The Peloponnesian War was not fought by individual Greek states but by two great coalitions, the Peloponnesian League and the Athenian Empire. In some important ways the two were similar, each providing an example of what has been called an “Alliance Under a Hegemon.”1 Each was “an alliance of a leading state with a number of others, not limited in time or by any specific aim, implying a leading position of the one state in war, and soon also in politics, loosely organized at first, but clearly an attempt at a unit transcending the single state.”2 But in many crucial ways they were different, and the differences affected their capacities both to wage war and to keep the peace. The two alliances, moreover, were historically related and not always at odds. If we are to understand the coming of the great war, we must have a clear picture of the nature of the two leagues and of how they came into conflict.
Historians with a taste for paradox are accustomed, with Voltaire, to say of the Holy Roman Empire that it was not holy, neither was it Roman, nor was it an empire. Similarly, it is tempting to say of the Peloponnesian League that it was not really a league, nor, strictly speaking, was it altogether Peloponnesian. It included states to the north of the Isthmus of Corinth, and relationships among its members were loose enough to make such terms as league or confederation inappropriate. The term most frequently used in antiquity was symmachia, which we may translate as “alliance,” a term as ambiguous in English as it is in Greek. The ancients usually called the group the “Lacedaemonians and their Allies,”3 a term that modern historians would do well to adopt, had not the title Peloponnesian League already gained universal currency.
The evidence for the nature of the Spartan alliance, its history and development, is scanty and difficult to interpret, giving rise to a great diversity of opinion. The Spartan alliance was not a response to an external threat, like the Hellenic League, formed to fight the Persians in 481, or like the Delian League, formed to prosecute a war of revenge and liberation against Persia in 478/7. It was instead the product of a Spartan policy aimed at guaranteeing the security of Sparta and its domination of the Peloponnese.4 By the beginning of the sixth century, Sparta’s persistent problem—the suppression of her helots—was well under control, and she could turn to the northern Peloponnese.5 Up to that time Sparta had followed the obvious policy pursued by a strong state toward her weaker neighbors. After defeating them, she incorporated their territory, treating some, the perioikoi, as subject freemen, and others, the helots, as something very much like serfs. In this way the southern and western regions of the Peloponnese had become Spartan territories without autonomy. The Spartans were now free to turn to their northern neighbor, Tegea. Not until the middle of the sixth century were the Spartans able to conquer this Arcadian city, for the Tegeans were tough fighters who put up a long and fierce resistance. At last the Spartans sought the advice of the oracle at Delphi and were told that they must acquire the bones of Orestes in order to take Tegea. A clever Spartan discovered the bones of a giant buried at Tegea, so we are told, and took them home. Shortly thereafter the Spartans took Tegea.6
The victory over Tegea was a turning point in Spartan policy. Instead of annexing the territory of the Tegeans, the Spartans concluded an alliance that was to prove lasting.7 Among other things, the treaty provided that the Tegeans were not to harbor Messenian refugees and that Tegean supporters of Sparta would not be harmed. The major provisions are not mentioned, probably because they were so well known. They surely must have included the formula that was the basic ingredient of all future treaties between Sparta and her allies and that established the nature of Spartan hegemony: the allied states promised to “have the same friends and enemies and to follow the Lacedaemonians on land and on sea wherever they might lead.”8 Soon the rest of Arcadia came under Spartan control.9 By 525 their influence extended to the Isthmus of Corinth, including all the Peloponnesians, with the exception of Argos and Achaea.10 Each extension of the Spartan alliance meant that one more state had agreed to a treaty that turned control of its foreign policy over to Sparta. This was obviously agreeable to Sparta, but why were their allies willing to enter upon such agreements?
The Tegean experience, of course, offers one explanation. Beaten in the field, the Tegeans must have been glad to accept comparatively generous terms, for they retained their land, their freedom, and some degree of autonomy. Possibly other Arcadian states had a similar experience, but we know that not all the allies had first been defeated in combat, and many must have been glad to enter the alliance. To the conservative cities of the Peloponnese, Sparta’s military might offered protection against enemies from within as well as from without. Fear of Argos, the other great Peloponnesian power, and fear of popular unrest which might result in the expulsion of oligarchies and the establishment of tyrannies provided these cities with a strong motive for accepting Spartan leadership.
In the seventh century the Argives had dominated the Peloponnese, and even in the sixth they tried to control its northeastern section. To such states as Phlius, Sicyon, and Corinth they posed a continual threat. In 546 the Spartans defeated Argos in battle, gained control of the Thyreatis, a disputed area on the border between Laconia and the Argolid, and the island of Cythera off the southeastern Peloponnese.11 The victory was important, for it extended Spartan influence to the northeastern Peloponnese and showed that the leadership of the entire Peloponnese had shifted from the Argolid to Laconia. It is important to notice, however, that from necessity or by design, Argos was neither captured or destroyed. For the time being she was weakened, but she remained a possible menace. The enemies of Argos were loyal to their Spartan allies not only from gratitude but perhaps from apprehension as well.
