My Balata neighbours worried about the changing weather pattern. For two winters they had seen no snow, normally a foot deep on the high ground around Nablus, and the seasonal rains had been scant. Then abruptly, in February, unnatural warmth brought lizards out of hibernation a month early and butterflies that shouldn’t appear before mid-March fluttered by and the bees acted strangely – a major concern. Honey is a reliable earner for families whose fresh fruits and vegetables are so often spoiled on the way to market by sadistic restrictions at checkpoints.

On the night of 17–18 February heavy rain delighted everyone – and undid me. Walking home next afternoon, via a short cut through an olive grove on a steep slope, I heard shrill, terrified screams. Some way below the path two boys, aged nine or ten, were frenziedly beating a third with heavy sticks – an extreme case of a sadly usual Balata phenomenon. Shouting angrily, I rushed downhill – there was no one else around – then slipped on the red-brown mud. By grabbing an olive branch I avoided falling flat but my legs splayed awkwardly and my left hip went funny-peculiar. Stumbling on, I continued to shout ‘Stop it!’ (as though they could understand English!) yet they didn’t register my presence until I seized their sticks, one in each hand, and made as if to strike them. For a moment we stood in confrontation, both boys staring at me with an almost intimidating animosity. I played an old trick – crossing my eyes – which in disparate situations on three continents has served to cow potentially troublesome children. Here too it worked. Racing away, the pair shouted ‘Fuck you!’ over their shoulders: that much English they had learned from the IDF. Meanwhile their victim lay face down in the mud, his hands over his head, still sobbing in hoarse gasps and bleeding from a deep cut on his brow. As I helped him to his feet more blood could be seen oozing from his mouth. I tried to comfort him but he seemed terrified of me and went staggering away down the slope.

Slowly I limped home, each step more painful than the last. Later, getting to the loo involved an agonising journey and for three days I had to lie immobile on my bed, being fussed over by friends which made me feel ungratefully irritated. When ill or injured I much prefer to be left alone – like a cat. My own diagnosis was a pulled thigh muscle or groin tendon, for which time would provide the only cure. But my visitors became increasingly agitated, muttering about a fractured or displaced hip and other dismal possibilities. On the fourth day two of them conspired to hire a taxi, kidnap me and present me at the Hamas clinic for an x-ray.

This impressive modern building, well-equipped and efficiently staffed, is attached to a new mosque in the city centre, one of whose imams had just been imprisoned by the PA police. The Nablus government hospitals, run by the PA since 1995, are notably less impressive. I could see at a glance that my fellow-patients were not the sort one expects to meet in a ‘private clinic’. This enterprise is one of Hamas’ non-profit-making contributions to the public welfare, probably funded by oily money but one doesn’t refer to that.

In the x-ray cubicle an elderly male radiographer briefly left me alone while fetching plates. Automatically I removed my boots, jacket and trousers and lay ready on the couch. Returning, the poor man yelped like a trodden-on puppy, then retreated, slamming the door and shouting ‘Get covered!’

In due course a tall doctor with a silver goatee beard studied the x-ray and made no diagnosis but prescribed ointment and ten capsules. He advised that after a few days I could resume walking – slowly, over short distances – without hindering the healing process. My all-in bill came to €14. In the clinic pharmacy medications cost one-third the prices charged in Nablus’s free-market pharmacies.

Back on my bed, reluctantly relaxing, I reflected that this minor injury was a small price to pay for having possibly saved a child’s life. To my visitors – bearing bowls of soup and plates of salad – I merely explained that I had slipped on the muddy slope. It would have been unkind to report that grim scene of juvenile violence. No doubt there was a back-story and the less said the better.

That evening, long after sunset, there was a brief gun-battle nearby. Twenty-seven men were arrested, six wounded – a commonplace incident, ignored by the media.

When Leila arrived, laden with desperately needed books, she told me of a Nablus collaborator who had persuaded a sixteen-year-old mentally handicapped dwarf to wear a mock suicide belt and approach Huwwara. There a European journalist, on his way back to Ramallah, witnessed the ‘terrorist’ being caught and was expected to write about Palestinians trying to use child suicide bombers – with photos to ‘prove’ it. Later an IDF jeep dumped the dwarf halfway down the Jordan Valley, far from his home. Said Leila, ‘That should help you understand why collaborators are executed.’

