There is a general assumption by the broader public (at least in the UK and the US) that they understand what flamenco is—an image that usually involves a tall, thin, dark-haired woman in a polka-dot dress, stamping about with castanets. This is evidenced both by my personal experiences (being told ‘oh that’s the dance with the red dress and castanets, right?’) and by the depiction of flamenco in performance posters, programmes, and media. Throughout the course of my research, I began to understand that these outsider assumptions about flamenco, and even those presented in academic books, are vastly different to the complex and multi-dimensional reality that is flamenco. These differences are extensive, including where it takes place, who does it, what ‘authenticity’ is, and what the art complex entails. Flamenco is a tradition composed of a wide variety of genres, styles, conventions, creative aesthetics, identities, and performance contexts. The first part of this chapter provides an overview of flamenco with regards to its components, terminologies, styles, common misconceptions, and what I mean when I refer to flamenco and its ‘original culture’. This will clarify references in latter sections of this book. In the second part, I examine the locations of flamenco, describing its original geographies, as well as typical performance locations. In the third section, I discuss who does flamenco, ascertaining the ethnicities and identities that are formed. Finally, I provide an overview of the art complex’s historical timeline to situate its trajectory from a local, minority subculture to one practised by countless individuals around the world. This chapter contextualises flamenco culture and its path towards globalisation to provide a backdrop for the modes of cultural migration, such as network migration theory and cosmopolitan hubs, which I reference throughout this book.
2.1 What Is Flamenco? A Clarification of Components and Materials
Leeds-based cuadro with the author playing cajón
To complete this list of elements is the aire (literally ‘air’) which is a common flamenco term with dual meanings: in the first, referring to a performer’s unique qualities of animation, expression, and rhythm. More importantly aire references the atmosphere at a flamenco event, the sounds, the smells, the people, and, above all, historical allusions to ‘place’ and ‘origin’. Because of these diverse components, I refer to flamenco as an ‘art complex’—a term advocated by economic geographer and flamencologist Yuko Aoyama (2007, p. 104). It is important to note here that flamenco is not, strictly speaking, a folk music, as it does not consist of known songs, only styles which are re-created by each performer. Many are simply referred to as por bulerías or por soléa, which means ‘in the style of’ bulerías or soléa—both common flamenco palos, or song styles. Flamenco is not a popular music either, as it has never held widespread cultural appeal in Spain. It is something that falls outside of the normal designations of music cultures. It does, however, hold significant commercial value, as discussed throughout the following chapters.
This quote exemplifies typical song lyrics, which are often of unrequited love, persecution, death, loss, political dissent, and (occasionally) happiness. Cante is song with deep emotion, often seeming to be rhythmically free. Cantaores (flamenco singers) perform a variety of palos which are formed of coplas (verses). Lyrics—or letra—traditionally have come from a variety of sources such as orally (through families, performances, recordings, etc.), poetry, or self-written (Manuel 2006, p. 99). Allegedly, the first mention of flamenco cante dates to the late eighteenth century, in José Cadalso’s novel Cartas Marruecas (Heffner Hayes 2009, p. 31) (Fig. 2.2).a deeply human factor, as an artistic expression of a collective, el cante flamenco […] is a wail of complaint from a people who had been repressed for centuries. Flamenco is the primal scream in its primitive form, from a people sunk in poverty and ignorance. Only their utter need and their instinctive emotions exist [… the] songs are desperation, dejection, lamentation, distrust, superstition, curses, magic, wounded spirit, a gloomy confession from a suffering and abandoned race. (as quoted in Thiel-Cramér 1991, p. 34)
Cantaor Capullo de Jerez performing in Jerez de la Frontera
Originally unaccompanied, most contemporary palos utilise some sort of guitar accompaniment. There are records indicating the presence of guitar in Andalucían folk music starting from the late 1700s; however, most scholars attribute its usage in a flamenco context starting more towards the middle of the nineteenth century; a delayed entry which is perhaps explained by there not being enough guitarists familiar with the style (Thiel-Cramér 1991, p. 69). It was solidified as part of the culture in conjunction with flamenco’s emergence into the realm of public entertainment in the mid-nineteenth century. It existed primarily as an accompaniment for the cantaor until the turn of the twentieth century, when it began to evolve as a solo instrument (Manuel 2006, p. 99). Flamenco guitar gained significance as an international art form since, unlike the singing, it was free from cultural conflicts such as language barriers. These days, flamenco-style guitar is used in solo performances or in group contexts with toque at the forefront (such as Paco Peña’s world-renowned performing group). Several techniques are unique to this style, such as falsetas1 and rasgueados.2 In an ensemble, the role of the guitar is often still as an accompaniment for the cantaor/a and timekeeper for the dancer.