The sixth century was a period of tumultuous domestic strife in the Greek city-states. The growth of commerce, industry, and population had severely strained the political and social stability of the aristocratic republican governments of Greece. In the seventh century tyrannies had appeared in Argos, Sicyon, Corinth, and Megara, as well as in other cities outside the Peloponnese. Some of these persisted into the sixth century, but most had begun to outlive their popularity, while the upper classes had at last begun to regroup their forces and try to restore oligarchic rule. By the middle of the century, Sparta had taken the lead in the struggle against tyranny and in defense of oligarchy. Plutarch records a list of tyrants supposedly removed by the Spartans.12 It includes tyrannies at Corinth, Ambracia, Naxos, Athens, Sicyon, Thasos, Miletus, Phocis, and in Thessaly. The list is not in chronological order, and some of the interventions are implausible, if not impossible. Still, Plutarch is surely reporting a reliable tradition when he says, “We know of no city of that time so zealous in the pursuit of honor and so hostile to tyrants as the city of the Lacedaemonians.”13 Sparta, like all ancient states with a “mixed constitution,” was really an oligarchy, the natural refuge for exiled aristocrats and oligarchs. She did not merely destroy the tyrannies, step aside, and let nature take its course.14 Her policy was to promote oligarchy and defend it against its enemies. “The Lacedaemonians did not lead by holding their allies subject by the payment of tribute; instead they took care that they were governed by oligarchies in a manner conformable to Spartan interests.”15
The alliance that Sparta led into the fifth century, the nucleus of the grand coalition that turned back the Persian invasion, was founded on Spartan military might and bound together by a mutual distrust of Argos as well as a common interest in defending oligarchy. But were there no other ties binding the members of the alliance, more formal and lasting than Spartan power or shared interests, both of which might be transitory? Were the members tied to one another or merely to Sparta? What were the rights and duties of Sparta and of the subsidiary allies? In short, what was the constitution of the Peloponnesian League? To this apparently simple question scholars have returned widely diverging answers. At one extreme is the view of Ulrich Kahrstedt:
Membership in the league was based on perpetual treaties and indeed only with Sparta; there was no entry into the league by a decree of admission of all previous members, as in a federal union [Verein]. The league originated through the fact that Sparta made a pact with Tegea and grew because it did the same each time with almost every state of the neighboring territory. It is logical that, even later, states could not enter except by making a treaty of alliance with Sparta whose content either copied or was similar to that of the others which had been concluded earlier. The constitution of the league consisted merely of ties which ran from Sparta to the individual poleis; there were no ties that bound these to one another, no regulation of constitutional relations at all…. Thus, it is really wrong to apply modern terms like league, confederation, or confederacy to this political structure.16
At the other end of the spectrum stands Jacob Larsen, who believes that some time about 505 the equivalent of a constitutional convention of the allies of Sparta met to found the Peloponnesian League.17 The purpose of that convention, he says, was to adopt two principles: Sparta must consult a league assembly before demanding support from the allies; and the allies must accept and abide by a majority vote of that assembly. The adoption of these principles “amounted to the adoption of a constitution and the transformation of what had been merely a group of Spartan allies into the organization known to us as the Peloponnesian League.”18 By using evidence from later periods and the historical analogy of other Greek alliances, Larsen tries to reconstruct the very procedure followed by the “constitutional convention.” He suggests that first the representatives of Sparta’s allies met in a congress and adopted the constitutional principles agreed upon in the form of a number of decrees. “These principles were then embodied in treaties ratified by means of an exchange of oaths.”19
Larsen alone imagines such a formal arrangement, but others have occupied the middle ground between his view and the very loose organization pictured by Kahrstedt. Georg Busolt emphasized the dualistic nature of the Peloponnesian League, with the Spartans on the one side and the allies on the other.20 He discerned some fine distinctions within the league:
In the broader sense all states belonged to the allies of the Lacedaemonians with whom they had concluded a treaty, but the league included only those who took part in its union and in the forces of the league. The looser organization of the league rested in part on the treaties of the Lacedaemonians with the individual states, in part on common decrees which produced a law of the league.21
These fine distinctions are very difficult to perceive if one examines the entire history of the league, and they can be maintained only by explaining away exceptions to every rule or basing rules on unique examples. They arise from an unduly legalistic approach to the problem. Even so reasonable a scholar as Victor Martin is not altogether immune from this fallacy. Although he finds Larsen’s arguments for the formal organization of the league unconvincing and agrees that in the beginning bilateral treaties prevailed, he believes that “with time customs were established that, by progressively specifying the rights and duties of the allies after collective undertakings, ended by becoming the same, in a certain degree, as a pact that in every case constituted a body of customs valid for all.”22
If we are to understand the workings of the Spartan alliance, we must abandon the search for constitutional law, even for “a body of customs valid for all.” Kahrstedt was right in seeing that the Peloponnesian League was nothing more than a collection of states, each tied to Sparta by a separate treaty, but even he was too legalistic when he sought general rules governing the relations between Sparta and the allies. The best way to see what difficulties can result from the pursuit of that method is to examine some of the attempts to discover the rules of the league. This is not the place to undertake a full analysis, but we can learn a good deal by examining one question whose importance and relative simplicity give some promise of success in the search for constitutional clarity and uniformity: Could Sparta or could she not order her allies to suppress rebellions within the alliance without consulting an assembly of the league?
