Tomb of Theodoric, Ravenna. Photograph courtesy of John W. Barker.
Taddeo Alderotti (c. 1206 or 1215-1295), a Florentine, was a physician, teacher, writer, and medical entrepreneur. He had one of the most spectacularly successful medical careers of the medieval period in Italy. His teaching—at Bologna during the height of its fame for its medical studies—was legendary, as were his learning and his great wealth. His medical writings are justly renowned, as are his opinions on philosophy and alchemy, on which he wrote a poem. He even merited mention by Dante, in the Commedia (Paradiso, 12.82-84).
Taddeo's life is known partly through municipal records of his property holdings, business transactions, loans, and investments; he also gave clues in his own works. However, the best source of his life is contained in the Liber de civitatis Florentine famosis civibus of Filippo Villani, written in the later fourteenth century, which, as Siraisi (1981) has shown, is substantiated by other sources.
Taddeo's is a classic rags-to-riches story. He appears to have been born into a Florentine family of modest means, about which little is known. He had two brothers, perhaps a sister, and, by his own testimony, an uncle who was a surgeon. In 1274, he married Adela de' Regaletti, who was from a prominent Florentine family. Taddeo and Adela had a daughter, Mina, but no son; and toward the end of his life, Taddeo petitioned the pope to legitimate his natural son, Taddeolo, so that there would be an heir for his substantial estate, worth 3,000 gold florins and 10,000 Bolognese lire.
Taddeo probably acquired his medical and philosophical education either at Florence or, more likely, at Bologna. About 1265, he began teaching medicine and logic at Bologna. This was the only place where Taddeo taught, but his students went on to teach at other Italian medical schools, and at Paris, Montpellier, and elsewhere. They include some of the most illustrious figures of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries: Bartolomeo da Varignana, Mondino de' Luizzi, Dino del Garbo, Turisanus, and many others. Taddeo's patrons included members of noble and royal households, a doge of Venice, King Enzo (the natural son of Frederick II), and perhaps Pope Honorius IV. Taddeo wrote a medical consilium for the famous surgeon and bishop Theodric of Lucca. Taddeo's writings also include commentaries on the works of Hippocrates, Galen, and Avicenna, and probably an Italian translation (from Latin) of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics.
See also Medicine; Universities
FAYE MARIE GETZ
Siraisi, Nancy. Tadded Alderotti and His Pupils: Two Generations of Italian Medical Learning. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981.
Taddeo di Bartolo (c. 1362 or 1363-after 28 August 1422) was the most important and innovative Sienese painter active between 1390 and 1420. He also served several times as a political official. His style, like that of other Sienese painters of the second half of the fourteenth century, was based on the tradition established by Duccio, Simone Martini, and the Lorenzetti brothers in the first half of the century. But Taddeo's particular synthesis of sumptuous Sienese decorative effects with bulky, well-modeled figures and effects of space and setting also suggests a move toward the illusionism characteristic of later developments.
Unlike most Sienese painters of the period, Taddeo had a reputation well beyond Siena; he worked for patrons from Genoa, Pisa, Montepulciano, San Gimignano, Perugia, and perhaps also Padua. At the height of his popularity he was the master of a large workshop. However, as is typical of this period, many documented works do not survive, and how many undocumented works are lost is purely a matter of conjecture. Among Taddeo's most impressive surviving works is a large, well-preserved Gothic polyptych of the Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin in the cathedral of Montepulciano. It is signed and dated 1401; in addition, and unexpectedly, the artist has included Saint Thaddeus, his patron saint, who looks out at the observer in what must be one of the earliest self-portraits.
Taddeo's frescoes in the chapel in the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena were executed in stages between 1406 and 1414. In the Last Days of the Virgin, Taddeo adds a convincing—and, again, unexpected—effect to the scene in which the apostles are summoned back from their proselytizing to bid farewelf to the Virgin before her dormition (i.e., her passing from earthly life). Here he shows foreshortened figures flying through the air, making the miraculous quality of the story more evident. The civic subjects include political virtues and Roman gods and heroes, themes planned by two Sienese intellectuals that provide yet another example of the interest in antique subjects during the Middle Ages.
See also Duccio di Buoninsegna; Lorenzetti, Pietro and Ambrogio; Martini, Simone; Siena
DAVID G. WILKINS
Solberg, Gail h. laddeo di Bartolo: A Polyptych to Reconstruct. Memphis, Tenn.: Memphis Brooks Museum of Art, 1994.
—. "Taddeo di Bartolo." In Dictionary of Art. New York: Grove's Dictionaries, 1996.
Symeonides, Sibilia. Taddeo di Bartolo. Siena: Accadeinia Senese degli Intronati, 1965.
In the battle of Taghacozzo (22 August 1268), between Conrad of Hohenstaufen (Conradin) and Charles of Anjou, Charles was the victor. This victory ensured that he would retain the kingdom of Naples and Sicily, which had been won two years previously at the battle of Benevento.
Conradin, the last male iiohenstaufen, had challenged the Angevin claim as the legitimate descendant in the direct line, through his grandfather, Frederick II, of the Norman kings. As Conradin was only sixteen years old, the effective command of his troops was undertaken by Prince Henry, who was the younger brother of the king of Castile and was senator of Rome. The battle took place at Scurcola on the Salto River, about 5 miles (8 kilometers) east of Tagliacozzo, where Henry had gone to avoid being trapped in the narrow defile of Tagliacozzo itself. Conradin probably had the numerical advantage—perhaps 6,000 soldiers to Charles's 5,000. The Angevin troops, however, were veterans and famously loyal to Charles, whereas the Hohenstaufen troops—who included German and Spanish mercenaries, Italian Ghibellines, and refugees from the Regno—were less disciplined and on the whole less interested in the outcome. After a bad start, Charles managed to divide the Hohenstaufen troops and drive them into flight. Henry was captured after the 3attle; he was to spend the next twenty-three years in prison. Shortly afterward, Conradin too was captured and executed.
Following the battle, Charles, abandoning a policy of clemency adopted after his previous victory at Benevento, viciously repressed many areas, particularly in Sicily, Apulia, and Basilicata, which had risen in sympathy with Conradin. Charles thereby incurred much hatred, which would lead to trouble later.
See also Charles I of Anjou; Conradin; Frederick II Hohenstaufen; Hohenstaufen Dynasty
CAROLA M. SMALL
Herde, Peter. "Die Schlachte bei Tagliacozzo." Zeitschrifi fur Bayerische Landesgeschichte, 25, 1962, pp. 679ff.
The Tuscan architect and sculptor Francesco Talenti (c. 1300-after 1369) is best remembered for his contribution to the building of the cathedral of Florence between 1351 and 1369. His son Simone Talenti (c. 1330-after 1383) followed in his footsteps and worked on the cathedral, as well as Or San Michele and the Loggia dei Priori. Francesco may have been the brother of Fra Jacopo Talenti (c. 1300-1362), who undertook building work at Santa Maria Novella.
In the 1350s, Francesco Talenti worked on the campanile begun by Giotto and taken over by Andrea Pisano, designing the two middle stories and the upper section of the tower shaft. During this decade he also worked on the two doorways—Porta dei Cornacchini and Porta del Campanile—in the north and south facades of the cathedral. Opinion differs as to the exact nature of Talenti's role in the final designs for the cathedral; not everyone would agree that he was responsible for the project to include a dome, first mentioned in 1357. As well as producing a model of the choir chapels (1355), Francesco Talenti made a model of the nave piers (1358); carved the capital for the first pier in the nave, assisted by his son (1358); and submitted a design of the choir in collaboration with Lapo Ghini (1366-1367).
See also Florence; Giotto di Bondone; Pisano, Andrea
FLAVIO BOGGI
Rocchi, Giuseppe, et al. Santa Maria del Fiore. Milan: Hoepli, 1988, pp. 44-50, 63-72.
Trachtenberg, M. The Campanile of Florence Cathedral: "Giotto's Tower. "New York: New York University Press, 1971, pp. 87, 109-150.
Tancred of Hauteville (d. 1041) was a petty Norman noble who held a small fief about 8 miles (12 or 13 kilometers) northeast of Coutances. For Duke Robert of Normandy, he commanded ten men-at-arms from his castle at Hauteville-la-Guichard. Tancred and his first wife, Muriella, had five sons: William, Drogo, Humphrey, Geoffrey, and Serlo. When Muriella died, Tancred married Fressenda, with whom he fathered Robert Guiscard, Mauger, William, Aubrey, Tancred, Humbert, and Roger.
Clearly, Tancred's resources were far too meager to provide much of an inheritance for such numerous progeny. Hence, William (Iron Arm), Drogo, and Humphrey set off for southern Italy c. 1035 to seek their fortune with Rainulf, who had already begun his career from the county of Aversa as his territorial base. The three brothers along with Rainulf contributed to the Lombards' victories over the Byzantines at Montemaggiore on 4 May 1041 and at Montepeloso in September 1041. Thereafter, the Normans assumed more and more control of the Lombard insurrection. After William died in 1046, the leadership of the Normans in Apulia fell to his brother Drogo, who received in 1047 full imperial investiture as duke of Apulia from Henry III (r. 1039—1056). Drogo was killed along with sixty of his followers in 1051. Norman leadership now fell to Humphrey. Along with other bands of Normans, he defeated Pope Leo IX (r. 1049-1054) and Leo's Byzantine allies at Civitate in 1053.
In 1057, Humphrey died, and Norman leadership then fell to Robert Guiscard, the first son of Tancred and Fressenda, Robert continued the conquest of Calabria, which he had begun a few years earlier on his arrival in southern Italy. He moved as far south as Reggio, which he, along with his brother Roger, besieged in 1058. These two brothers quarreled, and Roger accepted the hospitality of his brother William of Hauteville, count of the Principate, who, in the four years since his arrival in southern Italy, had conquered all the land south of Salerno. Robert, who was left to face another revolt of the Calabrians, was quick to patch up his differences with his brother Roger, and eventually the two of them would complete the conquest of Sicily and southern Italy. At the synod of Melfi in 1059, Robert Guiscard acquired the title of duke of Apulia and now had only to complete its conquest. In October 1060, Robert and his brother Mauger, count of the Capitanata, confronted the invading forces of the Byzantine emperor Constantine X Ducas (r. 1059-1067) and secured the conquest of Taranto, Brindisi, and Reggio. In 1060, Robert landed with his brother Roger in Sicily to initiate the conquest of that island. Called back to the mainland to suppress Apulian rebels, Robert completed his domination of southern Italy with the conquest of the last remaining Byzantine stronghold, the port city of Bari, in 1071. Returning to Sicily, he again assisted his brother in its conquest. In 1072, Palermo fell. Robert was then called back to southern Italy to suppress a rebellion of Norman nobles and to face the hostility of Richard of Capua and Pope Gregory VII, who excommunicated him. Robert triumphed on the battlefield, and Gregory's need for protection against Emperor Henry IV provoked Robert Guiscard to inflict his infamous devastation on the city of Rome in 1084, with the consequent flight of Gregory to Salerno. Robert died in July 1075 at age seventy.
In the meantime, Roger's campaigns in Sicily met such success that finally, by the year 1091, all the Saracens in Sicily as well as those in Malta were defeated. When Count Roger I of Sicily died in 1101, he left a well-organized and well-administered feudal state.
See also Byzantine Empire; Leo IX, Pope; Normans; Rainulf, Count of Aversa; Robert Guiscard; Roger I
ANTHONY P. VIA
Norwich, John Julius. The Other Conquest. New York: Harper and Row, 1967.
Tancred of Lecce (c. 1137-20 February 1194) was an illegitimate son of Roger, duke of Apulia, the eldest son of Roger II. Tancred was twice involved in baronial rebellions against William I, was exiled in 1161, and spent at least the last part of his enforced absence in eastern Roman (Byzantine) territory. He was recalled in 1167 or 1168, during the regency of Margaret of Navarre, and in 1169 was made count of Lecce, a small fief an the Salentine peninsula, formerly the possession of what appears to have been his mother's family. He is sometimes thought to have led the Sicilian expeditionary force in Egypt in 1174. By 1176, he was grand constable and master justiciar for Apulia and Terra di Lavoro, a post he continued to hold at least until 1187- He commanded the fleet in William II's failed attempt to take Constantinople in 1185- In the succession crisis of late 1189, he was the candidate of a faction in the central government led by the vice-chancellor, Matthew of Salerno. In December 1189, Tancred was elected king by an assembly of curial magnates who were opposed to the prospect of rule by William's announced heir Constance, or by her German husband, the future western emperor Henry VI. After obtaining the support;)f the papacy, Tancred was crowned on 18 January 1190.
Tancred was an effective ruler in an insecure position. He put down an Arab-Islamic revolt at the outset of his reign; gained internal support by means of appointments and concessions; suppressed a rival candidate, Roger of Andria, for the throne; and through a combination of diplomacy, military success, and shows of force managed to fend off Henry's major invasion of 1191 and other attempts from 1190 onward to bring the kingdom within the empire. Prominent in this effort were Tancred's brother-in-law and military commander on the mainland, Richard of Acerra; and his admiral of the fleet, Margaritus of Brindisi, a holdover from the previous reign. Like Tancred, Richard had learned firsthand during William II's disastrous invasion of Greece that a new but energetic regime fighting on its own soil could defeat a large enemy army seeking to overthrow it. Margaritus was instrumental in carrying out their strategy, particularly in the defense of Naples in 1191. At Naples, by keeping open its maritime supply lines and winning a naval victory over Henry's Pisan allies, Margaritus forced Henry to abandon his lengthy siege of this crucial strongpoint, and with it his very expensive campaign of that year.
Tancred was over fifty—and thus elderly by contemporary standards—when he came to power. He provided for the succession in 1192 by having his son Roger also crowned king, as Roger III. In the same year he negotiated an alliance with Isaac II Angelus, the Roman emperor of the east, an accord sealed by a marriage between Isaac's daughter Irene and the young Roger III. Tancred also allied himself with Richard I of England and with the papacy. But in 1193, once Richard had become the prisoner of Henry VI, this was a coalition of the weak and the disabled. Roger Ill's untimely death on 24 December left only his brother William, still a child, in line to succeed. When Tancred himself died less than two months later, the way was open for Henry's successful invasion of 1194 (funded from the proceeds of Richard's enormous ransom).
Roger and Tancred were both buried in Palermo's then new cathedral. There, on Henry's orders, their bodies were later stripped of crowns and other regalia (when the bodies were examined during a reconstruction in 1767, the remains, since lost, were said to have been headless). As Tancred's official acts were declared invalid by the new regime, the surviving documentation for his reign is scant. Peter of Eboli's illustrated Liber ad honorem Augusti lampoons Tancred memorably from a pro-Staufen perspective. Tancred's predecessors on the throne are known for their artistically important buildings in or near the capital; Tancred's own monument, more modest but still impressive, is the convent church of saints Nicholas and Cataldus at Lecce, completed in 1180. This edifice retains much of its original form, and it preserves, especially in its two ornamental portals with their dedicatory inscriptions in Leonine Latin verse, the memory of its donor when he was count and not yet king.
See also Normans; Peter of Eboli; Roger II; William I; William II
JOHN B. DILLON
Zielinski, Herbert, ed. Tancredi et Willelmi III. regum diplomata. Codex Diplomaticus Regni Siciliae, Series 1(5). Cologne: Bohlau, 1982.