Baile (the dance) is undoubtedly the best-known and internationally recognised component of flamenco. Outside of Andalucía it is rare to see a performance without a dancer, unless it is of a particularly prominent singer or guitarist. Baile was the last of the elements to come under the auspice of ‘flamenco’, although similar to cante, it was most likely influenced by centuries of folk and popular dance forms that came into to contact with Andalucía. It emerged around the end of the nineteenth century, possibly also as a reaction to commercialisation (Heffner Hayes 2009, p. 31). The bailor/a is a prominent feature in flamenco group performances. The dance is typified by a paradoxical choreography of gentle, expressive arm and body movement and choreography, interspersed with periods of rapid spins and footwork. Contrary to popular belief, castanets are not traditionally a feature of baile—they hail from Spanish classical dance and are periodically incorporated into siguiriyas (a sombre flamenco palo with energetic bursts) (Thiel-Cramér 1991, p. 61). The main percussive element on the part of the dancer is in their feet. Flamenco shoes (or tacones) have strong, thick leather soles, wooden heels, and clusters of small nails in the heel and toe. The bailor/a leads the ensemble by providing cues to signify the beginning and end of song sections, tempo changes, and alterations to the ‘feel’ of the piece. These signals usually take the form of llamadas, which are energetic series of percussive zapateado (footwork) to bring the ensemble together. This level of collaboration is vital to the flamenco group performance and requires each performer to have detailed knowledge of the particular palo. It is important to note that flamenco is mainly an individual dance; use of a troupe, while done in some palo variations or stage shows, is not traditional. It is meant to be introspective and is supposed to reflect the interpreter’s emotion, both in movement and in facial expression (Thiel-Cramér 1991, p. 65).
The percusión element of flamenco has most likely existed since flamenco’s birth as a music culture. The form these percussive contributions take has evolved since the late eighteenth century, however. Older palos, such as those from the tonás family, were allegedly accompanied by singular hits on an anvil, a reference to one of the historical Gitano occupations of blacksmithing. Palmas, or rhythmic hand claps, are one of the older percussive features of flamenco. While they may sound simplistic, palmas involve rhythmically specific patterns, different timbres of clapping (sordas and fuertes), and often clapping contratiempo (cross-rhythms) with other participants. A more recent development in flamenco percussion is the use of the cajón, which is essentially a wooden box hit with the hands. The cajón is a testament to flamenco’s history of globalisation. The cajón is one of the best-known Peruvian percussion instruments. Somewhat ironically, it originated with African slaves working in Peru’s coastal towns under Spanish rule. Fearing a revolt, Spanish overlords ordered the slaves’ drums to be confiscated. Drumming is an integral part of many African religions, so the slaves compensated by reconstructing drums out of the fish crates from the harbours where they toiled. Thus, the cajón was born. In the 1970s, renowned flamenco guitarist Paco de Lucía visited Peru on a tour and was gifted one by composer and Afro-Peruano cajón master, Caitro Soto. De Lucía liked the instrument’s sound so much he bought another cajón to bring back to Spain (“Paco de Lucía”, 2011). He began to integrate it into his performances and it gradually became part of flamenco culture. It is now taught at many of the Andalucían flamenco schools and the top troupes utilise them as part of the ensemble.
