Imagine for a moment that we found, in some dusty attic, the late, lost play Cardenio by William Shakespeare and John Fletcher, based on the unhinged lover-turned-wild-man in the first part of Don Quijote. Shakespeare scholars would be beside themselves with joy. A flurry of papers, conferences, publications would follow hard upon. But what would the discovery of Cardenio do for the shape of the discipline? Would English studies look any different if we miraculously recovered the lost play?
For scholars of Anglo-Spanish relations, the lost Cardenio looms large. The play is the absent center, the purloined letter, the missing link, the huge gaping O. Exhibit A for the connection between the two foremost representatives of early modern English and Spanish literature—Shakespeare and Miguel de Cervantes—has gone missing, leaving in its stead a tantalizing title and the thought of what might have been. The recent surge of interest in this lost play, including several reconstructions both scholarly and theatrical, as well as an edition of its eighteenth-century redaction in the prestigious Arden Shakespeare series, mark it as a crucial missing piece in our conception of early modern English culture. By recovering the Spanish connection that makes sense of Cardenio, this book demonstrates how the play’s absent presence has conditioned our understanding of Anglo-Spanish cultural relations in the early modern period and beyond. Beyond charting the lively debates around Cardenio’s absence, The Poetics of Piracy shows how rich the Spanish vein proved for early modern English writers, and analyzes the occlusion of that debt in their time as in ours.
Early modern English writers turned frequently to Spain for literary models, even at the times of greatest rivalry between the two nations. Spain’s position as the dominant European power of the period, as well as the huge explosion in Spanish prose and dramatic writing across a wide variety of genres in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries made it an irresistible literary source. The frequent English translations from the Spanish, even during the long period of war under Elizabeth, provide evidence of a sustained fascination, from the bawdy Celestina (1499, translated by John Rastell in 1525 and by James Mabbe in 1631), to the picaresque Lazarillo (1554, translated c.1586 by David Rowland, among others), the pastoral Diana, with its interpolated Moorish novella Abencerraje y Jarifa (1559, trans. 1598 by Bartholomew Yong, among others), the romances of chivalry translated by Anthony Munday and Margaret Tyler in the 1580s and 1590s, and the early seventeenth-century translations of Cervantes and Mateo Alemán by Thomas Shelton and Mabbe. A broad variety of signal Spanish texts, many of them chefs-d’oeuvre for entire European traditions in poetry and prose—chivalric, sentimental, and maurophile romance, as well as picaresque, pastoral, and novella—thus made their way into English, even as the political situation between the two nations deteriorated in the wake of the Reformation and imperial rivalries. As philologists have long noted, Spanish sources, whether in the original or in intermediary versions, provided material for such central figures as Sidney, Spenser, and Shakespeare,1 while England’s extensive experience of sixteenth-century Spanish prose counters those histories of the novel that offer a proprietary, exclusively English version of its origins in the eighteenth.2
Figure 1. Gabriel Harvey’s reading list, from the flyleaf of his copy of Antonio de Corro and John Thorius, The Spanish Grammar (1590). Huntington Library.
By the 1590s, large numbers of Englishmen were learning Spanish with the aid of new language manuals, whether for commercial, military, or literary purposes. In his copy of Antonio de Corro’s The Spanish Grammar (1590), Gabriel Harvey noted: “Praecipue Linguae hodiernarum Negotiationum Anglicarum; Francica et Hispanica” [The main languages of today for English commerce are French and Spanish].3 Harvey also kept in his Spanish textbook a running list of the best-sellers that he was presumably looking forward to reading in the original once he had mastered the language, many of which he may have first encountered in English translation.4 Harvey’s reading list includes the pragmatic: accounts of the New World, guides to navigation. Yet much of it would still belong on a master’s exam in Spanish Golden Age literature: the anonymous picaresque Lazarillo, the psychological treatise Examen de ingenios para las ciencias by Juan Huarte de San Juan, Montemayor’s Diana, and the Petrarchan poetry of Boscán and Garcilaso, as well as “other legends of chivalry and errant knights.”5
Beyond charting his own fascination with Spanish, Harvey admires Spain’s potency, and the role of language in its imperium: “Suo potentior, et gloriosior natio: eô florentior, et nobilior Lingua. Certè, vt Monarchia praedominatur: sic tandem Lingua. Et ea Lingua dianissima; cuius Vsus maximè catholicus in genere; aut maximè necessarius in specie” [The nation itself {is} stronger and more glorious, the language more blooming and more noble. Certainly, wherever their monarchy has ruled, their language has done the same. And this is a most famous language; used in the highest degree among Catholic peoples, or at least exceedingly indispensable in appearance].6 Appreciation for the language is closely tied with admiration for Spain itself.