The cases that provide evidence on this point occurred at the very end of the fifth century, but we have no reason to believe the alliance had altered in any way. In 403, King Pausanias led the Spartans and their allies against Athens, which had accepted a treaty with Sparta the year before but which was now judged to be in revolt.23 The Corinthians and Boeotians refused to participate in the campaign, arguing that they would be in violation of their oaths if they attacked the Athenians, who had not broken their treaty. In 400, the Spartans decided to subjugate Elis after years of defiance, and they asked their allies to help against the rebellious state. This time all the allies, even the Athenians, obeyed, but once again the Corinthians and Boeotians abstained.24 Larsen emphasizes that in both instances the abstaining member states were not punished.25 He is eager to show that the league was a true federation which delegated important powers to its assembly, and so he interprets these events as demonstrating that, while Sparta could act against a rebellious member and ask allied support without first consulting the assembly, if the allies thought Sparta’s case unjust, they had not only the right but the duty to refuse. The point is that only the assembly of the league had the right to decide on an expedition, even against rebellious members. “If Sparta acted without consulting the assembly, she ran the risk that members would refuse to support her.”26
Busolt interpreted the evidence in a different sense. In his opinion, “The Lacedaemonians not infrequently summoned the allies to a campaign without a consultation of the assembly of the league. In this they must have been justified in certain cases, in case of a request for aid by an allied state under attack or of a rebellion by a member state.”27 But if that is true, how could Corinth and Boeotia refuse the Spartan appeal and get off scot free, as Larsen says they did? But the fact is that they did not ultimately escape the wrath of Sparta. The Spartans did not immediately punish them, it is true, but not because the defectors had constitutional right on their side. The Spartans had pressing business elsewhere; they were engaged in an Asian war against the Persians. By 395 the Spartans were at war with both Corinth and Thebes for several reasons, not least among them the fact that the Thebans had refused to join in the attack against Athens and had persuaded the Corinthians to do the same.28 They went to war in 395 not because it had taken so long to convince them that their allies had acted unconstitutionally, but because they now believed that “it was a favorable time to lead an army against die Thebans and to put a stop to their insolence. Affairs in Asia were going well for them since Agesilaus was winning, and in Greece there was no other war to hinder them.”29
We can see how arbitrary are all attempts to find regular constitional procedures in the Spartan alliance by looking at Kahrstedt’s treatment of the same cases. He does not see them as instances in which Sparta requested aid in putting down a rebellion within the league. Instead, he thinks of them as private wars conducted by Sparta, which, since they were not defensive, did not oblige the allies to help.30 He believes that the individual members were pledged to support Sparta when she was attacked. When they themselves were attacked, they could expect support from Sparta in return, but the other allies were required to come to their aid only if a league war were declared.31 Still wrestling with phantom legalities, Kahrstedt suggests that originally there may have been pro forma stipulations that required Sparta to abandon its private quarrels in case a league war was declared. But his belief that the alliance rested only on bilateral treaties forced him to the realistic conclusion that such stipulations would be meaningless. “Sparta could each time prevent the outbreak of a league war if it really did not wish to give up its own quarrel, since such a war could not be declared without a decree of the Spartan Apella, as well as a similar decree from the allies.”32
The most important and unfortunate consequence of the search for constitutional regulations in the Spartan alliance is that it often leads scholars to seek an explanation for a particular historical action not in the immediate political or military situation or in the immediate interests of the participants, but rather in general, formal rules. Such rules must be constructed from what little evidence we have. To an extraordinary degree, most general discussions of the operation of the Peloponnesian League depend heavily on its behavior just before and during the Peloponnesian War. That is hardly strange, for Thucydides’ account is the only detailed description we have of its workings. We shall analyze that account later on, but for the moment it is enough to say that the activities of the Spartans and their allies before and during the war could not have been typical. They were about to undertake what everyone knew might be a dangerous and difficult war. Special and unusual measures were taken to meet a special and unusual situation. The actions of the league in 432, therefore, should not be considered characteristic, and it is wrong to generalize from them, as all the constitutional analysts do. The fact that they disagree as to the constitutional significance of what takes place is far less important than their common failure to recognize that constitutional analysis is beside the point. If we are to evaluate these and other critical events correctly, we must understand the essentially pragmatic nature of the alliance and try to understand the forces and interests that determined its behavior.
The Spartan alliance was a loose organization consisting of Sparta and her individual allies. Each state swore to have the same friends and enemies as Sparta in return for Spartan protection and recognition of its integrity and autonomy. Since each treaty was sealed by oaths, each state had what amounted to a perpetual alliance with Sparta. The distinction between offensive and defensive wars seems not to have existed, for even though we have many instances of Sparta or its allies refusing to fulfill a military commitment, the argument that an allegedly defensive war is really offensive never is offered as an excuse. This ambiguity was probably only one of many. The wording by which the allied state promised to have the same friends and enemies as Sparta might seem to indicate subservience on their part. In the beginning, when such states as Tegea or tiny Phlius were involved, this was surely true, de facto, but it is not clear that even then the obligation ran only one way. In fact, if the promise of Spartan protection meant anything at all, it must have meant that in some cases Sparta would make her ally’s enemy her own. Later on, when such powerful states as Corinth and Thebes were included in the alliance, the bilateral nature of the treaty must have been still more apparent. The wording of the treaty, no doubt, was the same as in the treaties with the weaker states, but the mutual understanding of its meaning would be different. It is fruitless to wonder whether the theory behind the treaties implied equality between the signatories or the hegemony of Sparta. Their language was ambiguous, and reality, not theory, provided the interpretive principle.