Clementi, Dione. "The Circumstances of Count Tancred's Accession to the Kingdom of Sicily, the Duchy of Apulia, and the Principality of Capua." In Mélanges Antonio Marongiù. Brussels: Éditions de la Librairie Encyclopédique, 1968, pp. 57-80.
Cuozzo, Errico. "Corona, contee, e nobiltà feudale nel regno di Sicilia: AH'indomani dell'elezione di re Tancredi d'Altavilla." In Medioevo Mezzogiorno Mediterraneo: Studi in onore di Mario Del Treppo, ed. Gabriella Rossetti and Giovanni Vitolo, Vol. 1. Europa Mediterranea. Quaderni, 12. Naples: Liguori, 2000, pp. 249-265.
Gentile Messina, Renata. "In margine ad un accordo matrimoniale tra Bizantini e Normanni in Sicilia." In Alpheios: Rapporti storici e letterari fra Sicilia e Grecia (IX—XIX sec.), ed. Giuseppe Spadaro. L'Armilla, 4. Caltanissetta: Lussografia, 1998, pp. 103-118.
Jamison, Evelyn. Admiral Eugenius of Sicily: His Life and Work and the Authorship of the "Epistola ad Petrurn" and the "Historia Hugonis Falcandi Siculi." London: Oxford University Press for the British Academy, 1957. (See especially pp. 80-102.)
Matthew, Donald. The Norman Kingdom of Sicily. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992, pp. 287-295.
Pellegrino, Bruno, and Benedetto Vetere, eds. II tempio di Tancredi: II monastero dei Santi Niccolò e Cataldo in Lecce. Milan: Silvana, 1996.
Riesinger, Christoph. Tankred von Lecce: Normannischer Konig von Sizilien. Kölner Historische Abhandlungen, 38. Cologne: Böhlau, 1992.
Tancredi (d. 1236) studied canon law in Bologna with Laurentius Hispanus and Johannes Galensis. He also studied civil law with Azo. He commented on the Breviarium decretalium of Bernardo da Pavia; on a collection of Innocent Ill's decretals by Pietro da Benevento (1210); and on a collection by Johannes Galensis filling the gap between those two (1210—1215). Tancredi wrote a widely known guide to legal procedure (c. 1218), basing his work on earlier texts. This text remained popular until the Speculum judiciale of Guillelmus Durantis the Elder appeared in 1271. Tancredi became a canon of Bologna and served as the city's archdeacon until his death.
See also Law: Canon
THOMAS IZBICKI
Brundage, James. Medieval Canon Law. London: Longman, 1995.
Clarence Smith, J. A. Medieval Law Teachers and Writers Civilian and Canonist. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1975.
Friedberg, Emil, ed. Quinque compilationes antiquae. Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1882.
The Tavola ritonda (Round Table), one of the earliest examples of vernacular prose narrative, composed c. 1320-1340, survives in eight manuscripts, indicating a healthy circulation for such a text. The anonymous author freely drew on several French sources—the prose Tristan, Thomas's Tristan, the Roman de Lancelot, Meliadus by Rusticiano da Pisa, and the Tristano Riccardiano. The originality in selection and the arrangement of material combined with several invented episodes make the Tavola ritonda the most elaborate and innovative of the Italian Arthurian romances. Although criticism on this text is not extensive, the varied, even conflicting, interpretations of crucial themes, episodes, and characterizations testify to its complexity.
The Tuscan author reworked his source material—often filled with fabulous adventures—to appeal to the tastes of his pragmatic merchant-class readers. By rearranging and interspersing parallel scenes, he idealizes Tristan as both a better knight and a better lover than Lancelot. The adulterous aspects of Tristan and Isolde's passion are minimized to show their love as more pure and "loyal" than that of Lancelot and Guinivere, indeed as almost divine. This favorable portrayal of adulterous lovers may be a direct response to Dante's condemnation of carnal lust in Inferno 5.
Although Arthurian romances typically have love as "heir theme, in this redaction feats of arms are given equal importance. Yet this is a new brand of chivalry that domesticates the errant knight by channeling his energies into the defense of urban securitas, an ethos more in line with the civic ideals of communal Italy. There is less gratuitous jousting and more purposeful combat than in earlier versions. In addition, diplomacy can be as efficacious as physical prowess (a portrayal that echoes contemporary Florentine military history). Certain critics have pointed to a "social theme," also consonant with communal ethics: an individual's actions can have an impact, for good or ill, on his entire society.
See also Arthurian Material in Italy; Lancelot; Tristan
GLORIA ALLAIRE
La tavola ritonda, o L'istoria di Tristano, 2 vols., ed. Filippo-Luigi Polidori. Collezione di Opere Inedite o Rare dei Primi Tre Secoli della Lingua, 8-9. Bologna: Romagnoli, 1864-1866. (Completed by Luciano Banchi.)
Tristan and the Round Table: A Translation of La tavola Ritonda, trans. Anne Shaver. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 28. Bingham ton, N.Y.: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1983.
II Tristano panciatichiano, ed. and trans. Gloria Allaire. Arthurian Archives: Italian Literature, 1. Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2002.
Cardini, Franco. "Concetto di cavalleria e mentalità cavalleresca nei romanzi e nei cantari fiorentini." In I ceti dirigenti nella Toscana tardo comunale: Atti del III Convegno, Firenze, 5-7 dicembre 1980. Florence: Papafava, 1983, pp. 157-192.
Delcorno Branca, Daniela. I romanzi italiani di Tristano e la Tavola ritonda. Pubblicazioni della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, Università di Padova, 45. Florence: Olschki, 1968.
Hoffman, Donald L. "Radix Amoris: The Tavola ritonda and Its Response to Dante's Paolo and Francesca." In Tristan and Isolde: A Casebook, ed. Joan Tasker Grimbert. Arthurian Characters and Themes, 2. New York: Garland, 1995, pp. 207-222.
Kleinhenz, Christopher. "Tristan in Italy: The Death or Rebirth of a Legend." Studies in Medieval Culture, 5, 1975, pp. 145-158.
Tasker Grimbert, Joan. "Translating Tristan-Love from the Prose Tristan to the Tavola ritonda." Romance Languages Annual, 6, 1994, pp. 92-97.
See Revenues
The Florentine poet Pieraccio Teldadi (first half of the fourteenth century) wrote in both the amorous-courtly and the comic styles. He wrote forty sonnets and one tenzone, all transmitted by a single manuscript, Vaticano Latino 3213.
Although ledaldi wrote six sonnets following the aulic (courtly) tradition, he is best-known as a comic poet. The comic themes he used most often were condemnations of marriage, wry comments on the overinflated value of money in contemporary society, and lamentations against poverty. He also wrote a series of political sonnets as an impassioned Guelf, two of which are directed against Mastino II della Scala. Moral sonnets that he wrote in his old age include diatribes against gambling; warnings to lawyers, judges, and notaries against corruption; and accusations that society is pursuing sensual pleasures rather than serving God. In religious sonnets from the same period, Tedaldi confesses his own sins and prays for forgiveness. There are also sonnets concerning his blindness, which he considered a divine punishment for past sins. The tenzone, addressed to his son, Bindo, accuses Bindo of never taking the time to write his father a letter. Among Tedaldi's well-known poems, Qualunque voi super far un sonetto describes how to write a good sonnet, and Sonetto pien di doglia, iscapigliato is a planctus (lament) for the death of Dante, whom Tedaldi calls "our sweet master."
See also Italian Poetry: Comic; Tenzone
JOAN H. LEVIN
Marti, Mario. Poeti giocosi del tempo di Dante. Milan: Rizzoli, 1956, pp. 715-758.
Massera, Aldo Francesco. Sonetti burlescbi e realistici dei primi due secoli. Bari: Laterza, 1920. (See also rev. ed., ed. Luigi Russo, 1940, Vol. 2, pp. 35-58.)
Sapegno, Natalino. Poeti minori del Trecento. Milan and Naples: Ricciardi, 1952, pp. 317-329.
Vitale, Maurizio. Rimatori comico-realtstici. Turin: UTET, 1956, pp. 691-749. (Reprint, 1976.)
Messina, Michele. "Tedaldi, Pieraccio." In Enciclopedia dantesca, vol, 5, Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1970-1978 pp. 535-536.
Petrocchi, Giorgio. "I poeti realisti." In Le origini e il Duecento, ed. Emilio Cecclii and Natalino Sapegno. Storia della Letteratura Italiana, 1. Milan: Garzanti, 1965; rpt. 1979, 575-607.
The battle of Teginae (Busta Gallorum, 552), the last battle of King Totila, doomed the Ostrogoths' resistance to the eastern Roman armies under Narses, Before the arrival of Narses in Italy (551), neither the Goths nor the eastern Romans had been able to field an army large enough to gain a decisive advantage. Totila knew that the longer he waited, the stronger Narses would become, and so he hastened to attack immediately. The battle pitted a Roman force drawn up in mixed array against Gothic cavalry backed by Gothic infantry. Totila, seeing that his force was greatly outnumbered, delayed, while an additional 2,000 men assembled from nearby camps. He guided his horse to the middle ground between the warring armies and wheeled his mount in a circle—first in one direction, then in the other, tossing his javelin high in the air and catching it. Surely this dance evoked something noble and warlike from Gothic tradition. The Gothic cavalry struck the first blow but was soon pushed back into the protection of the Gothic infantry. There, among the rank and file, without his golden armor, Totila died along with some 6,000 others.
The survivors fled and rallied under their last king, Teias; but at Mons Lactarius near Naples later in 552, Teias fell. In August 554, Justinian issued his pragmatic sanction for the governing of reconquered Italy.
See also Gothic Wars; Justinian I; Narses; Ostrogoths; Pragmatic Sanction; Totila
THOMAS S. BURNS
See Military Orders in Italy
Like other early vernacular lyric forms brought to Sicily and to northern Italy by thirteenth-century troubadours, the tenzone probably developed from the Occitan tenso, or poetic debate. The related contrasto evolved from a medieval Latin analogue that contained a philosophical disputation within a single composition by one author, alternating voices stylistically or structurally between strophes; but the typical tenzone consists of at least two separate microtexts (normally sonnets; rarely canzoni) written by individual poets who are sometimes joined by additional voices. Topics include love, poetics, and politics.
Virtually every poet participated in the huge production of tenzoni in the second half of the thirteenth century: Monte Andrea da Firenze initiated a long political debate with various poets; Bonagiunta da Lucca and Guido Guinizzelli participated in a famous debate; Dante Alighieri exchanged poems with Dante da Maiano and with Cino da Pistoia. Several extant tenzoni included anonymous women "respondents." A particularly biting six-sonnet tenzone between the young Dante and his future wife's relative Forese Donati (d. 1296) has been a source of unending controversy: despite codicological, lexical, and textual evidence, many scholars cannot accept the possibility that the great poet could have entered into a scurrilous debate.
Since the tenzone was a small but ordered grouping of textually related poetic compositions, it may be considered a forerunner of the poetry book. The tenzone was recognized as an independent genre by contemporary copyists, who often labeled it as such and even numbered the related texts in their manuscripts.
See also Italian Poetry: Lyric; Italian Prosody; Sonnet
GLORIA ALLAIRF.
Alfie, Fabian. "For Want of a Nail: The Guerri-Lanza-Cursietti Argument Regarding the Tenzone." Dante Studies, 116, 1998, pp. 141-159.
Aliberti, Domenico B. "La concezione dell'amore nella tenzone poetica tra Chiaro Davanzati e Pacino di Ser Filippo Angiulieri." Italica, 67, 1990, pp. 319-334.
Barbi, Michele. "La tenzone di Dante con Forese." Studi Danteschi, 9, 1924, pp. 5-149.
Bartlett, Elizabeth, and Antonio Illiano. "Dante's 'Tenzone.' " Italica, 44, 1967, pp. 282-290.
Santangelo, Salvatore, Le tenzoni poetiche nella letteratura delle origini. Biblioteca dell'Archivum Romanicum, Series 1, Storia-Letteratura-Paleografia, 9. Geneva: Olschki, 1928.
Stauble, Antonio. "La tenzone di Dante con Forese Donati." Letture Classensi, 24, 1995, pp. 151-170.
Little is known about the life of Terence (Publius Terentius Afer, c. 186 or 185-c. 159 B.C.). He was born in Carthage, and some scholars argue for an earlier birth date than 185 B.C. He came to Rome, perhaps as a slave; there, he received support from noble patrons.
Six of Terence's comedies have been transmitted to us: Andria, Hecyra (The Mother-in-Law), Heautontimoroumenos (The Self-Punisher), Eunuchus (Terence's greatest commercial success), Phormio, and Adelphoe (The Brothers). The plots of these plays are influenced by Attic "new comedy," but Terence's attention to character development represents an innovation in the comic genre. During antiquity, Terence's work was considered dull, lacking in verbal invention and comic ingeniousness, but Terence's focus on psychology provides a point of interest not found in the plays of his contemporaries.
In the fourth century the grammarian Donatus composed an extensive commentary on Terence's plays, and in the Middle Ages Terence was a hugely influential school author. His lucid Latin and didactic tendencies made him very appealing to a Christian readership; his plays were commended for their ethical messages. His central role in medieval school curricula allowed a wide dissemination of his work. In the tenth century Terence influenced the dramatic efforts of the German nun Hrosvitha (Hrotsvitha, Hroswita) of Gandersheim; and in the twelfth century a genre of pseudo-Terentian satirical dramas flourished.
While Dante aliludes in a general way to Terence's comedies, there is no concrete evidence that he knew the plays in detail. An inaccurate reference in Inferno 18 to the courtesan Thai's, a character in Eunuchus, reveals that Dante's knowledge of the play was derived from Cicero's De amicitia rather than from Eunuchus itself. Beginning with Boccaccio and continuing with Petrarch, however, Terence's plays were copied, studied, and understood, as is evidenced by annotations on a Florentine manuscript of Terence's comedies in Boccaccio's hand.
See also Theater
JESSICA LEVENSTEIN
Kauer, Robert, and Wallace M. Lindsay, rev. Otto Skutsch. Oxford: Clarendon, 1958. (Originally published 1926.)
Marouzeau, Jules. 3 vols. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1942-1949.
Sargeaunt, John. Loeb Classical Library. London: Heinemann, 1912.
Brothers, Anthony J. Heautontimoroumenos. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1988.
Gratwick, A. S. Adelpboe. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1987.
Ireland, S. Hecyra. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1990.
Martin, Ronald H. Adelphoe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976.
Shipp, George P. Andria. Salem, N.H.: Ayer, 1984. (Originally published 1960.)
Forehand, Walter E. Terence. Boston: Twayne, 1985.
Goldberg, Sander M. Understanding Terence. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Grant, John N. "Taide in Inferno 18 and Terence Eunuchus 937." Quaderni d'ltalianistica, 15, 1994, pp. 151-155.
Norwood, Gilbert. The Art of Terence. Oxford: Blackweil, 1923.
Paratore, Ettore. "Terenzio." In Enciclopedia dantesca, ed. Umberto Bosco. Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1970-1978, Vol. 5, pp. 569-570.