Bulerías compás
The term ‘Compás ’ describes the basic rhythmic and accent structure which is unique to each type of palo. It is something that is felt by all performers, even if no one is directly playing it. The modern flamenco group is referred to as a cuadro and on average is composed of a cantaor/a, tocaor /a, bailor/a, and percusión. Variations regarding instruments which comprise the flamenco ensemble have emerged as flamenco has globalised, such as flute, saxophone, and marimba.
Jaleo , derived from the verb jalear (Eng: to stimulate or encourage) is audience participation. It includes words of encouragement (such as ‘olé’, ‘toma!’, or ‘huasa!’) shouted to the performers and palmas clapped by the audience members (versus a member of the ensemble). Both types of jaleo must be done in the correct place in the piece. Jaleo is vital not only for the performers, but for establishing an aire , as it is generally only present amongst flamenco-educated audiences. Onlookers who are in-the-know will often clap palmas more intricately than the performers themselves. During my research I attended several performances put on by Peña Juan Bravo (in Malaga) where seemingly most of the thirty-person audience were clapping contratiempo.3 Another aspect which blurs the line between audience and performer is the fin de fiesta , which was described in the previous chapter. This occurs at the end of a performance, usually in more intimate settings (such as bars and peñas ), when members of the audience (usually limited to dancers or singers) are invited on stage to perform a few improvised pataitos.4 The ability to participate in this aspect of jaleo is the mark of an extremely confident performer, and often provides an outlet for one to demonstrate skills to an audience with the hope of being hired for future performances.
Palos
Flamenco repertoire comprises around about a dozen song styles known as palos, which have several dozen subtle variants. The palos differ from one another in terms of singing and playing styles, lyrical form, distinct toque and cante melodies, compás , song structure, and modality (Manuel 2006, p. 95). They can be categorised along many different lines such as the type of music they originated from, compás , character, and geographical place of origin. Due to flamenco’s status as a primarily oral tradition, a proper classification tool is widely debated. Suggesting a fool-proof method of classification is outside of the scope of this book.5 For the purposes of my research surrounding flamenco globalisation, I find it useful to consider palos in terms of their purpose or the ethnic groups they originated with; primarily because in this way, palos represent a trajectory of flamenco’s globalisation.
Flamenco palos emerged from several ethnic groups: Sephardi Jews, Arabic, Gitano , Indian, Celtic, Andalucían, and Latin American. Some styles also have specific performance contexts, used only in specific circumstances or reflect a particular scenario. For example, saetas are unaccompanied chants sung only during Semana Santa (Holy Week processions) and take their roots from Sephardic religious song. Alboreas are wedding songs of Gitano origin. Tanguillos are songs originally used during Cádiz’s carnival celebrations. Carceleras are songs whose lyrics refer to the singer being in prison and emanate from historic Gitano persecution and incarcerations.
Flamenco palos have been broken up into several main categories, based on the seriousness of the emotional range being conveyed. These designations are cante jondo , cante intermedio, and cante chico. Cante jondo , also known as ‘deep song’, is widely believed to be the ‘original expression of flamenco’, the oldest types of palos, and derived from religious songs (Manuel 2006, p. 48). It is considered to include the most difficult palos to interpret, due to the effort required to sing with the amount of voice control required for these powerful laments, as well as the emotional effort needed to express the seriousness of the content. The vocal style required is known as ‘afillá’, which describes a rough quality that can crack or split at will (Manuel 2006, p. 48). They include palos such as siguiriyas, carceleras, and tonás. Cante jondo evolved in private or semi-private settings, as opposed to in the commercial realm.
Cantes intermedios are less intense than jondo, although still difficult and profound. They are distinctive because of their strange dissonances and Eastern-sounding melodies. They evolved from fandangos, which pre-date flamenco as song styles. Many of the cante intermedio palos derived from songs of miners, farmers, and fisherman. They include palos such as tarantas, cartageneras, and mineras (Manuel 2006, p. 48).