When Sparta was strong and secure she could call the tune. She helped other states when it was profitable or unavoidable. She compelled others to help her when it was necessary and possible. They sent aid either in the hope of reciprocity, from fear of punishment, or in pursuit of their own interests. Sometimes states allied to Sparta fought wars against one another. Larsen would have us believe that the normal method for settling such disputes was to submit them to an assembly of the league. Unfortunately, he offers only one instance in support of this contention. Even in that unique case, the suggestion that the hostile states submit their quarrel to the league assembly was rejected, and a war ensued.33
The truth is that Sparta interpreted her inevitably conflicting responsibilities in accordance with her needs and interests. In 461/0, for instance, a boundary dispute caused a war between Corinth and Megara. At first the Spartans ignored the affair, but after the Megarians broke away from Sparta by seeking an Athenian alliance, Sparta and her allies supported Corinth because her hegemony and even her security were threatened.34 In 423, on the other hand, even though the Spartans were temporarily at peace with Athens and so free to act, they chose not to intervene in a war between Tegea and Mantinea.35 No doubt they found it more important to rest and recover their strength than to join in a war that posed no threat and offered no advantage. The situation was quite different, however, in 378. In that year the Spartans intervened decisively in a war between Orchomenus and Cletor, two small Arcadian towns. On this occasion the Spartans were engaged in a difficult war against Thebes and badly needed the mercenary troops who were fighting for Cletor. The Spartan king Agesilaus simply hired the mercenaries away from Cletor and ordered Orchomenus to desist from war so long as his campaign lasted.36 On none of these occasions is there any evidence that anyone raised a constitutional issue, much less demanded a league assembly.
The fact is that we rarely hear of an assembly of the league. No meetings of the alliance could take place unless Sparta called them, simply because the only alliances that existed were bilateral treaties with Sparta. Meetings were called only if they were deemed necessary or useful by the Spartans. Of course it would be absurd to think of launching a major war without the consent of the allies on whom success depended. Nevertheless, when King Cleomenes wanted to restore the aristocratic government of Isagoras to Athens in 507, he mustered an allied army not only without consulting an assembly but even without announcing the purpose of the expedition.37 Only when the battle was about to begin did the Corinthians force a discussion, and their defection forced the Spartans to abandon their scheme.38 A short time later the Spartans, fearing the vitality of the newly founded Cleisthenic democracy, tried to restore the tyranny of Hippias to Athens. Made cautious by their previous experience, they first called an assembly of their allies. Again they were rebuffed because of the general hatred of tyranny and perhaps because of a common fear of Sparta’s growing ambition.
Throughout the fifteen years of the First Peloponnesian War, we hear of no meeting of the assembly of the league. In 432, of course, the Spartans had no choice but to call such a meeting before launching a war against the Athenian Empire. Even then, as we shall see, the assembly served an internal political purpose as well as an international one. In the fourth century Sparta was so powerful that she did not need to consult her nearer and weaker allies, while she often found herself at war against former allies who were stronger and more remote, Corinth and Thebes. As a result, we rarely hear of assemblies of the league. As an Athenian spokesman complained to the Spartans in 371, “You declare enemies for yourselves without consulting your allies whom you lead against them. The result is that often people who are said to be autonomous are forced to fight against their own friends.”39
Even in this period of their greatest strength and arrogance, however, the Spartans called meetings of the league assembly when it was convenient. In 396, when they were about to launch a great and dangerous invasion of Asia,40 and in 382, when asked to fight against the powerful and distant Chalcidic League,41 they called their allies together. They did so again in 376, immediately after a Spartan army was disbanded in discouragement after being prevented from entering Theban territory. At this moment of Spartan dejection and confusion it is not even clear who insisted on a meeting of the assembly.42 The significant fact that arises from this brief survey is that on every occasion it was political or military reality, not constitutional regulations, which were decisive.
In other matters as well practical considerations ruled. The only formal regulation to which even lip service was paid was the one which demanded help for an ally who asked it, and there was no shortage of excuses for ignoring even that one. The only rules that counted were those imposed by military, political, or geographic reality. These realities enable us to see that Sparta’s allies were not uniformly treated. We can discern three categories of allies, a division that was not formal but very meaningful. The first includes small states relatively weak and near enough to Sparta to be easily subject to her discipline. Phlius, Orchomenus, and, by the time of the Peloponnesian War, Tegea, are examples of such states. The second category is composed of states that were stronger, more remote, or both, but not so strong or remote as to avoid ultimate punishment: Elis, Mantinea, and Megara. When Sparta was strong she could and did demand obedience from them. When she was weak or distracted they could go their own ways, attack their neighbors, who might also be allied to Sparta,43 adopt democratic constitutions,44 and even make alliances with another state unfriendly to Sparta.45 Such independence, however, was always temporary and sometimes costly.
The third category consists of states so remote or so powerful that their independence was rarely tampered with and whose conduct of foreign policy was rarely subordinated to Spartan interests. Only Corinth and Thebes belonged to this group. Thebes was a conservative agrarian state devoted to oligarchy in normal times. She probably joined the Spartan alliance at the end of the sixth century because of her fear of the Athenian democracy. Her remoteness from the Peloponnese and her powerful army guaranteed her independence. When her interests coincided with Sparta’s, which usually meant when Sparta was hostile to Athens, she was a powerful and useful ally. When she believed her interests to be different, she had no hesitation in ignoring Sparta’s wishes. A clear instance of Theban independence occurred in 421. On that occasion the Boeotians, under Theban hegemony, refused to accept the Peace of Nicias, which Sparta had made with Athens.46 They refused to obey Sparta’s request to give up their Athenian prisoners and surrender the border fort of Panactum, which had fallen into their hands.47 This refusal made it impossible for the Spartans to carry out the terms of the peace and was a very serious blow to Spartan policy. In the fourth century, of course, Sparta’s imperial ambitions outside the Peloponnese clashed directly with Theban interests, and from at least as early as 395 the former allies were bitter enemies. But even before that period the Spartans could never rely upon the Thebans for certain obedience.