The Placiti cassinesi, also known as the Placiti campani, are a collection of tenth-century juridical documents preserved in the archives of the abbey of Monte Cassino and still in the possession of the abbey. They are generally said to contain the first extant manifestations of intentional writing in the volgare on the Italian peninsula. Each document consists of a body of text in Latin, with single sentences of a formulaic nature, in what appears to be a rather faithful rendering of the language of the time and place. The purpose of the documents is to establish disputed ownership of lands.
The earliest document was drawn up in Capua in March 960 and is thus widely known as the placito capuano, or alternatively as the placito d'Arechisi, after the judge in charge of the proceedings. The case pits the abbot of Monte Cassino against a private citizen named Rodelgrimo, who claims to have inherited lands that the abbot claims have been the property of Monte Cassino for thirty years. With neither side in possession of documentation of ownership, the judge orders the abbot to produce three witnesses, each of whom then repeats the words Sao ko kelle terre per kelle fini que ki contene, trenta anni le possette parte S{an)c{t)i Benedicti and swears that this is true.
I he placito of Sessa, from March 963, reports a similar case between the abbot of the monastery of San Salvatore and a citizen named Gualfrid. Here, however, the abbot is able to produce documentation showing that the land was in part purchased, in part received as a donation, from a certain Pergoaldo, Three witnesses are then called on to testify that this previous owner had been in legitimate possession, which they do by reciting Sao cco kelle terrep{er) kelle fini que tebe monstrai P(er)goaldo foro que ki contene et trenta anni le possette.
Two further documents deal with land disputes in the district of Teano. The earlier of these two, dated 26 July 963, is known as the Memoratorium of Teano-, it contains the oath Kella terra p{er) kellefini q{ue) bobe mostrai S{an)c{t)e Marie è et trenta anni la posset parte S(an)c(t)e Marie. The later of the two, the Placito of Teano, has four repetitions, one for each witness, of words nearly identical to those of the oath taken at Sessa: Sao cco kelle terre p(er) kelle fini que tebe mostrai trenta anni le possette parte S{an)c{t)e Marie.
I he prime interest of these documents is both historical and linguistic. Some scholars suspect that the disputes may have been preventive measures brought against straw men, for the purpose of establishing ownership of lands whose status could have been subject to genuine dispute in the absence of firm legal documentation. In this view, the use of popular language for the oaths would have served to make the essential information clear to any reader. Other scholars argue that certificates issued just a few years earlier by competent local authorities precluded any need for such legal reassurance, and the fact that only these documents contain testimony in the volgare may be due to their being originals. Others, which survive only in copies, have very similar oaths, invariably in Latin, arguably the result of emendation by copyists: e.g., Scio quia ille terreper illos fines et mensuras quas Paidefrit comiti monstravimus per XXXa annos possedit pars Sancti Vincencii (sworn in 954, also before Arechisi).
I he Latin that frames and introduces the testimonies in volgare is unremarkably typical of practical papers of the time, lacking the accurate classicizing tone of highly trained authorship, and penetrated by localisms in Latinized form. It was once believed that the vernacular of the oaths was a conscious attempt at a refined version of the speech of the area, but various scholars have shown that they are almost certainly very accurate phonemic renderings of popular speech, with occasional phonetic detail, and few spurious Latinisms. Consider, for example, Sao cco kelle terre ("I know that those lands"). Although today dialects in Campania normally have a reflex of sapio ("I know") along the lines of saccio, the form sao ("I know," Italian so) is still common in southern Italy (along with, e.g.,fao, "I make" or "I do"). Co (also spelled ko, and derived from quod) is still widespread in the south; and the simple [k], rather than [kw] (Italian quelle) of kelle (derived from eccu illae, "those") parallels modern Neapolitan kidde (further evolved in the raising of [e] to [i] and the delateralization /ll/, from /dd/). These and other features appear to guarantee that the language of the placiti is genuine and thus is a valuable early documentation of evolved Romance speech.
See also Language, Italian: History and Development
THOMAS D. CRAVENS
The Ritmo laurenziano is so called because it is contained in the last folio of a codex in the Laurentian Library in Florence; it is also known variously as the Ritmo giullaresco toscano, the Cantilena monorima, or the Cantilena di ungiullare toscano. It is generally considered the oldest surviving Italian poetic composition with literary pretensions. The text is of uncertain date but is in a hand that suggests the late twelfth century or the early thirteenth century; the identity of the author is unknown.
The Ritmo laurenziano consists of twenty double octosyl-lables. The allusions made (apparently to the Physiologus and to the Disricba Catonis) and the poetic structure (recalling the Provencal Sancta Fides) reveal some learning on the part of the author. The ends, however, are practical: a giullare spares no hyperbole to sing the praises of a bishop (Villano, of Pisa, according to some scholars, but the bishop of Iesi now appears more likely), in hopes that the bishop will see fit to present him with the gift of a fine white-footed horse, which he will then display to the bishop of Volterra, Galgano. Though it was once thought that the language reflected an eastern Tuscan origin, this opinion has been shown to have little foundation. Until recently, parts of the text remained obscure. Lacunae and illegible script in the manuscript itself, along with puzzling lexical items, left the way open for numerous suggested readings of crucial passages. Castellan! (1986) made definitive corrections of earlier scholars' hypotheses, including the probable identification of the bishop to whom the work is addressed: lo vescovo senato, in which senato was once thought to have been a Tuscanized borrowing of a precursor of French sent ("wise"), is much more plausibly local usage deriving directly from Latin aesinas, producing "of Iesi." Castellani's informed philological analysis suggests that regarding origins all we can say with certainty is that the linguistic character of the text is genuinely Tuscan; also, both linguistic and nonlinguistic evidence hints that the author may have come from the diocese of Volterra.
See also Italian Prosody; Language, Italian: History and Development
THOMAS D. CRAVENS
Castellani, Arrigo. "II Ritmo laurenziano." Studi Linguistici Italiani, 12, 1986, pp. 182-216.
See Fustians; Silk in Italy; Wool Industry in Italy
Theater was an essential part of medieval life and consequently encompassed more than today's restricted notion. However, the practice of going to the theater as a paid public event, purely for the purpose of entertainment, lapsed during the Middle Ages, even though formally structured plays with costumed actors, prepared speeches, scene changes, and music had been performed in ancient Roman theaters, and the ruins of these Roman edifices survived in medieval Italy.
Forerunners of popular theater in Italy were the numerous public spectacles, ceremonies, propitiatory processions of spiritual groups such as the flagellants, and even races, games, and athletic contests which developed distinct regional variations. To celebrate the rites of spring, rural Tuscan towns held popular dramas known by different names (giostre near Pistoia, bruscelli near Siena, maggi in Pisa and Lucca). Self-conscious displays of power and prestige by individual families or political groups were prevalent in the late fourteenth century and the fifteenth century and constituted a kind of unofficial theater. Mummers and maskers in France and England had their parallel in the elaborate carnival parades and costumes of late medieval Florence and Venice. In Medici Florence, wagons (carri) bearing tableaux of costumed figures accompanied by music and singing often used mythological themes. Lorenzo de' Medici (il Magnifico) himself contributed texts for several carnival songs and is even credited with developing this genre.
Orally performed epics ana cantari are a secular strain that fed into the development of theater in Italy. The giullari, later called cantastorie or canterini, would have used gestures, movements, simple sound effects, and a range of vocal inflections to enhance their texts, performed with the accompaniment of stringed instruments. Performers availed themselves of a raised platform such as a stone bench or staircase to make themselves more visible and to project their voices better. We can surmise this from one Italian noun for singers of tales: cantimbanchi, literally, "songs on the benches." These were extremely popular in Bologna, Florence, and Perugia, as documents indicate. Elements of this epic performance style survived in nineteenth century and early twentieth-century street theaters of Sicily and Naples.
The religious strain of early theater has left more written traces. Mystery plays were performed throughout Europe to illustrate Christian stories and principles, and Italy was no exception. The combination of text, music, costumes, sounds, and simple props or backdrops had the powerful effect of heightening spirituality. Subjects included Old and New Testament stories, especially the more dramatic episodes; saints' lives; and other sacred legends. These could have been simple (though costumed) tableaux "acted" by priests during a mass, or longer stories that were actually performed. Luoghi deputati—multiple sets used in succession—were used for religious dramas and were paralleled in the visual arts: frescoes and altarpieces often depicted a series of events in the life of Christ or a saint, each action in its own separate section or panel. In fact, a modern word for the formal stage preserves this early sense: palcoscenico, "scenic box."
Extant documentation indicates that religious plays were widespread throughout the peninsula and in Sicily. Since there were no established commercial theater buildings, plays were performed within monasteries or convents, inside churches for special festivals, or in public squares. Without a clear stage separation from the audience seating area, such "interactive" dramas resembled modern experimental theater: actors could enter through the crowd, and audience members would have been physically much closer to the drama. The grotesque devils in Dante's Commedia (Inferno, 21-22) preserve a glimpse of the frantic tragicomic activities of demons issuing from "hell's mouth," a frequent element in the intermezzi of mystery plays.
The concept of plays for didactic purposes developed from laude, vernacular hymns of praise. These laude were of Umbrian origin and were used by Saint Francis and his followers in the early thirteenth century; they were sung or chanted and could also be accompanied by dancing as a popular expression of religious zeal. The lauda "Lament of the Virgin Mary" by Jacopone da Todi—which is in effect a mini-drama—is a moving dialogue between the Virgin and her son, who is dying on the cross. Each of the alternating stanzas represents the "speech" of a "character." Early laude survive from Perugia, Assisi, Gubbio, Orvieto, and Aquila.
Written scripts for many religious spectacles have survived, and archival documents and records of payments further indicate what kinds of theatrical activities took place. In the urban centers of late medieval Italy, civic and religious institutions inevitably came into contact. Their functions intermingled in a complex symbiosis, with public spaces being used for sacred displays, sacred spaces being invaded by individual propaganda, and financial support often deriving more from political opportunism than from charitable motivations. Churches and lay confraternities organized special dramatic spectacles for important feast days such as the Annunciation, Epiphany, and Ascension day. Companies of artisans and laymen dedicated themselves to these annual representations, just as today certain charitable or civic groups sponsor parades or local festivals in their communities. Scenery, lighting effects, and stage machinery became quite elaborate.
The sacra rappresentazione, a Tuscan phenomenon that flourished in the fifteenth century, was essentially popular in nature. Feo Beicari (1410-1484, Florence) is the best-known author in this genre. His surviving sacred plays, written in octaves, had as their themes Abraham and Isaac, the Annunciation, the life of the blessed Giovanni Colombini, and Saint John the Baptist in the desert. A short San Panuzio is also attributed to him. Lorenzo de' Medici produced a single dramatic work, the Sacra rappresentazione di Santi Giovanni e Paolo. Such plays demonstrate a certain relationship to the epic in their meter, tone, and style. Their form was free, with no unity of time, place, or action. A closing epilogue provided the moral.
By the late fifteenth century, with the influence of humanism, sacre rappresentazioni were including more and more secular elements. An important contribution of humanism with respect to the history of theater in Italy was the rediscovery and actual performance of old Roman plays by Terence and Plautus, especially in the north, at Ferrara and Florence. Authors of the time imitated these ancient plays; for example, Machiavelli's La Clizia, performed in 1525, was based on Plautus's Casina.
See also Cantare; Giullari
GLORIA ALLAIRE
Barr, Cyrilla, The Monophonic Lauda and the Lay Religious Confraternities of Tuscany and Umbria in the Late Middle Ages. Early Drama, Art, and Music Monograph Series, 10. Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, 1988. —. "A Renaissance Artist in the Service of a Singing Confraternity." In Life and Death in Fifteenth-Century Florence, ed. Marcel Tetel, Ronald G. Witt, and Rona Goffen. Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies. 10. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1989, pp. 105-119.
Belcari, Feo. Sacre rappresentazioni e laude, ed. Onorato Allocco-Castellino. Collezione di Classici Italiani con Note, 13. Turin: UTET, 1920.
Cioni, Alfredo. Bibliografia. delle sacre rappresentazioni. Biblioteca. Bibliografica Italica, 22. Florence: Sansoni Antiquariato, 1961.
Sacre rappresentazioni, ed. Luigi Banfi. Teatro del Quattrocento, 1. Turin: UTET, 1997.
Sacre rappresentazioni manoscritte e a stampa conservate nella Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze: Inventario, ed. Anna Maria Testaverde and Anna Maria Evangelista. Inventari e Cataloghi Toscani, 25. Milan: Giunta Regionale Toscana and Editrice Bibliografica, 1988.
Sacre rappresentazioni per le Fraternite d'Orvieto nel cod. Vittorio Emanuele 528, ed. A[nnibale] T[ennerone]. Bollettino della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per l'Umbria, Appendix 5. Perugia: R. Deputazione di Storia Patria, 1916.
Vattasso, Marco. Per la storia del dramma sacro in Italia. Studi e Testi, 10. Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1903.
Theodahad (d. 536, r. 534-536) was a king of the Ostrogoths. He was the son of Amalafrida, nephew of Theodoric, brother of Amalaberga, and father of Theudegisclus and Theodenantha. He led the life of a rich Roman recluse, vir spectabilis and later vir inlustris, devoting his leisure to literature, especially Plato. His wealth included lands belonging to the royal patrimonium and estates inherited from his mother (d. 527) but did not satisfy his avarice: before becoming king, he illegally evicted poor Gothic landowners and sometimes enslaved them, thwarted only by their appeals to his predecessor, King Athalaric.
The death of Athalaric (534) left I heodahad, the senior male member of the Amali family, in a peculiar and uncomfortable position. His cousin Amalasuntha, as a part of her program to frustrate the nobles who were opposed to her, asked him to succeed her son Athalaric in name only and actually to be a co-ruler with her. This proved unacceptable to Theodahad and the Gothic nobility. Amalasuntha was exiled and killed (535). She had, however, opened negotiations with Emperor Justinian I, and her death provided a pretext for him to commit his troops. Theodahad tried to explain himself to the emperor and gain Justinian's support, apparently even offering to trade his personal estates for a comfortable life in Constantinople. However, his offer was rejected and his explanations were dismissed. War came swiftly, and no organized opposition to Justinian's forces emerged. The nobility rose and raised one of their own, Witigis, as king (536).
Theodahad was executed while in flight to Ravenna. He was the last Amalian king and the first barbarian ever to put his own portrait on a Roman coin.
See also Amalasuntha; Gothic Wars; Justinian I; Ostrogoths; Witigis
THOMAS S. BURNS
Theodora (c. 500-548) became empress of Byzantium in 527. She had been born in poverty and had spent her youth as a notoriously virtuosic courtesan in Constantinople. But she reformed, and her cleverness and strong personality attracted the young Justinian, who made her his wife and, on his ascent to the throne as Justinian I, his consort.
Although Theodora differed with Justinian on theology and, as a strong adherent of Monophysitism, sometimes worked against his policies, she was his invaluable ally and counselor. Her advice helped him rescue his throne during the Nika riots (532), and her death from cancer in 548 was a grievous blow to him personally and politically.