For non-Arabic speakers, disentangling Palestinian families can be quite a challenge, especially when polygamy, cousin marriages and overlapping generations converge. Typical were the consanguineous convolutions discussed by Amira and Maha, English-speaking widowed sisters who every day brought me sustenance. Both were in their mid-thirties and held strong views about male selfishness. Amira had two sons, Maha two daughters; their al-Aqsa Brigade husbands had died together in 2003. They were the youngest of a family of ten, plus numerous half-siblings; their father had enjoyed three wives simultaneously. In 2007 their adored mother’s death increased their vulnerability as widows. She had protected them from Basem, a bullying eldest brother (eldest by which wife?) who appropriated most of the meagre wages they earned by spooling wool for a kasbah carpet-weaver. Basem’s first wife had prudently left him before bearing a child. She was soon remarried, to a cousin of one of Basem’s maternal uncles – a man of her own choice. For this she was much admired and no doubt envied by Amira and Maha. Basem’s second and third wives bore him fourteen children, some of whom were married to some of the nine children of a half-sister (but whose half-sister?) living in a Jordan refugee camp. Another brother, trapped in Gaza since 2007, had ‘six of each’ by three (consecutive) wives, two of whom died in childbirth.

Repeatedly women assured me that Palestinians enjoy bearing and rearing all the children Allah sends and of many this is obviously true, difficult though it may be for twenty-first-century Western women to believe. Equally obviously, there are numerous exceptions, for various reasons. Strangely some of my friends became quite huffy when I referred to this. Th’aer’s daughter Habsa was an example, very unwillingly carrying her third baby, suffering night and day from misnamed ‘morning’ sickness and fearful of death. During her last accouchement doctors had twice summoned the family to her bedside to say farewell. Home in Ireland, I was relieved to hear that she had been safely delivered of a third son. And Leila, in collusion with a humane doctor, had covertly talked her into tube-tying.

Another visitor, Ryn, from Askar refugee camp a few miles away, brought me four new-laid eggs and asked if I would like to meet her one-eyed nephew who was waiting outside, holding a shouted conversation with my neighbours on the third-floor balcony. Ahmed was a small, slight twenty-five-year-old; he wore a Dayan-style eye-patch and a wide smile showing broken teeth. He had been lucky to survive the rioting that followed the assassinations, in Askar, of two Hamas leaders, Faiz al-Sadar and Hamis Abu Salam, by a unit of naval commandos. Unlike his aunt, he spoke no English but was eager to communicate with the Irish granny – though disappointed to hear that I had never met Bobby Sands.

That Askar incursion took place on 9 August 2003 when the IDF were under orders to goad Palestinians into breaking a three-month ceasefire announced on 29 June. On 12 August two maverick suicide-bombers from Askar (cousins of Ahmed) killed two Israelis though at that date all Palestinian organisations were under orders to keep the ceasefire. On 14 August the IDF killed Mohammad Sidr, an Islamic Jihad leader in Hebron; assassinations are a favourite ‘stone on the line’ when Israelis wish to derail Palestinian moves towards a just peace (as distinct from ‘peace’ on Zionist terms). Sidr’s death provoked a Hebron suicide-bomber to blow up a Jerusalem bus on 19 August, killing 20 Israelis, 6 of them children, and seriously wounding more than 100. End of ceasefire. Two days later five Israeli missiles eliminated Ismail Abu Shanab in Gaza City. Abu Shanab was among Hamas’ most thoughtful and widely respected leaders, therefore detested and feared by Sharon. He had been hoping to negotiate a fifteen-year hudna (truce); his followers were encouraged to believe that by the end of that calm period a permanent peace might be within reach.