Cantes chicos are technically and emotionally simpler than the former two categories. They are generally more obviously rhythmic than the other forms and are often more upbeat. Pohren describes chico palos as characterised by ‘the ability to restimulate one’s faith in mankind, life, and faith itself’ (Manuel 2006, p. 48). Essentially, these are the party palos and include song styles such as bulerías, tangos, and alegrías. Cantes chicos are more festive than the other two categories and evolved in public contexts such as ferias and commercial venues.
Most palos (across all three categories) and their accompaniments were solidified with the era of commercialisation by the end of the nineteenth century (Manuel 2006, p. 96) These categories are significant designations because cantes chicos are the palos most often displayed to tourists, because of their accessibility, whilst the other two categories tend to remain in the domain of aficionados.
2.2 Where Is Flamenco? Geography and Performance Situations
Flamenco’s geographical and performance locations are crucial considerations when investigating issues of globalisation and identity. The actual place of origin is unknown, and a source of great debate in the flamenco world, especially in recent years as it has been appropriated as a source of identity for use as a political tool. The general opinion is that flamenco emerged in Andalucía in a region known as triangúlo de oro (the Golden Triangle) which encompasses the area between Cadíz, Sevilla, and Ronda (including Jerez de la Frontera). Others place this triangle between Ronda, Córdoba, and Linares; and still others between Ronda, Granada, and Malaga. These are all areas which are associated with landing points for Gitanos , Sephardic Jews, and Moors during the Spanish inquisition (Thiel-Cramér 1991, p. 35).
Although many generalise flamenco as an Andalucían art complex (including UNESCO, as discussed later), there are several palos that claim Extremadura and Murcia as their source of origin.6 The latter even boasts one of the most prestigious flamenco cante and baile competitions—Concurso de las Minas. These concursos occur in cities in towns across the South of Spain with varying degrees of prestige. They are generally not tourist attractions and are attended primarily by aficionados. Concursos serve as a way would-be flamenco professional (both Spanish and foreign) can gain distinction, thus providing an easier pathway to paid performances.
With this in mind, it is reasonable to generalise that flamenco emerged from the palos of Southern Spain. However, it is also accurate to say that it did not remain there. Flamenco quickly moved into Spain’s metropolitan centres, namely Madrid, with the advent of commercialisation (as will be discussed later in this chapter). As early as 1840 there are records of commercial flamenco in Madrid, in what is referred to as part of the ‘Andalucización de Madrid’ movement (Blas Vega 2006, p. 93). Flamenco’s development in Madrid will be discussed in more detail in Chap. 4. These locations, as well as Barcelona, are the primary locations for flamenco performance in Spain, although nowadays there are many more locations that boast flamenco as a tourist attraction.
Performance Locations and Instances
Feria de Malaga: Dancing bulerías in the street
Different from these Andalucían town ferias are the flamenco-specific festivals. The first one of these was the famous Concurso de 1922 (also the first official concurso 7), organised by Manuel de Falla, Federico García Lorca, and Andrés Segovia, among others. The Concurso’s purpose was to showcase cante jondo and differentiate it from the less pure forms of flamenco, namely flamenquismo and ópera flamenco (Washabaugh 1996, p. 45). This significant event in flamenco history is described in more detail in Chap. 4. There are now big flamenco festivals across Southern Spain, as well as in Madrid and Barcelona. The most prominent of these are Festival de Jerez and the Bienales de Sevilla and Malaga. They tend to feature popular flamenco artists whose fame is on an international level, as the shows presented are also often taken to significant flamenco festivals abroad (such as in London, Nimes, and Moscow). Many of the larger festivals are primarily marketed to foreign audiences, which are reflected in the price. The implications of expensive travelling shows marketed to foreigners will be discussed later. Oftentimes, as in Jerez, there are festival fringe events in smaller local venues that showcase locally famous artists and up-and-comers.