Yet while the English turn to Spain has been periodically noted—most fully in Dale Randall’s 1963 classic, The Golden Tapestry—traditional literary history has managed neither wholly to insert Spain into English studies, nor convincingly to explain the ongoing disavowal of Spain in the field.7 As I argue here, the reason is twofold. First, the English turn to Spain appears paradoxical, given the religious and political enmity between the two nations. Second, and more important, the early modern English rivalry with Spain has largely colored our own cultural and intellectual histories, limiting our view of the Spanish connection. The challenge lies in recognizing that the often vociferous rhetorical denunciation of Spain in the period and beyond did not impede literary traffic. Certainly, the increasing acrimony between the two nations, which came to a head with the attempted invasion by the Spanish Armada in 1588, raised the stakes for the English imitatio of Spain, placing literary transmission in a fundamental tension with religious and political conflicts, never fully resolved even when James declared peace with Spain in 1604. Yet transmission there was, from translation, to reelaboration, to occasional citation—all versions of a sustained fascination with Spanish matter. I thus offer in this book a reading of imitatio as a historically situated practice, coterminous with imperial competition and national self-definition.
While the interdependence of empire and culture was a central assumption for humanists charting their own descent from Rome and their role in translatio imperii studiique, scholarship has only begun to grapple with the extent to which a fully contemporary imperial and cultural competition under-girds the complex relations between England and Spain in the early modern period. The work of Richard Helgerson and Roland Greene has illuminated these complex interrelations primarily in terms of imperial rivalry; my aim here is to consider more broadly how Spanish influence is negotiated, and how it makes its way to the English stage.8 I argue that translation and appropriation are loaded practices in an era that includes both the exacerbation of imperial rivalries and national differences on the one hand, and the emergence of commercial authorship, with the attendant anxieties about originality, on the other.9 The Poetics of Piracy traces the emergence of a national canon for England in the context of its rivalry with Spain—a model constantly emulated even as it was disavowed. I juxtapose texts on Spain or translated from Spanish sources with early claims for England’s literary eminence, often expressed in a heightened rhetoric of violent competition. My focus is on central figures of the Anglo-Spanish literary exchange, who either took from Spain for their own texts or reflected on the vexed relation to Spain that characterized English letters, particularly on the stage: Ben Jonson, William Shakespeare, Francis Beaumont, John Fletcher, and Thomas Middleton. Together, they paint a complex picture of the literary fascination with Spain, and of how entangled it became in questions of national and religious identity.
These writers are also, of course, among the most important figures of the English Renaissance, intimately tied to the development of English drama and vernacular letters. While the violent rhetoric of appropriation used to inflate the English vernacular has been well charted, as I discuss in Chapter 1, this book goes beyond language and source study to examine how English authors negotiated their debts to Spain, across a wide range of texts and genres. My point is not a course of revanchist philology, to settle scores or right literary-historical wrongs. Instead, I historicize literary borrowings, charting how productive appropriation proved in an English context. The appropriation in which these writers engaged, I argue, must be understood as an ideologically and historically situated phenomenon; for early modern England, the vectors of translation carried political freight that was often at odds with the literary dependence on Spanish sources. As the “Englished” works negotiate their paradoxical cultural reliance on a political enemy, they evince the textual marks of that contradiction.