Theordora had risen from the dregs of society and never felt totally secure on her throne; she intrigued constantly to ward off any challenge she saw to her husband or to her own standing with him. Thus, it is said, Theodora became jealous of the Ostrogothic queen of Italy, Amalasuntha, who was famous for cleverness and beauty, and—anxious lest this woman come to the capital and attract Justinian—conspired to have her murdered as a part of the dynastic tangles of the Ostrogothic court. Theodora's support of the Monophysites was played on by the Roman legate Vigilius, who promised her his aid in return for her influence in having him made pope (537). However, Vigilius found it impossible to keep his promise, and Theodora became his implacable foe. At her urging, Justinian had Vigilius abducted and brought to Constantinople to be coerced into supporting religious policies that Theodora had helped frame. Vigilius's degradation was Theodora's last triumph before her death.
Several portrait busts surviving from this period have been identified as Theodora, notably one that is now in the Castello Sforzesco in Milan. Even more striking is her austere portrayal, together with her retinue, in a famous mosaic panel in the church of San Vitale in Ravenna. Fired by the sensational account given of her by the historian Procopius, artists and writers of modern times have continued to be fascinated by her image: she has been the fanciful subject of an opera by Donizetti, a play by Sardou, numerous novels, and at least one (Italian) movie.
See also Amalasuntha; Justinian I; Monophysitism; Procopius of Caesarea; Vigilius, Pope
JOHN W. BARKER
Bridge, Antony. Theodora: Portrait in a Byzantine Landscape. London: Cassell, 1978.
Browning, Robert. Justinian and Theodora, rev. ed. London: Thames and Hudson, 1987.
Diehl, Charles. Theodora: Empress of Byzantium, trans. Samuel R. Rosenbaum. New York: Ungar, 1972. (Originally published 1904.)
Procopius of Caesarea. History of the Wars and Secret History. Loeb Classical Library Series. London and Cambridge, Mass.: Heinemann/Harvard University Press, 1914-1935. (With reprints; translations.)
The Ostrogoth king Theodoric (Theodoric the Great; Thiudareiks, "leader of the people"; c. 454—526) was the son of Thiudmir. As a boy of seven or eight, he was sent as a royal hostage to Constantinople to be reared along with other aristocratic children. That Theodoric remained unable to write never constrained his love of literature and theological discussion. He returned to his people as a man in 471 and with the aid of his father immediately began to assemble a following and lead them in battle. Thereby designated to succeed his father as king of the Ostrogoths, he did so in 474; but he then had to contend with Theodoric Strabo, leader of a rival line and magister militum praesentalis, for the rest of the decade. Their struggle was a competition for imperial support, political and economic, which was pivotal in securing the loyalty of the Ostrogoths then resident in the Balkans, Despite his eventual triumph and his own rise to the magistership (483-487) and the consulship in 484, Theodoric the Great's relationship with the government in Constantinople remained strained. In 489, he was invited to lead his people into Italy as allies of the Romans and depose Odovacar, who was patricius and "king." After four years of war and attempted compromise, Theodoric hewed his adversary in two with his own hand. Theodoric then ruled from Ravenna until his own death.
Theodoric the man was complex, sometimes extremely volatile, but usually careful and calculating in the pursuit of his personal vision of the new realities within the Roman empire. His exact position remained ambiguous: rex, Flavius, patricius, pius princeps invictus semper, but never Augustus. He expanded the Amalian network of family alliances to include most of the ruling families of contemporary Germanic kingdoms, suggesting—as his correspondence also suggests—that he saw himself, his family, and the Ostrogothic kingdom as leading the western empire. He was also regent for the child king of the Visigoths, Alaric II. The Visigoths soon regarded the Ostrogothic forces dispatched by Theodoric as foreign and obtrusive. Theodoric's careful use of titles and attempts to have these confirmed or clarified by the emperor in Constantinople reveal that he thought of his and the other Germanic kingdoms as peculiar regional variations under Germanic kings serving simultaneously as imperial officials within the imperium Romanum, not as replacements for it.
Within the Ostrogotiiic domain, Theodoric envisioned that the Gothic and Roman populations should complement one another with clearly recognized spheres of expertise allocated to their ruling elites—specifically, leadership in the military for the Goths while the administration of the civil bureaucracy remained in Roman hands. The two branches of one society would come together only in his hands or those of his family. In other words, Theodoric tried to stand at the apex of the countervailing currents of an age that saw itself as very much a part of the universal Roman empire. Beneath the royal family, he tried to control the peaceful fusion of peoples and cultures. In fact, however, his reign provided many unregulated opportunities for Ostrogoths and Romans to share ideas and blood without regard to royal wishes. Theodoric's vision was not lost on his successors, who continued to reach back to him for guidance and legitimacy. The Niebelungenlied enshrined Theodoric as Dietrich von Bern, and the writings of Cassiodorus and Jordanes left the Latin world ample testaments of Theodoric's subtle governmental policies.
Tomb of Theodoric, Ravenna. Photograph courtesy of John W. Barker.
Although Theodoric was an Arian Christian, he tolerated Orthodoxy and Judaism, saying that no king could tell his people what to believe. Such an enlightened attitude, combined with the peculiar relationship he maintained with Roman institutions, at once inside but independent, supported a religious and cultural flowering during his rule among the Roman populations. Pope Gelasius I and others took advantage of the independence of Italy within the imperial system to fashion a similar theoretical autonomy for the papacy and the Christian church in the west. Boethius and a circle of aristocratic scholars in support of Theodoric saved much of ancient Greek philosophy from extinction by their devotion and their Latin translations. Cassiodorus (fl. c. 507-580) wrote extensively, thereby serving history and Christianity as loyally as he served Theodoric and Theodoric's successors. It is difficult to separate the vision of Cassiodorus and his student Jordanes from that of Theodoric. However, in areas where Theodoric's independence of thought cannot be doubted—such as in coinage, architecture, foreign policy, and titles—Theodoric himself clearly stands out as the seminal craftsman of his age. Cassiodorus was in sympathy with him and, in a sense, became his mouthpiece. In his own statements and actions, Theodoric was acutely conscious of displaying the imperial virtues of leadership—justice, clemency, piety, and manliness. He was also a proven warrior and general. His support of a gifted intellectual circle and numerous building programs in Ravenna, Verona, Rome, and elsewhere ensured that his virtues would receive lasting recognition. For him and a few other Germanic contemporaries, these attributes denoted their own successful leadership of Roman-Germanic society, naturally in the line of Augustus, but divorced from the office of emperor and therefore accepted within the emerging pattern of western rule. Ornaments for personal dress inspired by Ostrogothic tastes and manufactured in Ravenna flowed northward far beyond the Alps.
Theodoric's jurisdiction included all of Italy, Sicily, Provence in France, Bavaria, southern Austria, and northern Yugoslavia, with a regency over Visigothic lands in southwestern France and Spain. In most of the outlying areas Theodoric ruled through a few agents or garrisons. Yet in many areas Theodoric was the last effective representative of Rome. His final years were filled with disappointment. He suspected many members of his Roman-Orthodox aristocratic circle of treason against him and ordered Boethius executed; most of his marriage alliances with fellow Germanic kings ended in failure; his grandson and successor Athalaric was a minor.
Theodoric died of dysentery in 526 and was buried in Ravenna. His mausoleum is much like the man—a strange and complex mingling of Germanic traditions within Roman forms.
See also Boethius; Cassiodorus; Gelasius, Pope; Jordanes, Chronicler; Odovacar; Ostrogoths; Ravenna; Visigoths
THOMAS S. BURNS
Collaci, Antonio. Teodorico il grande. Milan: Mursia, 2001.
Moorhead, John. Theoderic in Italy. Oxford: Clarendon, 1992.
Theophano (Theophanu, c. 955-c. 991) was a Byzantine (eastern Roman) princess who married Otto II of the Saxon dynasty. The father of Otto II—Otto I—had been rebuffed at least once in an attempt to arrange a marriage between his son and a Byzantine princess. But when the Byzantine emperor Nicephorus II Phocas was overthrown by the more pro-western John I Tzimisces (Zimisces) in December 969, a union was successfully arranged. Theophano arrived in Italy in 972 and married Otto II in April. They had three daughters—Adelaide (b. 977), Sophia (b. 978), and Matilda (b. 979)—and a son, Otto III (b. 980). When her husband died while her son was an infant, Theophano assumed the regency. On Theophano's death, Adelaide, who was Otto II's mother and Otto Ill's grandmother, came out of retirement and took over the regency.
The question of Theophano's influence on Otto Ill's attitudes and policies has been overshadowed by a controversy about precisely who she was. There can be no doubt that she was a Byzantine aristocrat, though she is mentioned in no extant Greek sources. Two theories have been offered about her exact identity: first, that she was a sister of the future emperor Basil II; and second, that she was a kinswoman of John I Tzimisces. Recent scholarship indicates that Theophano was most likely John's niece by marriage, the daughter of his brother-in-law, the patrician Constantine Sclerus, and Constantine's wife, Sophia.
See also Otto II; Otto III
MARTIN ARBAGI
Regino of Priim. Chronicon, ed. F. Kurze. Scriptorum Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholaruiri ex Monumentis Germaniae Historicis Separatim Editi. Hannover and Leipzig: Hahnische Buchhandlung, 1890.
Thietmar (Ditmar). Chronicon, ed. F. Kurze. Scriptorum Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae Historicis Separatim Editi. Hannover and Leipzig: Hahnische Buchhandlung, 1889.
Dolger, Franz. Wer war Theophano?" Historische Jahrbuch, 62, 1949, pp. 646-658.
The Empress Theophano: Byzantium and the West at the Turn of the First Millennium, ed. Adelbert Davids. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
Jenkins, Romilly. Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, A.D. 610—1071. New York: Random House, 1967.
Kreutz, Barbara. Before the Normans: Southern Italy in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991.
Leyser, Karl. "The Women of the Saxon Aristocracy." In Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society: Ottoman Saxony. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1979, pp. 49-73.
Wolf, G. "Nochmals zur Frage: wer war Theophano?" Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 81(2), 1988, pp. 272-283.
Saint Thomas Aquinas (Tommaso d'Aquino, c. 1225—1274) is perhaps the most broadly influential philosopher and theologian in the entire Catholic tradition—his only serious rival for the title would be Augustine. Thomas was born at Roccasecca, near Aquino (whence his customary toponyrnic), to an aristocratic family. He was presented at an early age as an oblate to the Benedictine monastery at Monte Cassino. He studied there and in Naples (after 1239) before disappointing his family's hopes for his ecclesiastical preferment by developing an interest in the then recently founded Order of Preachers (Dominicans), which he entered in 1244. Despite initially intense opposition from his family (who went as far as imprisoning him for nearly two years in an attempt to break his resolve), he spent the rest of his life serving the Dominicans as a teacher, scholar, preacher, and writer. His studies took him far afield: first to Paris, where he had a decisive intellectual encounter with the theologian Albert the Great; then, following Albert, to Cologne in 1248-1252; then again to Paris, where he remained until 1259, pursuing the normal career path of an academic theologian by giving courses of lectures on the Bible and the Sentences of Peter Lombard, and taking his master's degree in theology in 1256. Returning to Italy in 1259, he taught in various places (Anagni, Orvieto, Rome, Viterbo) until being appointed to a chair of theology at Paris in 1268. His brief tenure there was marked by fierce controversy with other Parisian masters, including Siger of Brabant, whose well-known rivalry with Thomas is reflected in their presence—suitably reconciled—in the same sphere of Dante's Paradiso.
In 1272, perhaps (and, if so, understandably) weary of academic infighting, Aquinas returned to Italy and settled down to a life of study at a Dominican priory in Naples. This life was interrupted by a summons to attend the Council of Lyon in early 1274. While staying en route at the Cistercian abbey of Fossanuova, he died suddenly—poisoned, according to an unconfirmed but persistent contemporary legend, on the instructions of Charles of Anjou. Whatever its cause, his death did not appease his Parisian rivals, who worked energetically (and with some success) for the condemnation of his teachings in the 1270s; but in 1278 the Dominican order granted his writings official protection (at least within the order itself), and thereafter his reputation grew steadily. He was canonized by Pope John XXII in 1323. By the mid-sixteenth century, his importance to Catholic thinkers had reached a point where he could be seen by many as the presiding genius of the Council of Trent and, indeed, of the whole phenomenon of the Counter-Reformation: Pope Pius V proclaimed him a doctor of the church (doctor angelicus) in 1567. A modern rediscovery of Thomas's thoughts and writings among both lay and clerical thinkers, beginning in the 1870s with Leo XJII's laudatory bull Aeterni patris (1879), inspired the major current in twentieth-century Catholic thought known as neo-Thomism; and non-Catholic philosophers have shown increasing interest in him since the Second Vatican Council (1262-1265) inaugurated an era in which it became easier to consider the intellectual substance of his work independent of its confessional affiliation.
That substance is not easy to sum up in a few words, especially given Thomas's dauntingly vast output of writings. Speaking generally, however, it may be said first of all that Thomas, as both philosopher and theologian, sets a high value on the existence and workings of human reason (rather than disparaging it, as a mystic might). Therefore, he grants philosophy a specific and indeed crucial role in his overall scheme, as an intellectual activity which is both distinct from and inferior to theology but which is also an indispensable prolegomenon to theological study and is itself capable of exploring and expounding truths about the world and humanity's place in it. The relationship between reason and faith; the attempt to define their respective spheres of operation; and the consequences of such a definition for the individual human being's understanding of self, the world, and God thus stand at the very center of Thomas's preoccupations throughout his works. These works proceed from his sarly commentaries and manuals of quaestiones disputatae (derived from his teaching); through the Summa contra gentiles, begun c. 1258 as a handbook of natural theology for use by missionaries against the nonbelievers"; and many more treatises, commentaries, and expositions of biblical and Aristotelian texts; to his masterpiece, the Summa theologiae, begun in the mid-1260s and left unfinished at his death. The Summa theologiae has been recognized down to the present day as a uniquely authoritative achievement in the systematic exposition and analysis of Christian doctrine.
A11 these writings are based on Aquinas's absolute faith in revelation, but with the conviction that revelation is susceptible, up to a point determined only by the limitations imposed by our essential humanness, of being understood. He therefore stands in the Anselmian tradition of fides quaerens intellectum, but, far more than his eleventh-century predecessor Anselm, he sets out to deepen his fellow Christians' understanding of their own faith by using intellectual and analytical tools bequeathed to him by pagan traditions of thought: Neoplatonism and, above all, Aristotelianism. His many commentaries on Aristotelian texts thus stand beside his biblical commentaries not in opposition (as a strong current of antipaganism in Christian thinking, harking back at least to Jerome, would have wanted), and not as hostile demolitions of intellectual straw figures, but as respectful recognitions of incomplete gestures in the direction of truth that he is seeking to integrate into his own attempt at intellectual synthesis. The rediscovery (and translation into Latin) of Aristotle's works, which had been ongoing in the west since the twelfth century, enabled Aquinas to revivify both philosophy and theology, The greater subtlety and precision of argument made possible by the adoption of concepts and terminology from the Aristotelian corpus were as useful in debates about the workings of human reason as they were in debates about the proper understanding of divine revelation—debates which, for Thomas himself, were in the last analysis no more than mutually interdependent efforts to advance from different starting points toward the same resplendent truth.
See also Albertus Magnus; Aristotle and Aristotelianism; Averroes and Averroism; Dante Alighieri; Dominican Order; Peter Lombard; Siger of Brabant
STEVEN N. BOTTERILL
Thomas Aquinas. Opera omnia. Rome: Typographia Polyglotta S. C. de Propaganda Fide, 1882. (Editio Leonina.)