The flamenco danced in the street at ferias is not limited to aficionados; many Andalucíans are familiar with the basic bulerías rhythm and style but do not claim flamenco as an identity. Juergas , or flamenco jam sessions, on the other hand, are a common space for flamenco experimentation and improvisation by aficionados. A juerga , similar to that described in the introduction, can be a planned event, where a group decides to get together and practice or a peña is held specifically for that purpose. It can also be a spontaneous occurrence, where a few people are sitting in a bar, one starts singing, another starts tapping compás on a table, and eventually someone gets a guitar. I have mainly experienced juerga s in small bars and peñas in Andalucía and Madrid, although a few flamenco groups put them on in the UK periodically. While juerga s are common amongst Andalucían aficionados, serious flamenco students, such as those in the Sevilla ex-pat scene, also schedule them for practice. The term ‘juerga ’, however, at times in Spain’s (and especially Madrid’s) history has also referred to notorious, debaucherous private parties hosted by wealthy señoritos which also included hired flamenco performers. These will be discussed in more detail in Chap. 4.
‘Peña ’ is a term already referred to multiple times in this book. To clarify, it is a simply a flamenco club for aficionados. In Andalucía, many of them take place in spaces that the club owns or rents. Peñas are usually run by committee and hold events on a semi-regular basis which can be attended by members and guests (who must usually pay a nominal fee to attend). The typical peña event that I experienced involved a performance by local artists followed by a juerga . Peñas in Andalucía often sponsor concursos , which are flamenco competitions usually specific to a particular element (baile , cante, or toque ) or palo (such as Concurso de Taranta in Linares.) The phrase ‘to have a peña’ (which I have only heard outside of Spain) refers to holding an event similar to those that peña clubs typically put on.
The final two performance locations, theatres and tablaos , veer towards the more commercial side of flamenco. Flamenco performances that occur in theatres generally take two formats: concerts by prominent cantaores/tocaores or more elaborate, more artistically daring events often conveying some sort of theme or message (such as political activism, saving the environment, or a homenaje to a specific artist). The latter type of show usually features a singer or dancer (or collaboration) and involves increasingly elaborate costumes and special effects (such as LED-infused tacones). These theatre shows are often created by artists for the purpose of presenting them in different flamenco festivals, both inside and outside of Spain.
Tablaos are flamenco-specific performance venues aimed at tourists. They feature spectacular, highly choreographed shows which heavily feature the dancer. Tablao shows generally include the more upbeat and flashier cantes chicos palos and play to audience stereotypes, especially with regards to mode of dress. The price tag for entrance is often upwards of €60, which may include a drink and tapas. These commercial performance locations differ from the previously mentioned flamenco occurrences because they lack jaleo , an omission which detracts from the aire of the experience. This is because foreign audiences, overall, are usually unfamiliar with the performance conventions of the art complex. They attend to experience the exotic novelty of flamenco. Tablaos came into prominence in the late 1950s and 1960s as part of Franco’s tourism campaign, which will be discussed in more detail in Chap. 4.
2.3 Who Does Flamenco?
There are several sweeping popular assumptions regarding who practises flamenco. The first of these is that flamenco is appreciated by all Spaniards and is an important source of national identity. The second is that flamenco is only a Gitano music culture. Neither of these statements is true. Most Spaniards do not consider flamenco a form of identity; this was a construct of the Franco regime in an effort to create a unified national culture. The assumption that flamenco is a Gitano construct casts a negative light on the art complex as Spain, as a whole, has never learnt to embrace the 650,000 Gitano s who live there (Tremlett 2012, p. 160). While many Gitano s do consider flamenco their music, not all of them practice flamenco (Tremlett 2012, p. 163). It is an art form which, from its origins, has developed in conjunction with Andalucían historical and cultural developments. However, even amongst the Spanish and Gitano populations in Andalucía, flamenco exists as a minority music culture, appreciated only by a small percentage of the population. I refer to these people as ‘aficionados’, which is a term in flamenco lingo for someone who is a fan of the art complex. I utilise the term ‘aficionado’ to refer to anyone who is a dedicated fan, practitioner, or performer.
As noted earlier, there is significant foreign interest in flamenco. While foreign aficionados do not come from a location associated with flamenco, they nonetheless embrace it and take it back to their home countries. It is imperative to note that no singular ethnic group claims flamenco holistically as part of its identity, even though both the Spanish national and Andalucían regional governments have attempted to encourage this. Instead, flamenco exists across ethnic lines, which sets the scene for designating it as a postnational art complex. I elaborate on flamenco and postnationalism in Chap. 6.