Corinth was a still greater obstacle to unbridled Spartan hegemony. Astride the Isthmus, she could bar extra-Peloponnesian enemies of Sparta or permit them to invade the Peloponnese and threaten Sparta’s security. Nor should we forget the critical role played by Argos in Peloponnesian politics. The Spartans knew that so long as the marchland of Thyrea-Cynuria was in their hands, so long as they claimed hegemony in the Peloponnese, the Argives would be hostile, waiting only a convenient opportunity for revenge. Just as Sparta was a guarantee to Corinth against Argive ambition, Corinth was no less a security for the Spartans. Sparta had good reason to fear a rapprochement between Argos and Tegea, a fear realized in 473/2.48 In 421 the Corinthians threatened to create an alliance uniting Argos, Mantinea, Elis, and Corinth and even held out the possibility of bringing in Megara and Thebes. As a result they frightened the Spartans once again into a war they did not want.49 In any war that required money and ships, Corinth was an essential ally. Her wealth was as proverbial as Spartan poverty. After the decline of Aegina, Corinth was the only ally of Sparta that could build, equip, and man a sizable and effective fleet.
For all these reasons Corinth’s views could not be ignored, and her independent voice in matters of foreign policy was listened to with attention. It is not too much to say that on certain occasions a Corinthian veto could check a Spartan policy and even that sometimes Spartan policy was really determined at Corinth. In 525 the Spartans, with the enthusiastic support of Corinth, sent an army to Samos to bring down its tyrant, Polycrates.50 We might think that Sparta’s well-known hatred of tyranny was behind this unusual campaign, which took the Spartans not only out of the Peloponnese, but even across the sea. However, the Spartans’ motive, at least according to Herodotus, was to avenge the theft of a bowl and a breastplate. Understandably, modern scholars have not been satisfied and have suggested that the expedition was anti-Persian, since Polycrates had become a Persian vassal. Others suggest that it was an attempt to extend Spartan hegemony to the Aegean.51
None of these motives is particularly persuasive, but the motive that Herodotus attributes to the Corinthians for participating in the campaign is even more dubious. He says that the Corinthians, like the Spartans, were fighting a war of revenge. Their complaint was that the Samians had given refuge to three hundred boys who were being sent by the tyrant of Corinth to the Lydian king Alyattes to be made eunuchs.52 Now, by 525, this wrong was more than half a century old. It was a wrong, moreover, done not to the Corinthians, but to a tyrant whose memory they hated, and so it is hardly adequate to explain Corinth’s action. What, then, was Corinth’s true motive? We know that Corinth was an important commercial state whose products flowed from one end of the Mediterranean to the other in the sixth century. Polycrates was a pirate-king who plundered the shipping of any state that sent its cargoes past Samos.53 It is not hard to believe that the Corinthians were eager to attack Polycrates in order to clear the sea of his pirate ships, put an end to his thalassocracy, and make the Aegean safe for their own ships.54
Why did Sparta attack Polycrates? She was neither a naval nor a commercial state. We can find no satisfactory motive, and it is hard to avoid the conclusion that she was pushed into the campaign by Corinth.55 The Spartan alliance was relatively new; the threat from Argos persisted; the danger of a union between Argos, Corinth, and Tegea was not to be ignored. “On the Peloponnesian chessboard the Argive pawn was a piece which Corinth could play against Sparta…. There we discern for the first time a new constant in Peloponnesian politics….”56
In 507, as we have already seen,57 the Corinthians showed their independence of Sparta and their decisive influence by preventing King Cleomenes from restoring the tyrant Hippias to power in Athens. The incident showed that Corinth could refuse to subordinate her interests to those of Sparta on certain occasions. An even more telling evidence of Corinth’s influence in the Spartan alliance occurred in 461.58 Relations between Sparta and Athens, correct, if not warm, since the end of the Persian War, began to deteriorate in 462. A great earthquake had struck Sparta a few years earlier, and it was soon followed by a revolt of the helots. Under the urging of the philolaconian Cimon, the Athenians went to Sparta’s assistance, but shortly after their arrival they were unceremoniously invited to leave. This produced a breach in the old alliance that had tied Athens to Sparta during the Persian War and a diplomatic revolution. Athens now allied itself with Argos, the traditional enemy of Sparta. When at last the helot rebels who had held out on Mt. Ithome surrendered under a safe conduct, the Athenians received them and settled them at Naupactus on the north shore of the Gulf of Corinth.59
By these actions the Athenians incurred Spartan hostility, but the Spartans were not yet moved to warfare. In 461, however, the Corinthians became embroiled with the Megarians in a quarrel over some border territory.60 When the Megarians found themselves losing, they broke their treaty with Sparta and joined the Athenians. It is noteworthy that none of our sources suggest that Megara sought Spartan help or arbitration or asked for a meeting of the league. She must have known of Corinth’s special position in the Spartan alliance and that Sparta would surely side with Corinth. After Megara’s defection the Spartans led a Peloponnesian army against the Megarians, the Athenians sent their own army to defend Megara, and the first war between the two great alliances had begun in earnest.