—. Summa theologiae. London: Blackfriars; New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964-1981. (Latin text and English translation.)
—. Opera omnia, ed. Roberto Busa, 2nd ed. Milan: Editoria Elettronica Editel, 1996. (CD-ROM.)
The Cambridge Companion to Aquinas, ed. Norman Kretzmann and Eleonore Stump, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
Davies, Brian. The Thought of Thomas Aquinas. Oxford: Clarendon, 1992.
Gilson, Étienne. The Christian Philosophy of Saint Thomas Aquinas, trans. L. K. Shook. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994.
Weisheipl, James A. Friar Thomas D'Aquino: His Life, Thought, and Work. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1974.
Thomas of Celano (c. 1190-1260) was a Franciscan hagiographer, the author of the first two lives of Francis of Assisi. Little is known about Thomas's early life, except that he was apparently from a noble family and received a good education. He joined the Franciscan order in the first years of its existence, probably in 1215, and volunteered for the first Franciscan mission to Germany in 1221. He seems to have shown administrative talent, for the next year he was made custos of a substantial part of the central European province, and in 1223 he was appointed vicar for the entire province while its minister was in Italy. In 1224, Thomas returned to Italy. He may have been present when Francis died in 1226.
Thomas's reputation as a preacher and stylist and his status as a relatively early follower of Francis seem to be the reasons Pope Gregory IX commissioned him in July 1228 ro write an official life of the saint. While preparing the work, Thomas amassed a huge collection of anecdotes from friars and laymen that became a source for several later lives of Francis. By February 1229, he had finished what would come to be called Vita prima. Written in cursus, or rhythmical prose, the Vita prima is a skillful attempt to convey the interior life of Francis as early Franciscans knew it. But in many ways it is also a conventional stereotyped hagiography. It emphasizes Francis's spiritual journey and ideals but omits some of the quirkiest and most compelling episodes of the saint's life. In 1230, Thomas edited the Vita prima into a liturgical epitome, the Legenda ad usum chori.
Alt hough the Vita prima was greeted with enormous enthusiasm when it first appeared, by the early 1240s many friars were voicing dissatisfaction with it, apparently because so many favorite stories about Francis had been left out. In 1244, the Franciscan general chapter invited all friars who had known Francis to submit their reminiscences so that a new, more complete vita could be composed. Thomas was once again called on to be the author. From materials he had not used in his first life and from recently submitted anecdotes, Thomas crafted the Memoriale in desiderio animae de gestis et verbis sanctissimipatris nostri Francisci, usually called the Vita secunda. Like the first life, it tells the story of Francis's conversion; but in its second part the anecdotes are arranged as a kind of prolonged character study of the subject. The Vita secunda—unlike the Vita prima—confronts matters of controversy within the order, especially a growing dispute over the relaxation of the rule. Thomas clearly depicts Francis as favoring a strict adherence to the rule and lamenting the corruption of his order by those who sought to relax it.
If "laxists" found the general message of the Vita secunaa distasteful, many throughout the order complained that it gave insufficient attention to Francis's miracles, a subject that had been carefully elaborated in the Vita prima. To remedy this, Thomas composed a Tractatus de miraculis in 1255-1256 that detailed almost 200 of Francis's miracles. Thomas may also be the author of the Legenda sanctae Clarae, a life of Francis's friend Saint Clare written in the mid-1250s.
Thomas died in 1260 at Tagliacozzo. His works survived, despite a directive of the Franciscan chapter general of 1266 ordering that they and all other lives of Francis be destroyed to facilitate acceptance of Bonaventure's Legenda maior as the only official version of Francis's life.
See also Bonaventure, Saint; Francis of Assisi; Franciscan Order
THOMAS TURLEY
Thomas of Celano. Saint Francis of Assisi: First and Second Life of Saint Francis, with Selections from the Treatise on the Miracles of the Blessed Francis, trans. Placid Hermann. Chicago, EL: Franciscan Herald, 1963.
Bontempi, Pietro. Tommaso da Celano, storico e innografo. Rome: Scuola Salesiana del Libro, 1952.
De Beer, Francis. La conversion de Saint Francois selon Thomas de Celano. Paris: Éditions Franciscaines, 1963.
Facchinetti, Vittorino. Tommaso da Celano: 11 primo biografo di San Francesco. Quaracchi: Collegio di San Bonaventura, 1918.
Miccoli, Giovanni, "La 'conversione' di San Francesco secondo Tommaso da Celano." Studi Medievali, Series 3(5), 1964, pp. 775-792.
Moorman, John R. H. Sources for the Life of Francis of Assisi. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1940, (Reprint, Farnborough: Gregg, 1966.)
Spirito, Silvana. Il francescanesimo di fra Tommaso da Celano. Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola, 1963.
The Tiepolo family, a merchant house, is first recorded at Malamocco in the Venetian lagoon but evidently immigrated to Venice in the later eleventh century. Members of the family were trading in Constantinople in the 1080s and thereafter maintained strong interests in the Orient. They entered public life in the twelfth century and reached their greatest prominence—twice occupying the office of doge—in four consecutive generations between the early thirteenth century and the early fourteenth.
Of the two Tiepolo doges, the first (Venice's forty-third) was Giacomo (lacopo, Jacopo), who had achieved distinction in the east. His election in 1229 broke the hold on the chief magistracy of the ancient patrician houses, particularly those of Ziani and Dandolo, who resented the upstart's rise, while a lasting rivalry between nobiles and populares was emerging. Giacomo showed extraordinary skill in his dealings with the hostile emperor Frederick II, Ezzelino III da Romano, and other powers, though he was to be chiefly remembered for commissioning a new legal code (1242). Under him, the comune approached the ideal of maximum authority with maximum consensus, and his firm rule was credited with the peace and prosperity of the years immediately following his death (1249).
Giacomo's son Lorenzo became the forty-sixth doge (1268-1275), having married a niece of John of Brienne, Latin emperor of Constantinople, and having made his name by leading the reconquest of Acre (1258) with a crushing naval victory over the Genoese. Lorenzo was a very popular choice, and on his election he formally reconciled his house with that of Dandolo. He subsequently placated the guilds by allowing them limited self-government.
On the death of Doge Giovanni Dandolo (1289), a favored possible successor was a second Giacomo Tiepolo, who was the son of Lorenzo and was another victorious admiral. However, in electoral circles this Giacomo was seen as representing a threat of a hereditary signoria such as was taking shape elsewhere—something the evolving Venetian constitution resolutely opposed. In the event, Giacomo served Venice by avoiding election and the social strife that would have ensued.
Baiamonte, son of the younger Giacomo, did not share his father's deference to public interests. In 1310, he led an armed rising against the regime headed by Doge Pietro Gradenigo, whom he sought to replace. The insurrection failed, however, and Baiamonte was exiled by a ten-man commission established to deal with the emergency, a body that subsequently became known as the consiglio dei died and developed into a permanent and prominent institution of the Venetian state. The Baiamonte episode prompted the oligarchy to take still stricter measures to stifle any personality cult.
Partly, it may be inferred, as a result of Baiamonte's failure, the family was never so conspicuous again. It is reckoned to have been in Venice's top ten families in the 1260s, but a social chronicle of the 1350s places it in the second twelve, and a modern assessment has it just outside the top forty around that time. Later, the house produced its most illustrious scion of all, the Rococo painter Giovanni Battista (1696-1770). It is still today a respected component of Venetian society.
See also Venice
JOHN C. BARNES
Cracco, G. Società e stato net medioevo veneziano (secoli XII-XIV). Florence: Olschki, 1967.
Lane, Frederick C. Venice: A Maritime Republic. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973.
Zorzi, A. La repubblica del leone: Storia di Veneziw. Milan: Rusconi, 1979.
Tino di Camaino (c. 1280 or 1285-1337) was a Sienese sculptor. Although his works are numerous and varied, representing the range of activities of a late medieval workshop, Tino is best-known for a series of important sepulchral monuments carved and erected in Siena, Pisa, Florence, and Naples.
Tino was born in Siena, the son of the sculptor Camaino di Crescentino. Camaino was for many years associated with the opera del duomo in Siena, for which he served as capomaestro between 1317 and 1320. As a young sculptor, Tino surely worked with his father at the cathedral, and there both father and son may also have been associated with the workshop of Giovanni Pisano. In certain passages of linear grace and fluidity, Tino's works show the influence of Giovanni Pisano; however, Tino, his own workshop, and his clients seem to have shied away from Giovanni Pisano's dramatic "expressionism" in favor of a more "classical" manner that resembles the art of Giotto and the Lorenzetti brothers. Tino's first documented work, a baptismal font for the cathedral at Pisa, dates to 1311. His first sepulchral monument, the tomb of the emperor Henry VII, was installed in the cathedral of Pisa in 1315. This wall tomb, with carved sarcophagus, recumbent effigy, and accompanying figures, was of a type that Tino would repeat and vary throughout his career.
Although Tino served as capomaestro of the cathedral of Pisa while carving the emperor's tomb, he temporarily left his position in 1315 to take part in an unsuccessful defense of Pisa against the condottiere Uguccione della Faggiuola. Tino escaped capture in the battle of Montecatini (1315), only to be deposed from his job as capomaestro. He then returned to Siena, where he executed the tomb of Cardinal Riccardo Petroni (c. 1318). The Petroni tomb, in the cathedral of Siena, is the best-preserved of Tino's sepulchral monuments in Tuscany. Tino was appointed capomaestro of this cathedral in 1320, but in 1321 he left to work in Florence, From 1321 to 1323, he is documented in Florence, where he executed the tomb of Gastone della Torre, the patriarch of Aquileia, in Santa Croce; the tomb of Antonio degli Orsi, the bishop of Florence, in the cathedral; and statues for the exterior of the Bapistery,
In 1323 or 1324, Tino was called to Naples, probably by King Robert of Anjou. He worked there, in the service of the Angevin court, for the remainder of his career. In Naples, he carved the sepulchral monuments for Robert's mother, Mary of Hungary, in Santa Maria Donna Regina; and for Robert's daughter-in-law, Catherine of Austria, in San Lorenzo. In the church of Santa Chiara, he carved the tombs of Charles of Calabria and Mary of Valois. Tino also produced tombs for Philip of Taranto and Giovanni of Durazzo in San Domenico Maggiore.
In Naples, Tino was also active as an architect. After 1329, he was involved in the construction of the monastery of San Martino and Castel Belforte; he also directed work on the Angevin arsenal and was put in charge of the enlargement of the harbor of Naples, From 1334 to 1336, he assumed temporary control of Giotto's workshop in Naples. Pietro Lorenzetti became the guardian of Tino's children after Tino died in 1337.
See also Pisano, Giovanni
ROGER J. CRUM
Kreyteriberg, Gert. Tino di Carnaino e Simone Martini. Florence: Centra Di, 1988.
Pope-Hennessey, John. Italian Gothic Sculpture. New York: Vintage, 1985.
Valentiner, Wilhelm R. Tino di Camaino, a Sienese Sculptor of the Fourteenth Century. Paris: Pegasus, 1935.
White, John. Art and Architecture in Italy 1250-1400, 2nd ed. Harrnondsworth: Penguin, 1987.
See Church Organization and Functions
A title is a label bestowed on a specific individual by a higher authority in recognition of the person's office, service, status, or accomplishments. A title could denote membership in a particular social or political class; participation and status in a profession or occupation; status within a hierarchy; extraordinary achievement in a field of endeavor; or license to exercise certain powers, authority, or functions. During the medieval period, each Italian region and phase of history recognized its own roster of titles. Some of these titles retained older terminology while changing meaning; some remained constant over centuries; and some were regional variations, such as the Venetian doge, from the Latin dux ("duke"). In general, medieval Italy recognized only two ultimate authorities who could legitimately bestow titles: the emperor and the church. All other authorities—kings, nobles, cities, and universities—derived their authority from these two.
Barbarian societies in Italy had used special labels for warrior leaders, but early on, these societies adopted imperial forms (rex, comes, dux), as the functions and conditions of administration became more complex. Among the Ostrogoths, some of these titles were directly related to the royal court and demesne (praepositus, or head of the royal household; comes rei privatae, or manager of royal estates); some were related to viceregal adminiscration (saiones, or royal vicars of low birth); and some were related to civil and judicial functions (iudex).
The interspersion of Roman, Lombard, and later Frankish legal cultures required a new clarity that had to serve until the revival of Roman law in the eleventh century. Lombards retained many Roman-styled officers, including the decani and centenari, who appear to have been in charge of villages; fiscal officers, such as the referendarius and actionarius; and ducal (later regal) court functionaries, such as the maior domus and vesterarius. Under the dukes, the main regional and civic authorities were the gastaldi, who often retained their authority under the Franks as well. The Carolingians weakened the autonomous authority of the Lombard dukes, introducing the counts (comites, later conti) who either served under the dukes or reported directly to the Frankish king.
In Byzantine Sicily, southern Italy, and the exarchate, eastern Roman titles and offices remained intact and often donated nomenclature to later invaders. In Sicily, the titles catapan, strategos, logothete, and arcbonte continued in use even during the Norman period. The Arabs, during their 300-year domination of the island, certainly introduced their own officials and titles (admiral emir, cadi, and the financial official, the dîwân) and many of these were also absorbed by the Norman rulers. Under the early Normans, the same official was known as the "emir of emirs" and the "archonte ofarchontes." Linguistically, the dîwân evolved into the dohana or douane, and in various Romance formulations this term is still used today with regard to customs officials. The feudal Normans, of course, also contributed their own titles, such as seneschal and justiciar, and reintroduced Latin-based official terminology alongside the Greek (Byzantine) and Arab terminology.
Throughout feudal Italy, members of the various classes were designated by official terms of status classification: at the highest level of vassal stood the capitanei, who had as vassals the valvassores, who in turn subinfeudated their property to the milites, or knights. In this system, the relationship indicated by the title was usually sealed with an oath that had both personal and religious connotations.
The Roman Catholic church also developed a broad roster of titles, many with deep roots in imperial Rome. As a hierarchical organization with territorial dispersion, especially in the face of political disarray and outright anarchy, the church also needed as clear a chain of command and duties as possible. Secular titles adopted by the church included episcopus ("bishop"), vicarius, and "deacon"; the terms "pontifex" and "priest" derived from pagan and Jewish religious offices, respectively. The prefix "arch" before "bishop," "priest," or "deacon" indicated a higher status within the ecclesiastical rank, and generally greater administrative responsibility. The title "cardinal" is really an adjective that denotes a higher rank of bishop, priest, or deacon. The cardinals who were organized into the college of cardinals in the eleventh century were generally cardinal bishops, appointed as such by the popes. The title "pope" (papa), for the bishop of Rome, and the use of "father" for a priest evolved from popular usage; and "brother" (frater, or fra), attached to monastic or later mendicant religious, also evolved over time within the orders. Administrative titles within religious orders, such as "general" and "prior," derived from secular usage.