2.4 Flamenco and Globalisation
Many Andalucían and Gitano aficionados ascribe to the idea of flamenco as an art form which is purely a product of their cultures and, thus, must be protected from global contamination. They view it as an art complex which communicates ‘heritage’ and transmits the sentiment of suffering and common history which must be protected from foreign adulteration (Malefyt 1998, p. 67). Even some flamencologists, such as Cristina Cruces Roldán, argue for flamenco being an art complex which emerged as a response to nineteenth century socio-cultural stresses which involved Gitano s coming into contact with lower-class Andalucíans in an urban environment; that it is a ‘musical mixture that gradually became a cultural fixture’ (Washabaugh 2012, p. 28). Roldán suggests that flamenco’s hybridisation occurred during a fixed period of time, in the mid-1800s and after this was synonymous with Andalucían regional identity. Peter Manuel, in ‘Flamenco in Focus’, argues a similar line of thought—that flamenco is a crossroads, an ‘eclectic entity, syncretizing the legacy of the Arabs, Berbers, Jews, Christians, and pagans who cohabitated for several centuries’ (Manuel 2006, p. 92). This represents a line of rhetoric favouring flamenco cultural essentialism which demonises further global influences.
While it seems evident that the majority of the population considers [flamenco] to be a consistent element of the Andalucían cultural system, this does not necessarily mean that they identify with it or consider it as a “marker” of their identity. (Steingress and Baltanás 2002, p. 57)
Having read several accounts by flamenco historical theorists, the main point to become clear is that no one really knows exactly how, when, and where flamenco materialised. It is an art form which has been orally transmitted until very recently. Its musical etymology is not a neat and tidy affair, but one that is a compilation of cultural interactions. Furthermore, since its pre-commercial origins existed amongst largely illiterate Andalucían lower classes and Gitano s, written accounts prior to 1900 are limited to when flamenco encountered other cultures (including upper-class Andalucíans and foreigners). Based on these accounts and various flamencology theories, my perception of flamenco’s evolution is that it is an art form influenced by the foreign cultures which have musically contributed to it, the regional and national socio-political forces which have affected its practitioners, and the influence of commercialisation.
When examining the history of various palos that flamenco’s origins reach further afield than Andalucía. For example, styles such as rumba, colombianas, and guajira were influenced by Latin American and African music styles coming into contact with Andalucía because of colonialism and the slave trade. The palo, farruca, originates with Galician miners’ songs, brought by Northern Spanish sailors who sailed on colonial voyages from Cádiz. Furthermore, most flamenco palos are based on a modal harmony reliant on the Andalucían Phrygian mode, which takes its pitch resources from the Arabic Bayati and Hijaz maqams—a nod to Moorish influences (Manuel 2006, p. 96).
The pre-history of flamenco is a history of the peoples who have passed through Andalucía over the last millennia and, by proxy, created a musical footprint. Between the twelfth century B.C. and fifteenth century A.D., Andalucía became a melting pot for various nationalities to merge and interact. The first Sephardi Jewish settlements supposedly date to about 1000 B.C., although their age of greatest influence occurred between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries, when they were permitted to hold office and even intermarried with Christian families (Thiel-Cramér 1991, p. 19). The Moors ruled Spain from 711 A.D. to 1492. Under their rule there was a fair amount of tolerance for the other ethnicities who resided there, including Christians, Jews, and Gitano s.
The Gitano arrival in Spain, however, is considered the most important influence on flamenco development. It is rumoured that the Gitano s arrived in Spain towards the end of Moorish rule and then were relegated to rural enclaves with other non-Christians upon the onset of the Spanish Inquisition. The earliest references to flamenco began from the late 1700s in the form of literary allusions in Sevilla and Cádiz (Manuel 2006, p. 96).
