Simiel were among the names of Jewish origin given to angels (Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, p. 137).

47. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 108.

48. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 445.

49. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande, p. 22.

50. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377.

51. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 5.180; Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 182–83. In 1748 the devil appeared as a little black boy to Sister Maria do Rosário (cited in Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 124).

52. Excerpt from Yves d’Évreux, transcribed by Métraux, A religião dos Tupinambás, pp. 159–60.

53. See the introduction to part II.

54. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 539, 474.

55. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, p. 527.

56. Primeira Visitação: Confissões da Bahia, p. 59.

57. Ibid., pp. 61–62.

58. Primeira Visitação: Denunciações da Bahia, pp. 425, 567–68.

59. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 1.377.

60. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, m° 27–20, Novos Maços.

61. AEAM, Livro de Devassas—Comarca do Serro do Frio, 1734, pp. 75, 84, 88, 88v, 89.

62. AEAM, Devassas—1756–1757, pp. 50, 50v, 51, 51v, 52.

63. Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, p. 91; The World of the Witches, p. 73.

64. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 470. The devil brought about high winds and storms in a world that did not yet know technology or have scientific explanations for natural events.

65. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande, pp. 21–50; Ramos, O folclore negro no Brasil, pp. 24–25. Caesarius of Heisterbach believed it possible for devils to take up residence in a human’s bowels, amidst excrement (Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 104; Europe’s Inner Demons, p. 26).

66. In their youth, Erasmus and Luther, among others, were devotees of St. Anne (Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Réforme, p. 54). On St. Anne as a symbol of the mansion house, see Hoornaert, “A cristandade,” in Hoornaert et al., História da igreja no Brasil, p. 370.

67. The legend of Theophilus had long been known to the Anglo-Saxons as well, according to Thomas (Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 439). On Theophilus, see Caro Baroja, Les sorcières et leur monde, pp. 91–92; The World of the Witches, p. 73. See also P. M. Palmer and R. P. More, The Sources of the Faust Tradition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1936), where the story of Theophilus appears on pages 58–77.

68. See Jacques Solé, L’amour en Occident à l’Époque Moderne, pp. 132–33. See also Hugh R. Trevor-Roper, “A obsessão das bruxas na Europa dos séculos XVI e XVII,” in Religião, reforma e transformação social, p. 98; The European Witch-Craze of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.

69. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 631.

70. Mandrou, Magistrats et sorciers, p. 399.

71. See, among others, Margareth Murray, El culto de la brujería en Europa Occidental; and Jules Michelet, La sorcière. The idea of the sabbat as an intellectual construct is defended by Cohn in Los demonios familiares de Europa. (Europe’s Inner Demons) and by Henningsen in El abogado de las brujas.

72. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 9.972.

73. Rego, Feiticeiros, profetas, visionários, p. 15.

74. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.774, “Processo de José Francisco homem preto solteiro escravo de Domingos Francisco Pedroso homem de negócios natural de Judá na Costa da Mina e morador nesta cidade de Lisboa Ocidental.”

75. Mircea Éliade, “Quelques observations sur la sorcellerie européenne,” in Occultisme, sorcellerie et modes culturelles, p. 123.

76. Rowland, “Anthropology, Witchcraft, Inquisition,” p. 6.

77. Éliade, “Quelques observations,” in Occultisme, sorcellerie et modes culturelles, p. 121.

78. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 11.767, “Processo de José Francisco Pereira homem preto escravo de João Francisco Pedroso natural de Judá na Costa da Mina e morador nesta cidade de Lisboa.”

79. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 10.181.

80. Cohn, Los demonios familiares, p. 99. See also Giordano, Religiosidad popular en la Alta Edad Media, pp. 132–33.

81. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 478.

82. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 3.723.

83. Ibid. (emphasis added).

84. IANTT, Inquisição de Évora, m° 803, Processo no. 7.759.

85. AGCRJ, 45–1–15, “Autos de um processo de injúria a mulher casada intentado por Ana Maria da Conceição e seu marido contra Rita Sebastiana,” pp. 30v–31. I am indebted to Sílvia H. Lara for referring me to this document.

86. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 78; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 57: “The African religions are closer to their origins, purer and richer, in the big cities than in the country.”

87. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 91; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 66.

88. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 126; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 90.

89. AEAM, Devassas—1756–1757, pp. 96–96v.

90. AEAM, Devassas—julho 1762–dezembro 1769, p. 49.

91. Ibid., p. 114.

92. AEAM, Livro de Devassas—Comarca do Serro do Frio, 1734, p. 97.

93. AEABH, Visitas Pastorais—Paróquia de Sabará, 1734, p. 52v; cited in Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória,” p. 133.

94. Ibid.

95. AEAM, Devassas—maio–dezembro 1753, p. 101v; cited in Figueiredo, “O avesso da memória,” p. 134.

96. Pereira, Compêndio narrativo do peregrino da América, p. 123.

97. Ibid., p. 125; the English translation of this quotation is from Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil, p. 137.

98. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 216; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 156.

99. See Mott, “Acotundá.”

100. Pereira, Compêndio narrativo do peregrino da América, p. 125 (emphasis added).

101. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 252, m° 26, “Processo de Luzia Pinta preta forra filha de Manuel da Graça natural da cidade de Angola e moradora na Vila do Sabará Bispado do Rio de Janeiro.”

102. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 334; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 240.

103. Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, pp. 222–23; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 161.

104. The old calundu was able “to survive in spite of miscegenation. Its new members, however, were not recruited exclusively from one people, since peoples no longer existed. Recruitment was governed by other laws—neighborhood factors or the prestige of the cult leaders or personal friendships” (Bastide, Les religions africaines au Brésil, p. 234; The African Religions of Brazil, p. 168).

105. Mott, “Acotundá,” pp. 1–2.

106. Ibid., p. 4.

107. Ibid., pp. 10–11.

108. Simão Ferreira Machado, “Prévia alocutória” to the Triunfo eucarístico, in Ávila, Resíduos seiscentistas em Minas, vol. 1, p. 25.

109. IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 17.771, “Auto sumário que mandou fazer o reverendo viário da vara João de Barros Leal sobre o que adiante se segue.”

110. The magical power of the snakehead can also be found in European sortilege. See “O poder da cabeça de víbora para fazer o bem e o mal,” in Grande livro de São Cipriano, p. 235.

111. Livro da Visitação: Estado do Grão-Pará, pp. 176–77.

112. Ibid., pp. 211–12.

113. Ibid., p. 173.

114. Ibid., pp. 222–23.

115. The song went like this: “Tu eyró, Tu ey vyro—Atipondi, pondira, atipondi pondi, ipondira uzemio pondira, nari, nari, natequata su ma im me eresari.” IANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo no. 2.701, “Confissão do índio Marçal Agostinho.”

116. Ibid.