The revival of urban life and of Roman law in the eleventh century created new opportunities for creating and bestowing titles. Imperial authority to bestow offices and titles had, generally speaking, devolved by usurpation or purchase to civic governments. Bishops in cities often had the political authority of secular counts ("comital" authority), and in 1183 these gained the power from the emperor to invest imperial civic chief executives with the Latin title consul. With the eventual triumph of the communal movements in much of northern Italy, this power and title were divorced completely from imperial, feudal, or ecclesiastical authority. Other civic and guild offices with their attendant titles emerged from necessity and the template of the civil law code. A further important step in the development of civic identity and autonomy was the power to create notaries, who could then adopt the title ser, and knights (milites), who could then use the title messer, along with lawyers and properly feudal lords.
Accompanying the revival of towns was the development of the university system. Vital to its identity as a societas or universitas—a self-regulating association (in this case, of masters and students)—was the right to bestow universally recognized academic degrees and licenses that gave the holders the right to use certain titles (magister, dottore, messer) and to exercise certain functions. This right was contained in its institutional charter, granted by a sovereign authority such as the church, king, or emperor.
JOSEPH P. BYRNE
Butler, W. F. The Lombard Communes: A History of the Republics of North Italy. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1969. (Originally published 1906.)
Franchini, Vittorio. "II titolo di consul in Ravenna attraverso 1'alto Medio Evo." Bollettino della Società Filologia Romana, 11, 1908, pp. 33-44.
Partner, Peter. The Pope's Men. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.
Smith, Denis Mack. Medieval Sicily, 800-1713. New York: Dorset, 1988.
Tabacco, Giovanni. The Struggle for Power in Medieval Italy: Structures of Political Rule. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
Waley, Daniel. The Italian City-Republics. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969.
Wickham, Chris. Early Medieval Italy: Central Power and Local Society 400-1000. Totowa, N.J.: Barnes and Noble, 1981.
Tivoli, 18 miles (about 29 kilometers) east-northeast of Rome, is perched on a spur of the western slopes of the Sabine hills looking out over the Lazio plain. In its deep gorge, the Aniene River curves around the eastern and northern sides of the town, providing both protection and a natural boundary. During ancient times, Tivoli's beauty attracted people who were seeking to retreat from Rome. Remains of numerous ancient buildings dot the surrounding landscape and are incorporated into the medieval and modern buildings. The most famous, the villa of the emperor Hadrian, was built between A.D. 121 and 137 on the site of an older villa.
The town's fortunes were tied to those of Rome during the struggles against the Germanic peoples; Byzantine officials in Ravenna, at the time of the Lombard invasions, recognized Tivoli to be within the jurisdiction of the ducato Romano. The papacy, meanwhile, provided an alternative locus of stability and organization; beginning in this period, many monasteries were founded in and near Tivoli, including Santa Maria Maggiore in the fifth century. In the contest for local control and dominance between the papacy, represented by the bishop quartered at the sixth-century duomo of San Lorenzo, and the ducato, Tivoli pursued its independence. The struggles between the Guelfs and Ghibellines offered it a chance to appeal, successfully in 1155, to the Holy Roman emperor for autonomy. This phase of Tivoli's history is attested to by medieval tower houses, the remains of the walls, and the organization of the town into quarters. When the authority of the Holy Roman emperors in the region declined at the end of the Middle Ages, Tivoli turned to the papacy as its protector.
In the following centuries, Tivoli once more attracted those seeking respite from Rome, The most notable was Cardinal Ippolito II d'Este of Ferrara, who became governor of Tivoli in 1549 and then commissioned the grandiose building and gardens of the Villa d'Este.
ELEANOR A. CONGDON
Carocci, Sandro, Tivoli nel basso Medioevo: Società cittadina ed economia agraria. Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1988,
Cartocci, Sergio. Tivoli—The Tiburtine Area: Its History and Works of Art. Rome: OTO Art Publishers, 1976.
Mancini, Gioacchino. Hadrian's Villa and Villa d'Este, 9th ed. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1976.
Morselli, Chiara. Guide with Reconstructions of Villa Adriana and Villa d'Este. Rome: Vision SRL, 1995.
Mosti, Renzo. History and Monuments of Tivoli. Tivoli: Societa Tiburtina di Storia e d'Arte, 1968.
Pacifici, Vincenzo. "Medieval Tivoli." Atti e Memoriali Tiburtini, 5-6, 1925-1926.
Rainero, Enrico. Tivoli tracce del tempo. Florence: Studio E. Rainero, 1987.
Todi—in Umbria in central Italy—dates at least as far back as the late Roman empire, when it existed as a small community on the Via Veietana, a branch of the Via Cassia. In the fifth century, Todi was already Christian, and—owing to its relative isolation, brought on by the destruction of surrounding communities by Alaric and his hordes—it looked to its bishop as the central authority. The power of the bishop of Todi remained considerable even as Odovacar (Odoacer) brought Rome to its knees. Under Theodoric's Gothic regime of the late fifth century and the early sixth century, Todi was permitted to retain Roman policy and jurisdiction over civil and administrative matters while the Goths concerned themselves with military issues. As a result, the church was generally free to prosper, as is attested to by the great number of churches established during this period, and the attendant power of the bishop grew even more. The prestige of Todian bishops was further augmented by a sixth-century bishop and saint, Fortunatus (whose death is variously recorded as having taken place in 541, 542, or 565). Many of Fortunatus's miracles, recorded by Gregory the Great, involve distinctly secular issues reflecting the bishop's integral role in Todian political affairs. The Byzantines' victory over the Goths in 553, however, all but eradicated the growing security of the church, and in particular the security of the bishop of Todi. Todi was situated at the heart of much of the fighting, and it also witnessed and experienced much of the famine and pestilence that devastated Italy in the years following the Goths' retreat.
The situation was hardly improved by Alboin ana the Lombards' invasion of Italy in 568, for in Todi there was initially no decisive Lombard victory, Todi was seized by Faroaldo c. 579 and switched hands several times before coming under Lombard rule. Probably owing to the instability caused by the discontinuity of administration, not to mention the strife of war, little is heard of Todi during the next century. Yet even in this period, Todi's continued religious focus and its ties to the papacy—in particular the election of Saint Martin, a native of Todi, as Pope Martin I in 649—are documented. This connection was made explicit in the eighth century, when the papacy claimed plenitudo potestatis over Todi.
In 760, under the Lombard king Desiderius, the boundaries of the diocese were formalized to coincide with those of the contado, again emphasizing the coincidence of ecclesiastical and secular power. The victory of the Franks in 774 and the crowning of Charlemagne as Holy Roman emperor in 800 removed any remaining impediments to the primacy of the popes in Todi, which nominally formed part of the duchy of Rome until the late ninth century. However, Todi, like so many other cities in this period of decentralized power, was essentially independent, and the most notable events under Frankish administration are rather local—the appointments of various bishops and the founding of a number of monasteries.
In Todi, as in many other Italian cities, the decline in the Carolingian dynasty toward the end of the ninth century brought about the emergence of the great families that would influence civic affairs for several centuries. In Todi, the emergence of the Atti is evidenced by the appointment of one Atto or Attone as bishop in the tenth century. Similarly, the Arnolfi, who would oppose Pope Alexander in 1063, start to appear in the documents around this time. It is reasonably certain that in the mid-eleventh century Todi was under the dominion of Goffredo, the stepfather of Matilda of Canossa. Notwithstanding the position of the Arnolfi, there is no archival evidence suggesting that when Matilda inherited power in 1076, Todi was not faithful to her and her pro-papal policy. In the next centuries, however, these two opposing positions would lead to armed conflict.
The twelfth century saw a significant evolution in the government of Todi. There is some dispute as to the source of its status as a comune, but whether the grant was from Emperor Otto I, Emperor Otto III, or Pope Sylvester II, the documents clearly indicate that Todi was a comune by the late twelfth century. In 1207, Todi joined several other comuni and feudal lords in reconfirming their allegiance to the papacy, but at the same time Todi maintained its right to hear appeals from its own judges without reference to the papal curia. Furthermore, in Todi it was the podestà (city magistrate) who presided at heresy trials as defender of the citizens—a privilege that even Venice did not gain until 1289. Occasionally the pope intervened in the life of the commune to mediate between local opposing groups; but more often than not, such mediation was done internally or with the help of another comune.
As a comune, Todi took a positive ana active roie in conforming the intimate details of family, social, and economic life to the requirements of community development. Its communal status brought about a new prosperity; and in the thirteenth century Todi sought to expand its control of the surrounding territory. The result was a half century of intercommunal wars between Todi and its neighbors Orvieto, Perugia, Spoleto, and Narni. When Frederick II Hohenstaufen defeated the Lombard communities at Cortenuova in 1237 and then turned to subdue Tuscany and the papal states, Todi readily allied itself with Perugia, Foligno, Gubbio, and Spoleto against this threat. Nevertheless, in the same year Todi tried—though unsuccessfully—to take from Orvieto the territory of Lugnano. That defeat, along with growing power of the Hohenstaufen, led the Todian Ghibellines, the supporters of the emperor, to join in revolt with noblemen of a neighboring ally, Amelia. Todi defeated them, though, at Ponte del Paglia in 1238.
In 1241, after gaining entry to Spoleto and Foligno, mostly through diplomacy, Frederick took Amelia by knocking down the Roman walls, although he did not succeed in taking Narni, Perugia, or Todi. However, when Frederick's opponent, Pope Gregory IX, died in 1241, Todi was led to swear fealty to the emperor. That oath notwithstanding, Todi built a second set of walls in 1244 enclosing the Borgo Nuovo ("new town"), making the town virtually impregnable; and when Frederick left in 1246, the danger of imperial rule passed. By 1256, Todi had succeeded in securing control of the two nearest comuni to the south—Amelia and San Gemini—and forcing them to accept Todians as podesta. Still, further attempts at expansion proved fruitless.
Though Todi was reasonably well-regulated as a comune, it still experienced interfamily disputes among the previously independent feudal lords, who had now moved into the city. Between 1257 and 1269, increasing violence attributed to the traditional vendetta made it more and more difficult for the two consuls, elected by the great council to work in conjunction with the bishop, to keep the peace. To fulfill this task, the great council (consisting of 300 members of the leading families) looked more and more to the podestà, who was usually brought in from another community and was therefore, in theory, impartial. With the office came three judges; seven notaries, of whom two served each judge and one was the town recorder; and a number of household retainers. All of them stayed in the palazzo del comune. Though the podestà was more effective in quelling civic strife, it was impossible to ease the growing tension between the traditionally pro-papal Guelfs and the traditionally pro-empire Ghibellines, which came about when the post-Carolingian emperors found themselves at odds with the church. In Todi, perhaps not surprisingly, the Ghibellines for the most part came from the rural nobility and the Guelfs came from the bourgeoisie. The Ghibellines' victory at Montaperti in 1260 led to a Ghibelline revival; thereafter Todi, which was predominantly Guelf, introduced a Guelf institution, the office of the capitano del popol, and the anziani, a council of leading guild members—but neither gained a strong foothold. The podestà remained the central authority, although the presumed impartiality of the office seems to have given way to factional allegiance. The office of podestà alternated from year to year between Guelfs and Ghibellines, and factional skirmishes erupted throughout the countryside. In 1269, a virtual civil war broke out; as a result, the great council brought in a Guelf podestà and passed a series of laws prohibiting bearing arms and holding meetings in churches. A riot broke out nonetheless, after which a Ghibelline podestà was put in place. In 1270, the term of office of podestà was reduced to six months. The office of podestà continued to switch back and forth, and in 1274 two podestas were elected, one from each party. But the situation did not improve. In 1275, a law was passed requiring that the podestà be elected by an even number from both sides, with the deciding vote going to the bishop if necessary.
Notwithstanding domestic and external strife, Todi achieved the peak of its power in the last half of the thirteenth century. In 1294, a survey conducted for the purpose of taxation shows the contado (countryside) extending effectively to Civitella on the west, Collepepe on the north, Castelvecchio on the east, and Castelfranco on the south. Although nominally Guelf (propapal), Todi operated effectively independent of both empire and papacy. Gradually, the comune gained sufficient power and prestige so that by the end of the thirteenth century Todi was dealing with powerful nobles such as the counts of Marsciano through negotiations rather than war. Similarly, in 1291 Todi simply bought the fortress of the counts of Montemarte, finally resolving the issues between it and Orvieto. Such newfound skills were essential to maintaining effective independence from papal control—independence that required continual negotiation.
Culturally, thirteenth-century Todi coincided with the poetic tradition of the so-called siculo-toscani, and the educated people of Todi would have been familiar with the stilnovisti and the courtly poetry of the scuola Siciliana. More characteristic of Todi of this period, however, is the extreme spiritualism that swept Umbria in the years after the death of Saint Francis of Assisi in 1226. Following the example of Francis's Laudes creaturarum and his invitation to his followers to become joculatores Domini, and spurred on by a prophesy that the year 1260 would bring the age of the Holy Spirit of the Fifth Gospel, laymen throughout Umbria formed groups that specialized in singing poetry of praise known as laude. This movement is reflected in the work of Todi's most famous poet, Jacopone da Todi (b. 1236).
Jacopone was a lawyer who had studied at Bologna and was apparently reasonably well off. After his wife died in a tragic accident in the 1260s, Jacopone converted to a life of poverty and charity, living as a mendicant preacher and writing laude. In July 1294, the hermit Pier da Morrone was elected to the papacy as Celestine V; he soon abdicated, and Cardinal Benedetto Caetani, who had been educated in Todi, became Pope Boniface VIII, Jacopone, and many other Spiritual Franciscans, struggled to have Boniface removed. Although Celestine died in 1296, this effort continued. On 10 May 1297, Jacopone, along with many other Spirituals and the Colonna cardinals, signed the Manifesto di Longhezza, which challenged Boniface's election and called for a general Vatican council. In September 1298, Boniface captured Jacopone and imprisoned him for life in an underground cell in a monastery in Todi. Much of Jacopone's writing, including many of his laude, can be traced to the period of his imprisonment.
Boniface died in 1303—greatly to the detriment of Todi. In the absence of the papal protection that had long helped the city maintain its prosperity, internal familial and political discord, along with mounting debts, plunged the comune into decadence. In 1306, further conflict with Perugia erupted. The series of wars that followed in the fourteenth century resulted in Perugia's preeminence and essentially precluded any chance of economic or political recovery for Todi. Although the name of the podesta elected in 1300 is recorded, the archives in Todi stop shortly thereafter.
See also Boniface VIII, Pope; Italian Literature: Religious; Italian Poetry: Lyric; Jacopone da Todi; Perugia
MARY ALEXANDRA WATT
Ceci, Getulio. Todi nel Medio Evo. Todi: Trornbetti, 1897. (Reprint, Bologna: Forni, 1977.)
—, Piazze e palazzi comunali di Todi. Todi: Tip. Tiberina, 1979.
Peck, George Terhune. The Fool of God: lacopone da Todi. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1980.
See Revenues
The Tolomei were an ancient house, in legend descended from the Egyptian Ptolemies but more plausibly traceable to the Carolingian line, although they are documented only from the first half of the twelfth century. They were fundamentally bankers, and during the mid-twelfth century they were one of Siena's five dominant families (the others were the Malavolti, Piccolomini, Saiimbeni, and Saracini). The Tolomei owned tower-houses and palaces in a square which still bears their name and where the thirteenth-century Palazzo Tolomei is a bank to this day. Opposite is the church of San Cristoforo, of which the Tolomei were the patrons; the council of the republic held meetings there before the Palazzo Pubblico was built. The family also had lordships in the Sienese Maremma. Since virtually all the wealth of the Tolomei was invested in France, they were bound to maintain the Guelf alliance.