Yet while it is critical to historicize the Anglo-Spanish exchange, the emphasis on political rivalry in the period has run the risk of occluding the significant literary and cultural contacts between the two nations.10 Thus while England’s connections to Italy and France have been widely recognized in the work of such scholars as Karen Newman, Margaret Ferguson, Susanne Wofford, and Jane Tylus, the profound debt of English letters to Spain has received far less critical attention, and, in many instances, been loudly denied. The contemporary erasure of Spain thus rehearses the early modern disavowal of the Spanish connection. Rather than establishing the sources for and influence of Spanish texts in England, however, I focus on analyzing the ideological vectors of translatio, both in the early modern period and in our own. My goal is to demonstrate the constructedness of a literary history that glorifies conflict while minimizing influence, and to assess what is at stake in how translatio is imagined. The Poetics of Piracy argues that English literature was deeply transnational, even in the period most associated with the birth of a national literature, and demonstrates how productive it proved, in this period as in subsequent ones, to cast borrowings from Spain as a triumphal taking.
My readings foreground what I call partial historicity, in both senses of the word. Although the texts I read are obviously deeply embedded in their political and historical context, they exhibit a certain independence from what ideology might seem to mandate: early modern taste does not rigidly follow religious or political conviction, and the most staunch defenders of England against Spain are nonetheless seduced by Spanish imaginary, language, or plots. Hence the texts’ partial historicity: a historical context of anti-Spanish sentiment does not negate the appeal of Spanish sources. At the same time, the texts I analyze are partial in how they English their sources, furnishing domesticated or jingoistic versions of their originals, particularly where the history of Anglo-Spanish encounters is concerned. Together, these two forms of partial historicity give rise to a series of rhetorical operations: domestication, disavowal, or occlusion of Spanish sources, efforts to overgo or trump the original, and freeze-framing of Spain into stereotype or allegory.
English literary history, I argue, is deliberately shaped as an exclusive national property. Focusing on the Spanish connection, I trace the dynamics of appropriation—the proprietary “Englishing” that characterizes the movement of texts into the English sphere—as it works cumulatively to form an aggregate of national tradition.11 Although I do not advocate a return to source-hunting, I want to mark the critical sleight-of-hand—the evasion and disavowal—that often operates when we claim no interest in primacy or origins. The locus classicus of this is Goethe’s claim that “national literature is now a rather unmeaning term; the epoch of world literature is at hand.”12 For the early modern period, when national identities and literary corpora were coalescing in a context of imperial competition, such magnanimous attributions to the “world” generally involved a deliberate erasure of origins. Thus, for example, the striking prefatory poem, which I discuss in Chapter 1, in which Ben Jonson claims that Mateo Alemán’s best-selling picaresque, Guzmán de Alfarache, “Englished” by Mabbe as The Rogue, “though writ / But in one tongue, was form’d with the worlds wit.”13 Clearly, Jonson’s attribution to “the world” is a disavowal of the Spanish source, its “one tongue” superseded by universal possession. His gesture is symptomatic of the conflictive relationship of English literature to its Spanish sources. Even as Spanish texts and genres proved wonderfully productive for English authors, the always charged, when not openly combative, relation between the two nations made such debts difficult to acknowledge.
In a context where international literary borrowing was a given, Spain was by no means the only source for English texts, and both Spain and England participated in a longer tradition of engaging with Italian and classical models. Yet although England turned often to Italian sources, as to the classics, borrowing from them did not elicit the same competitiveness or frank aggression as borrowing from Spain. English drama, in particular, makes its Italian debts patent in Italian settings and characters. Yet while Italy, like Spain, was Roman Catholic, it was politically weak and divided, and did not pose a threat to England, as Spain did for most of Elizabeth’s reign. More important, early modern Italy did not offer the imperial or military models that made Spain so attractive and unavoidable for the English, however deep the political and religious rifts between the two nations. Literary borrowing from Spain must thus be considered in this larger context of imperial rivalry and emulation. Though by no means a unique source, Spain was uniquely occluded, given the ideological context of the original appropriations and their subsequent elaboration into a narrative of national and imperial distinction.