Here we have a case where Corinthian and Spartan interests were similar if not identical but where the Corinthians pursued their own interests without first consulting their Spartan allies, even though their action strongly prejudiced the position of Sparta. At a time when war between Sparta and Athens seemed possible, the Corinthians were willing to pursue a private quarrel that not only precipitated a war but also guaranteed that the war would be fought under disadvantageous conditions. If the passes through the mountains of the Megarid were firmly in Peloponnesian hands, the Athenians could not invade the territory of their enemies but could be attacked by them. As Gomme has put it, “The cause of the quarrel between Corinth and Megara, περὶ γῆς ὅρων, is characteristic: Corinth was ready to risk the stability of the Peloponnesian League, not to mention the peace of the Greek world in general, rather than give up a claim to some strip of land.”61 The Spartans eventually might have fought the Athenians, but they would certainly not have chosen to do so in the circumstances forced upon them by Corinth. This was a clear example of the Corinthian tail wagging the Spartan dog.
Whatever the influence in the Spartan alliance of the several allies, it was Sparta that had to provide leadership and military power. If we are to understand the operation of the alliance, we must consider not only the relations between the allies but the problems within Sparta that affected them. In spite of her great military superiority, Sparta was usually reluctant to go to war. Her reluctance was always greater in proportion to the distance from home the Spartan army was compelled to go. The habitual caution at the root of Spartan policy is epitomized in a charming story told by Herodotus. In 499, Aristagoras of Miletus, who was planning an Ionian revolt against Persia, came to seek assistance. He had carefully planned his approach to King Cleomenes, promising him and his city great glory and immense wealth. Now Cleomenes was an unusually aggressive and ambitious king for a Spartan and might have been expected to yield to such temptation. He asked how many days’ journey it was from the sea to the residence of the Persian king. Aristagoras was well prepared for this question and had even brought a map. It was here, says Herodotus, that he made his great mistake. He admitted that the journey inland would take three months. “At that Cleomenes cut off the rest of his speech telling of the journey and said, ‘Milesian stranger, leave Sparta before sunset, for your words are unwelcome to the Lacedaemonians if you want to lead them on a journey of three months’ distance from the sea.”62
It has long been recognized that the chief source of such conservatism was Sparta’s fear that the helots would take advantage of a long absence of the Spartan army and rebel.63 The ratio of free Spartans to helots was in the neighborhood of one to ten,64 and their relationship was exacerbated by a long history of rebellions and cruel repressions. The ancient authors were perfectly aware of this threat to the security of Spartan rule and of its effects on Spartan policy. Thucydides tells us, “Most institutions among the Spartans have always been established with regard to security against the helots.”65 Listing Sparta’s motives for seeking peace in 421, he emphasizes the desertion of the helots, which gave rise to the ever-present fear that those who stayed would join with those who fled and revolt, “just as they had done in the past.”66 As we might expect, Aristotle offers a general analysis of the problem. “It is agreed that leisure is one of the necessities for a state that is to be well governed; but in what manner this is to be provided is not easy to grasp. The class of serfs [penestai] in Thessaly often revolted against the Thessalians, and the same is true of the helots in Sparta, for they are like someone sitting in wait for disasters to strike the Spartans.”67
Yet another problem continually affected the conduct of Spartan policy, this one arising from the constitution of the Spartan state. Ancient and modern students of constitutions have praised Sparta as a fine example of a mixed constitution. It balanced the monarchical, aristocratic, and democratic elements in such a way as to produce that rarest of flowers, political stability. The cycle of constitutions described by Plato, Aristotle, and Polybius was not to be found in Lacedaemon. From the middle of the sixth century, when the classical Spartan constitution seems to have reached its final form, until the third century, when it at last succumbed to the force of circumstances, Sparta’s mode of government did not change. Her two kings served for life, led her armies, and performed religious and judicial functions; five ephors were elected annually, among other things to watch over the kings; the gerousia performed its senatorial functions, and the apella, the popular assembly, met on occasion to make or ratify important decisions. Such stability might appear to be the best guarantee of a consistent and well-conducted foreign policy. Compared to the constitution of democratic Athens, which in theory, and sometimes in practice, could adopt a policy on one day and its reverse on the next, which could adopt the policy of one man and put its execution in the hands of another, compared to such a constitution the Spartan polity would seem to have great advantages.