The family was exiled in 1262—1263 as a consequence of the anti-magnate policy of the comune but was readmitted on payment of a large ransom. When the peace of Cardinal Latino (1280) ended hostilities between the Guelfs and Ghibellines, the Tolomei made their own peace with the Salvani. During the Italian campaign of Henry VII of Luxembourg, they and other Guelf families of Siena aligned themselves with the Florentines in opposition to him. A centuries-old feud with the Salimbeni flared up anew in 1314 and kept the whole city in an uproar between 1320 and 1326, when Carlo of Calabria, Siena's signore, imposed peace (as it turned out, only temporarily) on the rival houses. The Tolomei bank was one of many that collapsed in the early fourteenth century, though it recovered and was still prominent in the sixteenth century.
Various family members distinguished themselves in politics, the law, and letters. Meo de' Tolomei (fl. 1279—1310) was a comic poet whose work resembles that of Cecco Angiolieri. The blessed Bernardo (Giovanni) de' Tolomei, founder of the Olivetans (1319), died in 1348 caring for fellow citizens afflicted by the plague.
See also Meo dei Tolomei; Siena
JOHN C. BARNES
Gigli, G. Diario sanese, 2nd ed., 2 vols. Siena: Landi and Alessandri, 1854, Vol. 2, pp. 40-52.
Hook, J. Siena: A City and Its History. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1979.
Passerini, L. "Armi e notizie storiche delle famiglie toscane che son nominate nella Divina commedia." In L' "Inferno" di Dante Alighieri, Vol. 2, Documenti, ed. G. J. Warren, Lord Vernon. London: Boone, 1858-1865, pp. 589-590.
The painter Tomaso da Modena (c. March 1325 or May 1326-c. July 1379) is first mentioned in a Modenese archival document of March 1339, From then until February 1346, his name appears regularly in Modenese documents. A triptych in the Galleria Estense at Modena depicting the Madonna and Child, the Descent into Limbo, and four saints bears Tomaso's signature and a damaged, repainted date that may read 1345; it is often regarded as his earliest surviving work. He considered himself a resident of Treviso when he returned briefly to Modena in January 1349 to dispute an estate, and by June he was back in Treviso. His presence in Treviso is documented at close intervals until December 1351, and again in March 1354. The celebrated frescoes in the chapterhouse of San Nicolò in Treviso, depicting forty distinguished Dominicans seated in cells engaged in scholarship, are signed and dated 1352. In the remaining documents, Tomaso is back in Modena: in July 1358, in January 1359, and from June 1366 to March 1368. Then, after a long interval, a Modenese document of July 1379 indicates his recent death.
Two signed works by Tomaso are in the castle at Karlštejn near Prague, which was built for the Holy Roman emperor Charles IV. One of these is a damaged diptych of the Madonna and Child and the Man of Sorrows, generally dated c. March 1357, when the main portion of the castle was completed. The second work is a triptych of the Madonna and Child and two saints: Wenceslas and evidently George (not Palmatius, as was previously thought). This work is in the Holy Cross chapel in the "great tower," which was finished late and consecrated in February 1365. The chapel was apparently decorated by April 1367 by a Bohemian painter, Master Theodoric. Tomaso's triptych was cut down to fit Theodoric's scheme, and its background is entirely modern. It is not known whether it was painted somewhat earlier for another place in the castle and then reused, or whether it was done for the Holy Cross chapel and mutilated after its arrival from Italy, to conform to a new program. In either case, though, there is no evidence that Tomaso visited Bohemia.
The most important of the unsigned and undocumented works that may be attributed to Tomaso are as follows: a pier fresco of saints Jerome, John the Baptist, Agnes, and Romuald, and two donors, in San Nicolò in Treviso, probably painted soon after the chapterhouse; damaged frescoes, mostly from the legend of Saint Ursula, detached from the church of Santa Margherita in Treviso and now in the civic museum, done during his extended stay in that city or during an unrecorded visit shortly after his return to Modena; and the central panel of a triptych, featuring the Last Supper and three Madonnas seen in different settings—reading, nursing, and knitting—in the Pinacoteca at Bologna, probably painted in the middle to late 1350s. There is general agreement on these attributions, though not on the attribution of the badly damaged frescoes in the Gonzaga chapel in San Francesco, Mantua. In the Gonzaga chapel, Tomaso probably painted the Life of Saint Louis of Toulouse and other scenes on the south wall and was not involved in the scenes of Christ on the remaining walls. These scenes of Christ may be attributed to Serafino Serafini, whose arrival in Mantua from Ferrara is promised in a letter of July 1375; the letter seems to provide an approximate date for Tomaso's frescoes as well as Serafino's.
Tomaso probably received his training from his father, who died in 1343 and by whom no paintings are known. At that time Modena was, artistically, provincial, but nearby Bologna had a major painter, Vitale. As early as the Modena triptych (possibly 1345), Tomaso's work shows the influence of Vitale; by this time, Tomaso was apparently an independent painter in Modena. The other major influences on Tomaso were the school of Rimini and the Sienese, particularly Simone Martini. Although Vitale was also influenced by these sources, his art is far more expressionistic, whereas Tomaso's is more realistic. Tomaso's realism is more developed in his frescoes than in his panels. To take the best-known example, the features of the Dominicans in the chapterhouse at Treviso are highly individualized, even by northern Italian standards (which are characterized by less generalization and less idealization than would be found in Tuscany); and the scholarly paraphernalia are minutely observed. No Italian artist of his time comes as close to the art of the northern European Renaissance.
Tomaso influenced Bohemian painting during the last four decades of the fourteenth century. In Italy, his influence was confined largely to his native Modena and to Treviso, where it was superseded around the time of his death by that of Altichiero.
See also Altichiero da Zevio; Rimini, School of, Vitale da Bologna
BRADLEY J. DELANEY
Coletti, Luigi. Tomaso da Modena. Venice: Neri Pozza, 1963.
Gibbs, Robert. Tomaso da Modena: Painting in Emilia and the March of Treviso, 1340-1380. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
Menegazzi, Luigi, ed. Tomaso da Modena. Treviso: Edizioni Canova, 1979. (Catalog of exhibition, Treviso, Santa Caterina, and Capitolo dei Domenicani, 5 July—5 November 1979.)
The identity of the poet Tommaso di Sasso da Messina (thirteenth century) is unknown; however, his origin in Messina may be confirmed by documentary evidence for the name Sasso in that city. Scandone (1904) found a Thomas Sasus in a list of harbor officials in Messina and concluded that Thomas could very well have been the poet, although Bertoni (1947) considered this identification highly unlikely and Torraca (1902) had uncovered no traces. Tommaso di Sasso's poetic legacy consists of two canzoni—D'amorosopaese and L'amoroso vedere—which are attributed to him by two authoritative codices: Vatican Lat. 3793 and Laurentian Redi 9. Both canzoni show Tommaso to be strongly influenced by the Notaro, Giacomo da Lentini.
See also Giacomo da Lentlni; Scuola Poetica Siciliana
FREDE JENSEN
Bertoni, Giulio. Il Duecento. Milan: Vallardi, 1947, p. 120.
Poeti del Duecento, Vol. 1, ed. Gianfranco Contini. Milan and Naples: Ricciardi, I960, pp. 91-93.
Scandone, F. "Notizie biografiche di rimatori della scuola siciliana." Studi di Letteratura Italiana, 5, 1904, pp. 97-99.
Torraca, Francesco. Studi su la lirica italiana del Duecento. Bologna: Zanichelli, 1902, p. 140.
Torcello is an island in the Venetian lagoons north of Murano and of Venice itself, and west of Burano. The island takes its name (according to one explanation) from a small lookout tower that was supposedly there in very early times. According to tradition, Torcello was founded as a settlement in 452 by the population of Altinum on the mainland as they fled from Attila's Huns. In fact, some settlements must go back to the earlier Roman era itself, when there were Roman villas (some of them praised by the poet Martial) on the nearby shore. The first definitive evidence of settlement in Torcello—and, indeed, the first epigraphic document of settlement in the entire lagoon area—is an inscription dated to 639, during the reign of the Byzantine emperor Heraclius, recording the building in that year of its cathedral, dedicated to the Virgin Mary. The settlers were, again, from Altinum; at this time, they were being pressed by the Lombards. Supposedly they brought with them for reinterment the relics of their patron saint, Heliodorus, Altinum's first bishop. They also brought building materials and artistic spolia from Altinum, to be reused in their new constructions.
Torcello became a focus of steady population transfer from the mainland into the lagoon area during the eighth and ninth centuries, at a time when the Rivo Alto (Rialto) area—which was eventually to become the Venice we know—had not developed very much. Indeed, as Torcello emerged it continued to rival Venice. Torcello prospered as an active center of maritime trade and in salt production, and it developed a particularly strong woolen industry. At its peak, it was said to have a population of about 20,000, its own episcopal seat, and administrative jurisdiction over surrounding islands. One of the two Venetian merchants who were said to have stolen the relics of Saint Mark from Alexandria was a Torcellan, and local lore insists that Mark's remains were briefly housed on Torcello—where a church of Saint Mark can still be traced—before being transferred to the first San Marco in Venice itself. A tenth-century Byzantine source singles out Torcello as a great trading center within the empire.
By the eleventh century, as Rialto-Venice became more clearly defined, more central, and more self-important, Torcello began a slow decline. As late as 1247 Torcello had its own podestà with a grand council and a lesser council, and in 1464 it was still recognized as a civitas; but during the late medieval period its prosperity and population were diminishing. By the fourteenth century, its neglected buildings had become a quarry for decorative materials. Its woolen industry decayed from the fourteenth century on; and during the same period the silting up of its main channel, the Sile, restricted its access to the sea and worsened the problem of malaria. The deterioration of Torcello was signaled by its steady degradation to the status of a local village. In 1689, its bishopric was transferred to Murano; by 1810, its remaining religious institutions were dismantled; and in 1818, it was placed directly under the patriarchate of Venice. The population had been gradually abandoning the island: when the Venetian republic fell in 1797, Torcello had barely 300 inhabitants. The island soon became a collection of swampy gardens and farm fields with few residences. A modest revival was eventually generated, but only for present-day tourist facilities.
Though the remains of a few medieval buildings have been found on the island, the glory of Torcello, and its attraction, is still its small complex of surviving monuments at what was once its civic center. Facing its fourteenth-century municipal buildings (now used as a museum for fragments of the island's lost structures) are two remarkable churches. The smaller of the two is Santa Fosca, built in the eleventh century, perhaps replacing a seventh-century church, intended as a martyrium to contain the relics of an early Christian martyr that were transferred to the island. The church is in the form of a Greek cross with short arms within an octagon, surmounted by a circular drum that is topped by a conical wooden roof. No decoration survives in the heavily restored interior, but the bare brickwork presents an elegant picture of structural design; the apse exterior also displays some handsome brickwork patterns.
The most striking monument, however, is the adjacent cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta, whose eleventh-century campanile can be seen like a beacon from many points around the upper lagoons. This cathedral—replacing the one that had first been built in 639 and had been expanded in 824—was rebuilt in its present form beginning in 1008, when Bishop Orso Orseolo, son of the Venetian doge Pietro Orseolo II, arrived in Torcello. Before its plain facade and a fourteenth- and fifteenth-century portico are the rediscovered foundations of the original seventh-century baptistery. On the outside of the nave may be seen hinged stone slabs that are the shutters of the high clerestory windows, as installed under Orso. The church is laid out on a basilican plan, with a high wooden ceiling, and still preserves Orso's original opus alexandrinum marble pavement largely intact. The eleventh-century choir screen and the thirteenth-century ambo (pulpit enclosure) to its left were created out of sculptural fragments from the earlier church—in the case of the ambo, some of them were brutally trimmed for this reuse. The panels mounted over the screen depict the Virgin and apostles; they are by a fifteenth-century Venetian painter. The remounted altar table is set over a Roman sarcophagus supposedly containing the remains of Saint Heliodorus.
Caiiiedral and Santa Fosca, Torcello. Photograph courtesy of John W. Barker.
In the central apse conch, over the bishop's throne, is one of the church's glorious mosaics, a magnificent representation of the Virgin and Child that is apparently by Byzantine artists, possibly working c. 1185. It is of a Byzantine type called hodegetria ("indicator of the way"): that is, with her right hand the Virgin indicates the child, who is on her left arm. Outside the apse arch above her are mosaics (perhaps thirteenth-century) of the two figures of the Annunciation; below her is a mosaic band (perhaps eleventh-century) representing the twelve apostles. Below that, on the right, the wall preserves fragments of earlier fresco decoration, possibly by Byzantine artists of the late tenth or early eleventh century. Mounted in the wall farther to the left is the restored inscription of 639. In the side chapel to the right of the apse, the conch contains a smaller but also impressive mosaic representation of Christ enthroned between two archangels, in Byzantine style (possibly from the twelfth or thirteenth century), above four saints (possibly from the ninth to twelfth centuries). In the vaulting above, four angels hold the medallion of the mystic lamb (perhaps from the eleventh century), in a style reminiscent of the mosaics of Ravenna.
The most spectacular mosaic in the cathedral, a Last Judgment, occupies the entire interior west wall. The episodes are displayed in a series of descending bands: framed by two archangels, Christ rises from the grave in a characteristically Byzantine anastasis (resurrection) scene; the enthroned Christ, flanked by the Virgin and John the Baptist in a Byzantine deisis scene, presides between two rows of the apostles; angels prepare the throne of judgment (the Byzantine etoimasia), before which Adam and Eve kneel, while on either side trumpeting angels summon the dead from land and sea; and an angel and a demon contest the weighing of a soul, while the blessed elect look on in two tiers from one side and on the other side angels herd the damned into hell. In between, in a lunette over the door to the earlier Baptistery, a Byzantine Virgin is shown in prayer (orans). This great composition is generally dated to the twelfth century, with some revisions in the thirteenth, plus subsequent restorations.
It should be stressed that all the datings for the mosaics in this church involve conjecture and are disputed, and a definitive investigation has yet to be completed. Nevertheless, these mosaics are magnificent works of art and are also important testimony to the artistic links between Italy and Byzantium in the central Middle Ages. Their study is closely linked to understanding the earlier phases of the mosaic decoration of San Marco in Venice.
See also Lombards; Ravenna; Venice
JOHN W. BARKER
Andreescu, Irina. Torcello I—III. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 26, 1972, pp. 183-223; 30, 1976, pp. 245-341.
Andreescu (or Andreescu-Treadgold), Irina. Corpus for Middle Byzantine Mosaics: The Church of Santa Maria Assunta at Torcello. Forthcoming.
Brunetti, M., S. Bettini, F. Forlani, and G. Fiocco. Torcello. Venice: Libreria Serenissima, 1940.
Howard, Deborah. The Architectural History of Venice, rev. ed. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2002.
Lorenzetti, Giulio. Torcello: La sua storia i suoi monumenti nel XIII centenario delta fondazione della cattedrale. Venice: C. Ferrari, 1939.
Niero, Antonio. The Basilica of Torcello and Santa Fosca. Venice: ARDO, 1974.
Pertusi, Agostino. "L'iscrizione torcellana dei tempi di Eraclio." Bollettino dell'htituto di Storia della Società e dello Stato, 4, 1962, pp. 9-38.