By reading both specific English reworkings of Spanish originals and larger debates about Spain, The Poetics of Piracy shows how English writers constructed a pugnacious rhetorical apparatus, modeled on military rivalry, in an effort to reframe their profound debt to Spanish sources. The recurring metaphor of piracy, I argue, acknowledges taking from Spain even as it glorifies the supposedly forcible use of Spanish material. Pirates and piracy are everywhere in the corpus I present here, whether metaphorically, as in Jonson’s commendatory poems to translations, or more concretely, as in the unexpected appearance of Barbarossa in Beaumont’s The Knight of the Burning Pestle or the insistent references to Francis Drake in Fletcher’s Rule a Wife and Have a Wife. More broadly, the retrospective construction of the Elizabethan period as a moment of twinned literary and military glory leads to the nostalgic evocation of privateering as itself a cultural treasure, both during the peace with Spain sought by James I, and at later moments of imperial rivalry, such as the mid-eighteenth-century era of “political Elizabethanism” that recreated a pugnacious Shakespeare.14 Crucially, the metaphorics of piracy can invoke either the transnational threat of an unmoored, renegade subject, or, conversely, the patriotic privateer.15 In the literary sphere, I propose, this ambivalence is resolved by conceptualizing translatio as an act of successful looting.
Although one would not have expected Jacobean playwrights, working within a regime of intellectual property quite different from our own, to acknowledge their precise sources, the notion of a pirated national corpus nonetheless remains useful: the term brings together issues of national and intellectual property, the historical antagonism between England and Spain, and the actual content of a number of the texts in question. Moreover, the figuration of translatio as piracy also provides a conceptual bridge between Renaissance notions of imitatio and our idea of intellectual piracy. In his capacious survey of the latter, Adrian Johns explains that “[intellectual] piracy has always been a matter of place—of territory and geopolitics—as well as time,” and notes how it “therefore became a vehicle for national, and nationalist, passions.”16 Yet Johns’s own brief account of the early seventeenth century considers intellectual property in a domestic rather than an international context. Moreover, he locates the first usages of “piracy” to denote an intellectual crime at the end of the seventeenth century, claiming of the period that concerns me here: “In around 1600 piracy seems not to have carried this meaning at all, except on a few isolated occasions as a metaphor.”17 In this book, I explore the extent and import of this metaphorics in the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods, providing a prehistory for the later dynamics that Johns analyzes and establishing the transnational dimension of intellectual piracy in an era when England turned to actual piracy as a central strategy for negotiating its imperial, military, and cultural belatedness. Rather than the legal status of imitation, I am interested in the cultural work it performs, at a moment when, as Joseph Loewenstein puts it, “commerce and competition threatened to convert that venerable practice into plagiarism.”18
This book attempts both to recover the full complexity of transnational literary relations in early modern England and to explore how our own cultural landscape has been marked by the long-term occlusion and disavowal of Spanish influence. My goal is to historicize frequent unthinking prejudices about Spain, by showing how certain habits of thought—the supposed “obscurantism” of Spain, the impoverishment of Spanish cultural life as a result of the Inquisition, Spain’s long decline—have created a kind of intellectual “Black Legend.” Richard Kagan’s work on historiography has traced how the United States has largely inherited English prejudices against Spain, and added to them a narrative of counter-exceptionalism, with Spain as the dark double to U.S. imperial glories.19 In the realm of literary history, early critics from Schlegel to Ticknor largely denied any Spanish influence on English drama. By the turn of the twentieth century philologists recognized, however grudgingly, the “English debt” to Spain, but insisted on minimizing it. Don Quijote, whose influence is so patent, was made in this vision an honorary citizen of the world, in a move Jonson would surely approve: “Though full of contemporary Spain, Don Quixote is one of those immortal books which become the property of the world rather than of any particular country.”20 Spanish theater, for its part, was reduced to “types,” far from the complexity and originality of Shakespeare, and the unparalleled quality of the Bard offered as evidence for the lack of Spanish influence.21 In a symptomatic moment, the philologist Rudolf Schevill summarizes the a priori inconsequential scope of any influence that might nonetheless be traced:
Nor could English literature for its part be more than superficially affected by writings which to the very core were the expression of a wholly different social order, of an uncongenial faith, of an antagonistic traditional training. These had been instrumental at least in making that type of Spaniard best known to the English, namely, a man whose real character was veiled and inscrutable and whose bearing invited chiefly caricature and ridicule among those who could not penetrate his uncongenial exterior. Under the circumstances it can hardly be profitable to look for English works saturated with genuine Spanish feeling. Fiction and the drama during the Renaissance, both in England and Spain are spontaneous and unconscious expressions of a very local, national spirit characteristic of the epoch.22
Schevill goes on to demonstrate the supposed impossibility of any connection, via broad detours into the Spanish national character, Spain’s Moorishness, and the hollowness of Spain’s imperial power, all placed in contradistinction to English might: “[The Spaniard’s] bragging must have appeared unreasonable to the English who were constantly defeating him and making his boasted rule over the sea an extremely uncomfortable one.”23
In an effort to undo these thought-habits, The Poetics of Piracy shows how the military and imperial rivalry between England and Spain in the early modern period—what one might call the “Armada paradigm”—has long furnished a conceptual model for thinking through Anglo-Spanish relations in the literary sphere. In fact, as I demonstrate, literary relations before, during, and after the Elizabethan conflict with Spain were ongoing and fruitful, despite the “national spirit” Schevill invokes, as English writers turned to Spain for its multiplicity of new forms, genres, and plots. The cultural fascination with Spain never waned, even when it was most inconvenient in military or religious terms.
My introductory chapter, “Forcible Translation,” surveys Elizabethan debates on the relative poverty of English letters, which both translators and readers addressed by imaginatively enriching their native tongue in bold acts of appropriation. I show how the humanist longing to enrich the English language under Elizabeth is intimately connected to contemporary attempts to emulate Spain’s empire. Literary translatio, I suggest, comes to share the pugnaciousness of the many translations of military manuals, guides to navigation, and other highly sensitive texts in the period. By envisioning and encouraging translation as an act of piracy, figures such as Ben Jonson tout literary appropriation as a national victory, foregrounding an English canon born of truculent competition.
Subsequent chapters turn to the larger workings of appropriation on the Jacobean stage, by charting how English dramatists take up and transform the texts of their Spanish contemporaries. Chapters on Beaumont, Middleton, and Fletcher explore how Spanish sources were put to anti-Spanish purposes. The great appeal of the Spanish plots to which these writers turned time and again overrides their suspicion of “plotting Spaniards,” and produces a series of fascinating plays that take Spain against Spain. By exploring the uses of Spain in these plays, I restore texts constructed in a transnational, ideologically complex setting to their original contexts, recuperating influence and transmission as ideological vectors. When the meaning of a play is changed in translation or adaptation, what particular ideological charge does that transformation carry? How is appropriation itself coded in relation to the national project? How are local histories transformed as a text travels? My larger goal is to produce a new kind of literary history, more attuned to the deliberate exclusions and erasures, as well as the appropriations, that make up the national.
Chapter 2, “Knights and Merchants,” reads Beaumont’s The Knight of the Burning Pestle and its editorial history as a case-study in the disavowal of Spanish influence, in this case most clearly of Cervantes’s Don Quijote. I argue that, despite its foreign sources, the play foregrounds a logic of the local and the mercantile, domesticating romance for local consumption. It thereby aligns itself with contemporary comedies centered on the city of London, rejecting both the exotic geographies of romance and colorful foreign threats that range from pirates to syphilis. In this highly self-conscious play, plots from Spain paradoxically serve to populate a local, “English” landscape and to repudiate the foreignness of romance.