I thought I knew my visitor well enough to ask how she felt about her two suicide-bomber nephews. And about the Hebron suicide-bomber’s victims – six children and fourteen defenceless civilians. Ryn’s usually expressive face went stony as she looked down at her suddenly clenched fists and said, ‘They weren’t always civilians.’ Ahmed, sensing the drop in temperature, looked anxiously from me to his aunt. A moment later she continued – ‘You know how many children they’ve killed? Hundreds! Not by accident …’

Ahmed, who had been sitting on the one chair, stood up and muttered something and hurried away. Having ventured so far, I tiptoed on across this minefield, skirting the moral issue and quietly suggesting that suicide bombings do the Palestinians’ cause no good. I used as an example Israel Shahak, born in the Warsaw Ghetto, a Bergen-Belsen survivor, who all his long life advocated coexistence without ever condemning Palestinian attacks on the IDF within the OPT. But suicide-bombing within Israel so sickened him that a few weeks before his death, in July 2001, he sadly concluded, ‘Coexistence can never work. Separation is the only option.’

Ryn looked up, made a small dismissive gesture and said, ‘You can’t understand!’

I nodded. ‘You’re right, I can’t – though I do try …’

We were interrupted by Ahmed calling from the alleyway where an octogenarian cauliflower-seller was slowly dragging a hand cart over the rough surface, offering his wilting wares at a reduced cost. (Wilting because he had been made to wait so long at the Deir al-Habab checkpoint.) Ryn stood up, tightened her hijab and promised to send me an esoteric ointment to be rubbed on the affected parts twice a day.

I lay back on my bed and continued trying to understand. I recalled some of the accounts I’d heard in Nablus about life under military rule. These were personal accounts, not mere anecdotes. The IDF had not allowed ambulances to take sick children to hospital during the curfew; two had died for lack of basic medical care. A week previously I’d lunched with a son of Mrs Shaden abu Hijleh, a vigorous peace activist whose death made world headlines via the Christian Science Monitor. In August 2002, during the 24-hour curfew period, she was sitting one morning with her husband on the verandah of their home in a secluded district – embroidering a cushion cover, her son recalled. When two IDF jeeps stopped nearby, on the deserted street, he was indoors and his mother called a warning – ‘Wait! Don’t come out!’ As she spoke a soldier fired from the back of his jeep and killed her.

As usual, the IDF quickly fabricated a plausible (to outsider ears) defence; unluckily for them a senior British intelligence officer chanced to be around and promptly gathered evidence at the scene. All four abu Hijleh children had graduated with distinction from US universities; now they made sure their mother’s murder was raised in the UN Security Council and brought by President Bush Jnr to Prime Minister Sharon’s attention. There the buck stopped. Nobody was to blame. Small wonder Israeli soldiers are so trigger-happy, cocooned in Occupiers’ Immunity. B’Tselem’s first Intifada files record 1,162 Palestinians killed by Israelis between December 1987 and September 1993. Of that number 250 were children. During the same period, five children were among the 160 Israelis killed by Palestinians. Come the second Intifada, between September 2000 and December 2003 the IDF reported 2,253 Palestinians killed (the majority civilians) and uncounted thousands injured.

Six months before Mrs abu Hijleh’s murder, on 28 February 2002, a twenty-one-year-old Balata resident blew herself up at Huwwara four weeks after Israelis killed her brother and one week after they killed her betrothed. As the IDF were imposing collective punishment on Balata (and Jenin camp, thirty miles to the north), Nahum Barnea of Yediot Ahronoth, Israel’s most popular newspaper, reminded his readers – ‘The terrorism of suicide bombings is born of despair and there is no military solution to despair.’

Ryn has lived all her life in Askar camp, not far from Elon Moreh and other smaller but even more aggressive settlements. For decades she has been witnessing armed settlers attacking Palestinians and their property, knowing they can get away with it. Yet if Palestinians defend their crops, wells and flocks they and their extended families must endure savage retaliation from an army that doesn’t notice settler crimes. Remembering all that, I spoke severely to myself. If suicide bombing is indeed born of despair we should be able to understand it.

Incidentally, Leila advised me to avoid the term ‘martyr’ which suggests to western ears an exclusively religious motivation. Shadids may have a mainly religious or an entirely nationalistic motivation – or a mixture of both.