The course of Spartan history, however, shows that the stability of Sparta’s constitution was not always matched by an equally stable policy.68 In 506, Sparta, led by Cleomenes, set out on a campaign to put down the Athenian democracy. The Corinthians objected and refused to participate, but what really put an end to the attempt was a decision by Sparta’s other king, Demaratus, to return to Sparta without a battle.69 The Spartans learned the obvious lesson from this experience, and thereafter only one king was permitted to go on each expedition. This new law, however, did not prevent the kings from disagreeing on policy and intriguing against one another. Each could stand at the head of a faction within Sparta and try to advance his own policy while hindering his rival’s.70
As an element producing instability in Spartan foreign policy, however, the rivalry between kings was far less important than the role of the ephors.71 To be sure, their initial function may have been to serve as a check on the ambitions of the kings, but by the fifth century their role was more complex and even more decisive.72 They and they alone, it appears, summoned the apella and conducted business before it. They sat with the gerousia, presented business to it, and were its executive officers. They had important judicial powers, notably, the right to try kings on a charge of treason. Chief among their responsibilities was the conduct of foreign affairs; they were, as Greenidge put it, the foreign ministry of Sparta.73 They received foreign envoys, negotiated treaties, and ordered expeditions once war had been declared. The formula applied to decisions of peace and war was “It seemed good to the ephors and the assembly,”74 but Lysander did not exaggerate too much when he told the Athenians that the ephors alone had the authority in matters of peace and war.75
It is not only that these powerful officials often interfered with the pretensions of the kings, for the kings often differed from one another, and for long periods Sparta produced no ambitious kings. The problem was rather that there were five ephors, and decisions were made by majority vote. At any moment, therefore, a policy might be changed by the shifting of a single ephor’s vote. Something of the sort happened in 403 when Pausanias persuaded three of the five ephors to order a Spartan army into Attica with himself at its head. The result was the deposition of the Thirty Tyrants, the restoration of the Athenian democracy, and thus the total reversal of Lysander’s, and up to that time Sparta’s, policy.76
Sometimes even a minority of ephors could affect Spartan policy. To be sure, the vote of the majority was supposed to be binding on the entire college of ephors, and Xenophon represents the Athenian oligarch Critias as asking the rhetorical question Wouldn’t a Spartan ephor who opposed the policy of the majority be generally regarded as deserving punishment?77 But we learn from Thucydides that in one case, at least, the minority might not quietly accept the majority decision. In the winter of 421/20, when the Peace of Nicias was in effect, Xenares and Cleobulus, two ephors, “who most particularly wanted to break the treaty, made private proposals to the Boeotians and Corinthians” to adopt a policy contrary to the official policy of the state.78 This very instance illustrates another reason for the potentially disturbing influence of the ephors on Spartan foreign policy. The Peace of Nicias had been negotiated by ephors elected for the year 422/1, but in the following year, “the ephors who happened to be in office at Sparta were other than those under whom the treaty had been made, and some of them were even opposed to it.”79 The effect of all this was to produce a disconcerting vacillation in Spartan policy that baffled not only its friends and enemies but neutrals as well. During the early part of the Peloponnesian War, the Great King of Persia, it was reported, did not know what the Spartans wanted, “for though many envoys had come to him, no two said the same thing.”80
The internal instability caused by conflicts between the Spartan kings, between ephors and kings, among the ephors themselves, and by the annual rotation of ephors could weaken Sparta’s control of her alliance. An ally whose policy differed from that of Sparta could use Sparta’s internal divisions to further its own ends. The paradox that the most stable of constitutions could produce a very unstable foreign policy added to the inherent difficulties of the Spartan alliance. Sparta’s mighty army and her allies gave her enormous power, but if she used that power outside the Peloponnese, she ran the risk of losing its base by helot rebellion or Argive attack; if she did not use it when called upon by her more powerful allies, she ran the risk of losing them by defection. This dilemma severely vexed the Spartans in the course of the fifth century.
1 The designation was invented by Victor Ehrenberg (The Greek State [Oxford, 1960], 112) and comprehends the Peloponnesian League, the first and second Athenian leagues, and the League of Corinth.
2 Idem.
3 Busolt and Swoboda, GS, 1330.
4 Victor Martin, La vie internationale dans la Grèce des cités (Paris, 1940), 206; Ehrenberg, The Greek State, 118–119.
5 G. L. Huxley, Early Sparta (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), 65.
6 Hdt. 1. 66–68; Huxley, Early Sparta, 65–68; Ehrenberg, PW, s.v., “Sparta,” 1383.
7 The alliance is mentioned and some of its provisions described in Plut. Quaest. Graec. 5. See also Quaest. Rom. 52. Eduard Meyer (GdA 2. 766) places the treaty in the sixth century, but Hiller von Gaertringen (IG, II, 3) puts it in 468, after the great Arcadian uprising. He is followed by Busolt and Swoboda (GS, 1320, n. 3). L. I. Highby (The Erythrae Decree, Klio, Beiheft, XXXVI [1936], 72–73) argues persuasively for a sixth-century date, which I accept.
8 Xen. Hell. 2. 2. 20; Busolt and Swoboda, GS, 1320 and 1325.
9 Busolt and Swoboda, GS, 1320; Herodotus (1. 68) tells us that by the time of the Tegean defeat the Spartans controlled the greater part of the Peloponnese.
10 Ulrich Kahrstedt, Griechisches Staatsrecht (Göttingen, 1922), I, 28–29.
11 Hdt. 1. 82; Huxley, Early Sparta, 70–73.
12 Mor. 859 D.
13 Mor. 859 C; see also Thuc. 1. 18. 1.
14 Huxley, Early Sparta, 75; H. T. Wade-Gery, CAH, III, 568–569.
15 1. 19.
16 Kahrstedt, op. cit., I, 81–82.
17 Larsen’s views may be found in a series of articles published in CP: XXVII (1932), 136–150; XXVIII (1933), 256–276; XXIX (1934), 1–19, and in the third chapter of his Representative Government in Greek and Roman History (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1955).
18 CP, XXVII (1932), 140.
19 CP, XXVIII (1933), 265.
20 Busolt and Swoboda, GS, 1330.
21 Idem.
22 Martin, op. cit., 205–206.
23 Xen. Hell. 2. 4. 30.
24 Xen. Hell. 3. 2. 21–25.
25 Larsen (CP, XXVIII [1933], 269, n. 37) says that the Boeotians “are hardly to be counted as members of the League.” He offers no support for his statement, and we must conclude that he has been influenced by the title “Peloponnesian League,” which did not exist in antiquity. There is no better reason for doubting Boeotian membership in the Spartan alliance at this time than Corinthian.
26 Ibid., 269–270.
27 GS, 1333–1334.
28 Xen. Hell. 3. 5. 5.
29 Idem.
30 Kahrstedt, op. cit., 92.
31 Ibid., 90.
32 Ibid., 92.
33 CP. XXVIII (1933), 274–275. The reference is to the quarrel between Boeotia and the Phocians in 395, which led to the Corinthian War. See Hell. Oxy. 13. 4.