Chapter 3, “Plotting Spaniards, Spanish Plots” explores how Spanish sources animate and complicate a variety of plays on the Jacobean stage, even those that seem most virulently anti-Spanish. Middleton’s A Game at Chess, the most notorious anti-Spanish play of the period, is here contextualized in relation to the playwright’s broader engagement with Spain. With its vision of Spanish ambition and Jesuit conspiracy, Middleton’s play mobilizes anti-Spanish paranoia to great effect, giving literary life to political cliché. Yet despite the loud denunciations of plotting Spaniards both in this play and in the abundant pamphlet literature on which Middleton drew, English dramatists remained fascinated by Spanish plots. By juxtaposing a series of intricately plotted plays with Spanish sources to the more notorious A Game at Chess, this chapter shows how productive Spain proved for the English stage, despite the frequent portrayal of Spaniards as plotters and Machiavellians. The chapter then turns to Fletcher’s pugnacious appropriation of Spanish materials in Rule a Wife and Have a Wife, a play I read in relation to the tremendous English anxiety about the possibility of a “Spanish Match” between Charles I and the Infanta of Spain in the early 1620s. These tensions are paradoxically addressed via a comedy based on Spanish sources, as the English discomfiture at the possible union is transformed into the textual comeuppance of a Spanish wife. Fletcher’s translatio bolsters the play’s jingoism with references to Drake and piracy that are nowhere to be found in his sources, as he emphasizes the cleverness of a bridegroom who can exploit a Spanish “pearl.”
The Poetics of Piracy concludes by tracing the afterlives of the lost Shakespearean Cardenio, based on an episode in Don Quijote. The Cardenio phenomenon, I argue, exhibits the enduring critical fascination with “the hand of the Bard” and the concomitant erasure of Cervantine sources. In “Cardenio Lost and Found” I chart the peculiar reception of the lost play and its later redaction, to show how both eighteenth-century and modern readers occlude the Spanish debts of a figure revered as an English original and afforded an extraordinary status. I explore the striking critical insistence on divorcing Shakespeare from contemporary sources such as Cervantes to canonize him as the preeminent figure of English letters. The Shakespeare figured in this criticism, often expressed in praise-poetry or other paratexts, leaves all literary rivals in the dust, invoking for his eighteenth-century admirers the privateering glories of the Elizabethan era. Chapter 4 thus explores how the “Armada paradigm” frames Double Falshood, the 1728 “redaction” of Cardenio by Lewis Theobald, and then turns to the contemporary reception of the Arden edition of Double Falsehood (2010) as a rediscovered Shakespeare play. More broadly, it examines the long-term effects of such pugnacious canonization not just for Shakespeare studies but for the larger field of English.
I bring this discussion wholly into our own cultural arena in my final chapter, “Cardenios for Our Time,” which explores the cultural politics of the contemporary reimagining of Cardenio by Stephen Greenblatt and playwright Charles Mee, on the one hand, and by Gregory Doran for the Royal Shakespeare Company, on the other. Taking my cue from Mee’s website, The (Re) making Project, and from Greenblatt’s international commissions for the rewriting of “Shakespeare’s” Cardenio, I turn to questions of piracy, intellectual property, and cultural translation in our own era. Doran’s production, for its part, provides an occasion for thinking through what it means to stage Spain, and how the long-term dynamics of appropriation impact even the most considered contemporary projects.
My larger goal is to demonstrate the productivity of the Spanish connection for English literature: Spain, I argue, is not just a rival but an irresistible source. This understanding brings us closer to a fully transnational literary history, one that recognizes the ideological coding and conditioning of all translatio. I also hope to underscore the impact of these historical dynamics on our own cultural politics, showing how early modern habits of erasure and disavowal have colored the long-term relation of the Anglo-American academy, and of American culture more generally, to all things Hispanic. My exploration of the poetics of piracy in English literary history is an attempt to reinscribe in our cultural imaginary the Spanish legacy that has so often been reflexively erased.