On Day Five I wondered – ‘Is it evident to my visitors that I’ve joined the Great Unwashed?’ Normally I sweated the dirt off on Sunday mornings, when the As-Shifa hammam opened for women. Said to be the oldest functioning public baths in Palestine, it has changed little (apart from electric lighting and invisible solar panels) since the Tuqan family built it in 1634. Its fort-like walls were only superficially damaged in 2002 when an Apache helicopter aimed three rockets at this cherished feature of Nablusi life. Yakob, the seventy-year-old in charge, had befriended me on my first visit. We had much in common, including an aversion to television with which As-Shifa’s soothing hush was now being threatened because of a discontented clientele. In an oddly named ‘summer room’ – a high, wide space with a stained glass dome – divans line the walls for post-bath cooling off and an ornate desk stands in one corner. Pointing to it, Yakob invited me to ‘write in peace’ any day of the week until men arrive. This I occasionally did, when my squat was extra-chilly. On the Sunday of my immobility it greatly cheered me when Yakob anxiously telephoned – ‘Why no washing? Are you OK?’

Among my most regular visitors was eighty-four-year-old Hana, who spoke unusually fluent English and often lamented the second Intifada’s emotional consequences for her great-grandchildren’s generation. They had witnessed many IDF atrocities while Balata was burnishing its reputation as an heroic centre of resistance. Hana’s anguished comparison of the two Intifadas made my heart ache. The first was community based and largely non-violent, a movement of ordinary people who had shown that Palestinians could effectively unite. Everyone participated: men, women and children, Muslims, Christians and agnostics, young and old, athletes and cripples. The traditional friction points – between clans, classes, sects, generations, political factions – were rarely allowed to stifle local initiatives. After a spontaneous beginning, creative committees and councils took charge in villages, towns, urban districts. Hana referred me to Walid Salem, of Jerusalem’s Panorama Centre, who has written about the crucially important role of bayans. ‘Those leaflets, distributed almost daily, called upon the people to join the movement of civic resistance activities, and did not call them to use arms because armed resistance would provoke devastating retribution by the Israelis.’

This movement aimed not only to boycott the occupying power’s institutions but to lay the foundations for Palestinian counterparts; thus it engendered new professional organisations concerned with health, education, economic research and human rights law. It also hoped to demonstrate that without Palestinian cooperation the fourth strongest army in the world could not indefinitely dominate the OPT – or could do so only through Stalinist repressions not feasible under the global spotlight. Support came from small groups of brave Israelis whose participation modified IDF brutality. This initiative, sustained for some five years despite the extreme hardships involved, aroused considerable A Minor Injury international sympathy – much of it lost when the second Intifada sent suicide bombers into Israel.

By unnerving the Occupiers, the first Intifada set the Oslo ball rolling. When Israel recognised the PLO in 1993 and allowed Arafat to return from Tunisia to ‘lead his people towards a better future’, a will-o-the-wisp light was seen at the end of the Palestinians’ tunnel. Given Arafat’s status as the celebrated leader of all Palestinians – in exile and at home – Zionism’s accommodation with him did briefly look like progress. Yet many of my Balata (and other) friends saw him and his militant followers – a generation bred in exile, knowing nothing of life under Occupation – as a negative influence, wrecking the cohesion of the first Intifada. And then failing to avert or modify the second, which broke out when people realised that Oslo had undermined their fragile peace plan. Ariel Sharon’s vote-seeking Temple Mount walkabout (with a police guard of hundreds) on 28 September 2000 was like throwing a lighted match into an open oil-tank. He was then successfully competing with Netanyahu for the Likud leadership and out to please every sort of hardliner. But no one I met accused Arafat of having provoked the second Intifada; that theory was the personal creation of Prime Minister Ehud

Barak. He had begun to position himself as the leader who had done everything possible to reach a ‘final-status agreement’ with the PA and he needed to cast Arafat as the anti-peace villain – though all his intelligence sources saw the second Intifada as a spontaneous eruption of rage and frustration, unplanned by anyone. With mass media help, Barak’s lie swiftly obscured the truth and ever since most Israelis have been condemning ‘that demon Arafat’.