While a full debate on the many theories of flamenco ownership is outside the scope of my research, I feel a brief overview of flamenco’s evolution overview enables a greater understanding of the individuals and situations portrayed in my case studies and analysis. For the purposes of this book, the most important aspect shaping the current flamenco climate has been the Franco regime and, in particular, his tourism policies.
2.5 The Recording Industry
A significant development in flamenco’s history, especially as it relates to transmission abroad is the advent of the recording industry. Flamenco recordings started to appear around the late nineteenth century—in the form of wax cylinders. This is remarkably early on in the history of commercially recorded music, as the first jazz record was not released until 1917 (Washabaugh 1996, p. 62). In 1901–1902, the first flamenco discs were released of prominent cantaores of the time El Canario Chico, El Mochuelo, La Rubia Nino del Cabra, Nino de la Hera, and Sabastian Scotta. The US company International Zonophone Company, seeing the commercial potential, dominated the flamenco recording industry from 1903 to 1912, succeeded by the French company, Du Gramophone La Voz de su Amo (Washabaugh 1996, p. 62). This indicates an early foreign interest in the art complex as leisure listening, something that was known overseas even at the turn of the twentieth century. The recordings were marketed as a cosmopolitan song style to both tourists and middle-class Spaniards, which helped promote the flamenco as an art music, as opposed to a folk music (Washabaugh 1996, p. 63). The recording process, as with other music style, transitioned flamenco from loosely improvised to a genre with canons dictating how it should be performed. Records also changed how flamenco was learned, making it possible for an aspiring performer to gain information from the recordings, as opposed to oral transmission. This extended its geographical reach. Furthermore, the advent of microphones and amplifiers in the recording process altered the roles of the singer and guitar in particular. The earlier days of the tocaor featured the instrument as a ‘quiet and introspective instrument, generally incapable of projecting anything but vague percussive sounds over long distances’ (Washabaugh 1996, p. 63). The cantaor, aesthetically, had a forceful, powerful voice, meant to project over the instrument and across large space. Amplification allowed the guitarist and singer both to employ more subtly in their performance. As these came across in recordings, public preference began to lean towards dynamic contrasts and intricacy. Recordings also put a time limit on song lengths, which had previously been long, and sometimes unstructured with lengthy improvisation sections. These alterations set expectations, in particular, for foreign consumers who may not have ever encountered flamenco inside of Spain.
2.6 Tourism
To understand the impact of globalisation on flamenco, it is crucial to contextualise its presence as an element of touristic interest since this has significant bearing on both its transmission abroad and as an identity signifier at home. While it has existed and been influenced by commercialism practically since it has been recognised as a genre, flamenco’s status as a specific tourist attraction has only gained prominence since the middle of the twentieth century. This is, in part, because affordable, mass tourism really did not begin in earnest until 1938, when the UK established widespread paid vacation laws and air travel became more affordable (Pack 2006, p. 6).
In post-1945 Europe many politicians, intellectuals, and industries viewed mass tourism as a potential instrument of peace and an instigator of Federalism. This was based on the German concept of Tormuswissenschaft, which was the belief that tourism could broaden trade scope and improve international income distribution, also possibly contributing to intercultural understanding and removing age-old prejudices (Pack 2006, p. 5).
Daniel Boorstin, possibly the first social critic to recognise contemporary culture’s usage of simulations and contrivances to transcend mundane everyday life, argued that the purpose of tourism was to ‘satisfy a widespread craving for “pseudo-events”’, which were often merely a popularised illusion of culture. Sociologist Joffre Dumadezier described this European trend towards leisure as a remedy for the numb routines of modern urban life and labour (Pack 2006, p. 7).
Since the eighteenth century, Spain’s modernisation programmes have been closely tied to the concept of expanding ‘social, cultural, and economic contact with Europe via travel’ (Pack 2006, p. 10). This culminated with the creation of, most likely, the world’s first state tourism commission, undertaken by King Alfonso XIII in 1905, which continued through Spain’s Second Republic (1931–1936.) During the Spanish Civil War, Franco’s Nationalist forces began to use tourism for propaganda purposes, offering battlefield tours in an attempt to influence public opinion. Post-1945, Franco became uneasy with the continued encouragement of foreign tourism because they could no longer restrict freedom of movement without allying themselves with Soviet policies (Pack 2006, p. 11). However, by the late 1940s, foreign and commercial policy figures began to envision tourists witnessing progress, order, and tranquillity of Franco’s Spain. This also enabled them to extract wealth from European countries which were, at that time, benefitting from the Marshall Plan.