34 Thuc. 1. 103. 4; Diod. 11. 79. 1.
35 4. 134.
36 Xen. Hell. 5. 4. 36–37.
37 Hdt. 5. 74.
38 Larsen believes that in 507 the Peloponnesian League did not yet exist, so an assembly would not be necessary. See CP, XXVII (1932).
39 Xen. Hell. 7. 3. 8.
40 Xen. Hell. 3. 4. 2.
41 Xen. Hell. 5. 2. 11–23.
42 Xen. Hell. 5. 4. 59–60.
43 See Thuc. 5. 31, where Elis attacks Lepreum; 4. 134, where Mantinea attacks Tegea; 5. 29. 1, where the Mantineans subdue part of Arcadia; and 1. 104, where Megara fights Corinth.
44 Elis: Arist. Pol. 1292 b; Xen. Hell. 3. 3. 27. Mantinea: Thuc. 5. 29.
45 Elis and Mantinea with Argos, Thuc. 5. 29 and 5. 31; with Athens, 5. 43 and 5. 46; Megara with Athens, 1. 103. 4.
46 5. 17. 2.
47 5. 39.
48 Edouard Will, Korinthiaka (Paris, 1955), 629–630.
49 For a fuller account of these events, see Kagan, AJP, LXXXI (1960), 291–310 and CP, LVII (1962), 209–218.
50 Hdt. 3. 47.
51 These are the suggestions of Georg Busolt, Hans Schaefer, and J. Hasebroek, respectively. They are cited by Will (Korinthiaka, 634–635).
52 Hdt. 3.48.
53 Busolt, GG, II, 509–510.
54 Such is the suggestion of Busolt (ibid., 512) and Will (Korinthiaka, 636).
55 This conclusion is well argued and ably defended by Will (idem.).
56 Ibid., 636–637.
57 See above, p. 19.
58 My chronology, for the most part, follows that of the authors of ATL (III, 158–180) and A. W. Gomme (Hist. Comm., I, 389–413). Their accounts are not identical but not very far apart. The dating of the events between the end of the Persian War and the beginning of the great Peloponnesian War is difficult and uncertain. Although it has sometimes been necessary to depart from their guidance, especially in dating internal political events, I have found their accounts generally persuasive.
59 1. 102–103.
60 Thuc. 1. 103; Diod. 11. 79.
61 Hist. Comm., I, 304.
62 Hdt. 5. 50.
63 The arguments are given by G. B. Grundy (Thucydides and the History of his Age [2nd. ed.; Oxford, 1948], I, 212–239). The same point of view is offered at some length in the first chapter of Georg Busolt’s Die Lakedaimonier und Ihre Bundesgenossen (Leipzig, 1878) and is the basis of his interpretation of Spartan policy throughout.
64 This is a conservative estimate, according to Grundy (ibid., 219). Not even Guy Dickins (JHS, XXXII [1912], 1–42), who makes a powerful attack on Grundy’s theory that population shortage and the helot threat were the major factors in Spartan policy, challenges this estimate.
65 4. 80.
66 5. 14.
67 Pol. 1269a.
68 For a cautious but incisive analysis of the way in which Sparta’s constitution really worked in the classical period, see A. Andrewes, ASI, 1–20.
69 Hdt. 5. 75.
70 See, for example, the rivalry between Agesilaus and Cleombrotus in the fourth century, which is analyzed by R. E. Smith (Historia, II [1953–54], 274–288).
71 The strongest statement in behalf of the importance of the ephors is that of Guy Dickins (JHS, XXXII [1912], 1–42): “From 550 onwards for nearly a century and a half the foreign policy of Sparta was dominated primarily by one consideration, and that not the population question, which did not arise at all until the beginning of the fifth century and only became of supreme importance in the fourth, but rather the issue of a conflict between the kings and the ephors lasting in an acute form for over fifty years and in a milder degree for almost the whole of Spartan history.” Dickins’ assertion is far too strong. The ancient evidence cited above makes it clear that the population or helot problem was of the greatest importance in the fifth century. Dickins himself admits that the earthquake of 464, which killed many Spartans and caused a helot rebellion, “permanently affected the offensive powers of Sparta,” (ibid., 35). His interpretation also goes too far in insisting upon alliances between ephors and a king where there is little or no evidence for them. It is further mistaken in imagining that the struggle was between the institution of the ephorate and that of the kingship. So it may have been at the outset, but by the fifth century it had become merely a factional struggle. In spite of these weaknesses, Dickins’ essay is of great value in pointing out the important role of the ephors in making and unmaking policy. He is rebutted in the same number of the journal by G. B. Grundy (261–269). Dickins’ response appears in the next number on pages 111–112. More recently, A. Andrewes (ASI, 8–10) has rejected the thesis of Dickins for similar reasons. In my judgment, however, he slightly underrates the importance of the ephors in shaping foreign policy and gives correspondingly greater weight to the apella.
72 The discussion of the power of the ephors which follows owes much to the perceptive account of A. H. J. Greenidge in A Handbook of Greek Constitutional History (London, 1902), 102–106; see also Busolt and Swoboda, GS, 683–691.
73 Ibid., 106.
74 Xen. Hell. 3. 2. 23 and 4. 6. 3.
75 Xen. Hell. 2. 2. 18–19.
76 Xen. Hell. 2. 4. 29.
77 Xen. Hell. 2. 3. 34.
78 5. 36. 1.
79 Idem.
80 4. 50. 2.