Among Palestinians the ‘demon’ is much praised for having kept their cause in view when the world would have preferred to forget it. Also, he did a lot to preserve the refugees’ joint identity, when they might well have grown apart in the camps of Palestine, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Hana, however, was fixated on the damage he and his pampered cohorts had done on their return from exile. If only they had kept off the scene! If only the first Intifada could have continued, being recognised by the outside world as a victory for non-violence, then the Zionists’ suppression of it would have exposed their long-term aim … Only Arafat’s acceptance of Oslo’s false promises, and the PLO’s compliance with Israeli guidelines, had sustained the Camp David façade of ‘seeking a solution’.

My simplistic outsider’s gut reaction was to regard Arafat as yet another of the Zionists’ victims. Consider Edward Said’s verdict on Oslo:

One day on the bus from Ramallah my seat companion, a middle-aged man, mentioned Mahmoud Abbas’s visit to Arafat shortly before the latter’s death in 2004. As Abbas was leaving Arafat said, ‘Goodbye, Karsai!’ In my diary I noted, ‘Possibly apocryphal but nonetheless significant.’

Hana may have been looking back on the first Intifada rather selectively, excising some negative aspects, but all agree that the second Intifada initiated a new sort of IDF campaign with disquieting implications for the State of Israel as a wannabe democracy. Chief-of-Staff Shaul Mofaz and his deputy Moshe Ya’alon ignored Prime Minister Barak’s order to ‘contain’ the over-reacting IDF. Alarmed by an army gone berserk, Amnon Lipkin-Shahak, a former Chief-of-Staff, then tried hard, as Barak’s go-between, to achieve a ceasefire. He publicly accused the IDF of ‘waging a war on the ground different from the one the government had instructed it to conduct’. Soon after he resigned as go-between, in protest at the continued indiscriminate killing and bombing, the consequences of which were all around me in Nablus/Balata. The Prime Minister next delegated Ephraim Sneh to attempt to lessen the impact of collective punishments on civilians. Before long Mr Sneh was reporting – ‘From the Chief of Staff to the last of the sergeants at the road-blocks, no one is implementing your policy.’

Repeatedly, after that, the Barak government’s edgings towards negotiations were thwarted by the Generals’ obdurate opposition to a ceasefire. Mofaz and Ya’alon and their merry men were thoroughly enjoying themselves. Something very like a temporary military coup was in place. When Yasser Arafat and Shimon Peres met in Gaza, towards the end of 2000, and came to a tension-easing agreement, the IDF at once rejected it. Said Ya’alon, ‘To talk about a truce during the course of shooting is harmful and superfluous.’ This delighted the settlers who were all the time shouting, ‘Let the army win!’

The Generals then directly addressed ‘the people of Israel’, snubbing the government and attacking the media who, having dared to criticise IDF atrocities, deserved to be silenced. By this stage the more intelligent Israelis were predicting, ‘Our democracy can’t recover!’ A few years later, Cast Lead sharpened their fears. As did Netanyahu’s return to power in February 2009. An Israeli friend wrote to me from Jerusalem (his courier an INGO worker) – ‘Could the right wing’s lusting after Eretz Yisrael prove so incompatible with political Zionism’s core ideology that territorial expansion will end in tears like an overblown balloon at a children’s party?’

I replied ‘Hope so!’ and changed the metaphor. An earth-tremor won’t help the Palestinians: they need an earthquake. Few on the West Bank, I noticed, could see much incompatibility between secular political Zionist groupings and God-struck millennialists. The former, though less physically aggressive (unless in uniform) showed cruel skill when devising and enforcing a corrupt legal system: one law for Jews, another for ‘Arabs’. Such laws are a major resource for officials determined to deny Palestinians the right to work, to travel, to build a home, to access education and medication without undue stress. Fully to comprehend Israel’s apartheid system it’s not enough to visit the OPT for a few hours, VIP-wise, driving fast on ‘Settlers Only’ roads, being deferentially waved through army checkpoints. One needs the worm’s eye view.