The years 1957–1969 marked a political era known as desarrollista (Eng: development-guided) in the Franco regime. During this time, the administration enacted policies which essentially created heritage tourism, focusing on print media, speeches, films, and tourism promotion (Afinoguénova 2010, p. 417). By the 1960s, Spain’s coastal regions were Europe’s most popular holiday destinations, surpassing all other countries in tourism per capita except the US and Italy by 1968. One social critic described Franco-era tourism as a propagandist function since ‘the substantial presence of foreign tourists would demonstrate the acceptance of the regime abroad and reinforce the legitimacy of the Spanish economic model’ (Pack 2006, p. 2). This shift came about in part because of a re-focused advertising strategy. This approach, which began to be adopted in the 1950s, was meant to highlight Spain’s difference from the rest of Europe, but at the same time its familiarity.
Following this line of reasoning, eighteen regional themes were selected, most significantly for this paper, Andalucía and Sevilla. This ultimately resulted in a DGT newsprint campaign with the slogan ‘Spain is Different’ (‘España es Diferente’), erupting in the 1960s. The promotion emphasised specific local cultures that, to the Franco regime, defined national culture and placed it outside the European norm—such as religious festivals, bullfighting, and flamenco (Afinoguénova and Martí-Olivella 2008, p. 6). These advertisements, 72% of which were in English, highlighted for UK tourists images of ‘beaches and bullfights, crumbling red castles, flamenco singers, and the ting-tong-tang of the guitar’ for less than £1 a day (Pack 2006, p. 71).Spain has no alternative but difference. [T]he tourist wants amenities and ease of travel, comfort in hotels, good food at the restaurant, better wine, and Españoladas: bulls, dance, flamenco, singing, Gypsies … Sevilla, Córdoba, Granada … we must resign ourselves, where tourism is concerned, to being a country of panderata,9 or we will have lost 90% of our attractiveness for tourism. (as quoted in Pack 2006, p. 69)10
These tourist campaigns were often distributed alongside tapes of Fiesta Flamenca (such as sevillañas and rumbas). They targeted audiences around Europe, but specifically the UK, France, Germany, and the US (because of their post-war presence on the continent). By the end of the 1960s, foreign tourism covered two-thirds of Spain’s trade deficit and was its largest industry (Pack 2006, p. 2). Due to the poor socio-economic state of the country, localities were doing all they could to attract foreign interest. Across Spain, ‘places with no tradition of flamenco or bull-fighting hurried to build bullrings or Gitano caves to lure the American or European tourists for whom “Spain” was Andalucía’ (Álvarez Junco 2000, p. 9). This is also demonstrated in popular culture of the time, for example the 1954 film, Bienvenidos Mr. Marshall, which farcically displays a Northern Spanish village donning flamenco gear and playing up Andalucían stereotypes when they hear that US Secretary of State Marshall might visit their village.
In this way, flamenco became part of a national tourism campaign with tablaos being opened not just in flamenco’s native home in Southern Spain, or in Madrid (where there had been flamenco performance venues since the nineteenth century), but across the entire country, especially to the coastal regions that were developing reputations as coastal tourist destinations. In the process of developing this tourist campaign, a national identity and perception was also created—specifically to those outside looking in. Interestingly, through this process, Franco was also accomplishing his goal of formulating a cohesive national identity. This concept of national identity in Spain becomes important when assessing how foreigners fit into the broader scheme of Andalucían flamenco culture, as well as how flamenco is understood abroad. The following chapters will explore further this transnational movement of flamenco and how the experiences of foreign cosmopolitan hubs in Sevilla and Madrid dictate the scenes that are created in their home countries.