Polacco, Renato. La cattedrale di Torcello. Venice: L'Altra Riva, 1984.
Jacopo Torriti (fl. c. 1270—c. 1300) was a Roman mosaicist and painter; his reputation today rests principally on two great apsidal mosaics, both signed, in the Roman basilicas of Santa Maria Maggiore (c. 1295) and San Giovanni in Laterano (1291; some sources give 1290 and 1292 as alternative dates). The status of the patron, Pope Nicholas IV (r. 1288-1292), and the highly prominent and prestigious location of the surviving projects confirm that Torriti ranked among the most admired artists of Rome in the late Duecento. To judge from the surviving work and from the known artistic commissions of the period, Torriti, perhaps with technical assistance from Byzantine craftsmen, revived in Rome the tradition of mosaic decoration on a monumental scale.
Forriti's mosaic at the Lateran—San Giovanni in Laterano—was entirely reworked in the late nineteenth century and formed an essential part of a wider program of restoration of this venerated building founded in the Constantinian era. The iconography includes a hovering bust of Christ the redeemer; the cross, from which flow the four rivers of paradise; and a wealth of animal life. All this suggests that Torriti was deeply impressed by early Christian models, and he may have been instructed simply to copy the preexisting fourth-century mosaic design. The latter proposal seems all the more plausible in light of contemporary papal policy: Nicholas IV, like Nicholas III before him, attempted throughout his reign to recover something of the associations of power and splendor of early Christian Rome by redecorating the surviving Constantinian basilicas or by commissioning new works of art in the spirit of the fourth- and fifth century Roman church. However, the inclusion of the principal saints of the Franciscan order—Francis and Anthony of Padua— as well as the Franciscan Pope Nicholas IV would have added a contemporary note to what was ostensibly an early Christian figurative program.
The better-preserved mosaics of Santa Maria Maggiore, which were executed shortly after those of the Lateran, testify to Torriti's consummate skill in the technique of mosaic. The central focus of the design, which rises above a band comprising five Episodes from the Life of the Virgin, is a monumental Coronation of the Virgin (a recently introduced iconographic type), at the side of which are standing saints, including, once again, Francis and Anthony of Padua; a kneeling Pope Nicholas IV; Cardinal Colonna; and a choir of angels. Much of the upper half of the apse shell is filled with vigorously spiraling scrolls of acanthus that are inhabited by birds. These motifs, together with the river landscape below, are imbued with the spirit of late antique naturalism, and Torriti's design undoubtedly echoes the preexisting fifth-century mosaic scheme, which, according to a lost inscription, Nicholas IV had replaced.
Aspects of the style and iconography of the supporting Marian narratives are closely indebted to rather conservative Byzantine formulas, but the giant Virgin and Christ at the heart of the composition are less so. In these figures, there is a greater sense that the properties of light have been used to define form and texture: from the simple but effective modeling of the faces to the gentle chiaroscuro of the pliant fabric that falls in voluminous folds over the body of the Virgin, it is evident that both the descriptive and the expressive qualities of light have been exploited. Perhaps as a response to the work of Arnolfo cli Cambio and Pietro Cavallini, who were both active in Rome at this time, Torriti's queen of heaven is endowed with a convincing sense of sculptural form. Allied to light is Torriti's play with color: from the subtle shades of ivory and rose of the flesh tones to the dazzling effects of a gold background and the sumptuous contrasts of the red and blue of fabric, Torriti's work offers the highest quality of visual excitement.
Jacopo Torrid (fl. c. 1270-1300), apse mosaic (nineteenth-century restoration). San Giovanni in Laterano, Rome. Photo: © Scala/Art Resource, N.Y.
Although Torriti signed the Lateran mosaic with, the title pictor (painter), no securely documented work by him in the medium of painting survives. On the basis of stylistic similarities with the signed mosaics, however, it has been proposed that he and painters in his direct circle were responsible for a number of frescoed scenes from the Old and New Testaments in the upper church ofSan Francesco in Assisi (c. 1280s-1290s). Given that Torriti's principal Roman patron, Nicholas IV, had been minister general of the Franciscans and, as the first Franciscan pope, had promoted the shrine of Saint Francis, the proposal that Torriti might have been involved in the decoration of the upper church is very convincing. Another important artistic project with which Torriti was connected was a mosaic (now destroyed) for the tomb of Pope Boniface VIII (1296).
The prestige of his papal commissions notwithstanding, Torrid is today overshadowed by Cavallini and Arnolfo, who also received prominent projects in the flourishing artistic world of late Duecento Rome. Torriti's complex relationship with the art of Byzantium, as well as the survival of signed work in the more conservative medium of mosaic, may partly explain this widespread neglect.
See also Arnolfo di Cambio; Cavallini, Pietro; Mosaic
FLAVIO BOGGI
Boskovits, Miklos. "Jacopo Torriti: Un tentativo di bilancio e qualche proposta." In Scrittiper I'htituto Germanico di Storia dell'Arte di Firenze: Settanta studiosi italiani, ed. Cristina Acidini Luchinat, et al, Florence: Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1997, pp. 5-16.
Gardner, Julian. "Pope Nicholas IV and the Decoration of Santa Maria Maggiore." Zeitscbrifi für Kunstgeschichte, 36, 1973, pp. 1-50.
Pace, Valentino. Per Iacopo Torriti, frate, architetto e 'pictor.' " Mitteilungen des Kunstbistorischen Institute in Florenz, 40, 1996, pp. 212-221.
Pesenti, Franco R. "Jacopo Torriti, Vasari, e i mosaici del Battistero di Firenze." In Scrittiper I'Istituto Germanico di Storia dell'Arte di Firenze: Settanta studiosi italiani, ed. Cristina Acidini Luchinat, et ai. Florence: Casa F.ditrice Le Lettere, 1997, pp. 17-22.
Petersen, Mark R. "Jacopo Torriti: Critical Study and Catalogue Raisonné." Dissertation, University of Virginia, 1989.
Tomei, Alessandro. Iacobus Torriti pictor: Una vicenda figurativa del tarda Duecento romano. Rome: Argos, 1990.
—. "Un frammento ritrovato dal mosaico del monumento di Bonifacio VIII in San Pietro." Arte Medievale, Series 2(10), 1996, pp. 123-131.
. "Dal documento al monumento: Le lettere di Niccolò IV per Santa Maria Maggiore." Studi Medievali e Moderni, 1, 1997, pp. 73-92.
—, "Ancora un frammento torritiano." In Arte d'Occidente: Temi e metodi; studi in onore di Angiola Maria Romanini, ed. Antonio Cadei. Rome: Edizioni Sintesi Informazione, 1999, pp. 633-637.
Totila (d. 552, r. 541-552) is considered the second greatest Ostrogothic king, after Theodoric. Totila led his people during their most severe trials, waging war first against Belisarius and then against Narses. After the capture of Witigis in 540, those representing what survived of Gothic independence rallied to Totila rather than accept the punitive taxation of the eastern Roman victors. Ultimately, Totila was able to reassert the Ostrogoths' control over most of Italy, and he attempted to bring both Italians and Goths under his banner; however, he remained primarily an Ostrogothic ruler.
Totila. Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum (Nuremberg Chronicle). Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 1493, p. I45v.
There was little respite from the warfare of Totila's reign and its attendant ills. The strains of fighting were combined with pestilence as the first widespread outbreak of bubonic plague struck. Totila besieged and took Rome twice, and although he steadfastly forbade its destruction, this was not true of numerous other towns that were taken and retaken during the protracted struggle. Both sides, desperate for recruits, freed slaves and encouraged desertion among the enemy forces. At one point, Totila manned a fleet to cut Rome off from Sicilian grain. As he pressed the countryside to support his men, the tax system collapsed. Dead bodies could be seen everywhere, and many hostages were taken. However, in 549 Totila gave the last games ever held in the Roman Circus; his coins continued to portray, and his policies continued to reflect, Theodoric's central theme of concord; and he tried to continue regular civilian government.
Totila died fighting in the front ranks at the battle of Teginae (Busta Gallorum) in 552.
See also Belisarius; Gothic Wars; Narses; Ostrogoths; Rome; Teginae, Battle of; Theodoric; Witigis
THOMAS S. BURNS
The painter and illuminator Francesco Traini (Francesco di Traino, fl, 1321 -1345) is generally considered the most important Pisan artist of the second quarter of the Trecento, when Pisa was under the rule of Francesco Novello della Gherardesca. Traini's career is still a focus of debate among scholars, but all would agree that he was one of the most original painters in fourteenth-century Italy. Traini's only surviving signed work is an altarpiece depicting Saint Dominic between eight scenes from his life (1344—1345; Pisa, Museo Nazionale di San Matteo). Since the nineteenth century, this altarpiece has been a valuable point of reference in attempts to identify a larger body of Traini's work.
Nothing is known about Traini's formative years; but to judge from his securely identifiable work, he was indebted to Sienese artistic traditions, especially the art of Simone Martini and Lippo Memmi, who were both active in Pisa in the early fourteenth century. This debt is evident in Traini's expressive treatment of line, his use of richly wrought surface textures, and his interest in spirited narrative detail. In addition, the Giottesque traditions of Florentine painting in general and the San Torpe Master in particular have been identified as possible sources for the more forcefully expressive elements in Traini's recognized oeuvre. Traini must already have been established as an independent painter with a certain reputation c. 1321, for in July and August 1322 it is recorded that he was paid for having decorated two important rooms in the Palazzo degli Anziani in Pisa. His success during the following decade is indicated by the fact that in December 1337 he committed himself to taking on an apprentice (by the name of Giovanni) for a period of three years. Traini is next recorded in December 1340 and February 1341, when he was involved in a commission to paint a banner for the confraternity of the Laudi of the cathedral in Pisa. In 1344 and 1345, Traini received payment for the signed Saint Dominic Altarpiece, which adorned an altar in the powerful Dominican church of Santa Caterina in Pisa. Albizzo delle Statere, a wealthy Pisan citizen who was active in public life, had allocated funds for its execution in his will of 1336; the status of this commission suggests that Traini's art was held in high regard by his contemporaries. Traini is not thought to have survived the black death in 1348.
The Saint Dominic Altarpiece is considered one of the greatest achievements of Pisan Trecento panel painting. It shows a monumental standing figure of the saint, whose solid form is crisply delineated and defined by robust modeling. At each side of the saint are four episodes from his life, contained within quatrefoils; these are characterized by a remarkably fresh sense of narrative. For example, in one scene—Saint Dominic Saving Pilgrims from a Shipwreck—the painter was careful to evoke a variety of responses ranging from a desperate struggle for life by those in the water to the gratitude of the drenched figures who have been saved. Profound insights into psychological nuances and individual characteristics are evident throughout the altarpiece and are a hallmark of Traini's style generally, as can be seen in the Saint Anne with Virgin and Child (1330s; Princeton University Art Museum) and the Archangel Michael (c. 1330s; Lucca, Museo Nazionale di Villa Guinigi). The Saint Anne with Virgin and Child has a highly innovative design: an immobile and matronly Anne with a wizened face is juxtaposed with a suave, youthful Virgin who tenderly supports a lithe and nimble infant. The Archangel Michael depicts a heroic figure whose activated pose and spirited drapery convey a powerful sense of energy.
There are still differences of opinion regarding the exact nature of Traini's activity as a fresco painter in the Camposanto of Pisa. Since 1974, when Bellosi attributed the Triumph of Death and stylistically similar frescoes to Bonamico BufFalmacco, some scholars have held that Traini's contribution was limited to the bold designs of the Crucifixion (1330s). Traini's career as an illuminator is less contentious, but it too is a subject of divergent critical opinions, which concern the role of collaborators or intervention by a shop. The quality of Traini's illuminations is perhaps best seen in Lucano Spinola of Genoa's copy of Dante's Inferno (c. 1330; Chantilly, Musee Conde), which manifests a remarkable sensitivity to glance, gesture, and the fall of drapery.
The legacy of the marked expressive power of Traini's art can be discerned in the work of a number of important younger painters active in northwestern Tuscany. These painters include Francesco Neri of Volterra and Angelo Puccinelli of Lucca, both of whom used Traini's robust chiaroscuro, powerful volumes, and eccentric characterization of figures.
See also Buffalmacco, Bonamico; Pisa
FLAVIO BOGGI
Balberini, Chiara. "Problemi di Miniatura del Trecento a Pisa: Gli Antifonari di San Francesco." Critica d'Arte, 63(7), 2000, pp. 44-60.
Bellosi, Luciano. Buffalmacco e il Trionfo delta Morte. Turin: Einaudi, 1974.
—, "Sur Francesco Traini." Revue de I Art, 92, 1991, pp. 9-19.
Carli, Enzo. Pittura pisana del Trecento, Vol. 1. Milan: A. Martello, 1959.
—. La pittura a Pisa dalle origini alia "Bella Maniera. " Pisa: Pacini Editore, 1994.
Dalit Regoli, Gigetta. Miniatura pisana del Trecento. Venice: N, Pozza, 1963.
Meiss, Millard, Francesco Traini, ed. Hayden B. J. Maginnis. Washington, D.C.: Decatur House, 1983.
Polzer, Joseph. "Observations on Known Paintings and a New Altarpiece by Francesco Traini." Pantheon, 29, 1971, pp. 379-389.
Testi Cristiani, Maria. "Francesco Traini, i 'Chompagni' di Sirnone Martini a Pisa e la Madonna 'Linsky' con Bambino, Santi, e Storiette del Metropolitan Museum." Critica d'Arte, 64(9), 2001, pp. 21-45.
Trani is a small, attractive city on the Adriatic coast of Puglia between Barletta and Bari. According to ancient traditions, it was founded by a son of the Homeric hero Diomedes, Tirenus, from whom it took its ancient name, Tirenum. However, its actual origins are obscure, and Trani seems to have had little importance or identity through the Roman era, at least until the fourth or fifth century after Christ. In the ninth century, the much older and more important Roman city of Canosa di Puglia was sacked by the Saracens, and its bishopric was transferred to Trani, which also became a stronghold of the Lombard duchy of Benevento.
Trani first came into its own when it became part of the restored Byzantine rule in southern Italy. The Byzantines gave its ecclesiastical life a new, Greek flavor. Above all, taking advantage of the city's natural harbor and its links with other Adriatic ports, the Byzantines connected Trani's merchants with the marts of Constantinople and the Levant. This gave Trani a new status in international trade from the eleventh century on. Its commercial life was so active that Trani produced, in 1063, the first maritime code created in medieval western Europe, the Ordinamenta maris; this was almost two centuries before the celebrated Amalfitan code.
Trani took on further importance when it was annexed by the conquering Normans, under whom it enjoyed liberal privileges and favor. It became a diverse and cosmopolitan community, with colonies of merchants from various other Italian maritime cities, and it cultivated good relations with Venice. Trani reached a peak of prosperity during the reign of Frederick II, who continued earlier patronage and built one of his strong fortresses for its defense. There was also traffic by pilgrims and crusaders; as a port of passage to the east, Trani competed with Brindisi and outstripped Bari. Among the military orders, the Templars made Trani one of their important bases.
With the coming of the Angevins' rule, however, Trani entered a decline. It was battered in the Angevin dynastic wars and was also caught up in a conflict with Venice (1308-1316). There was some revival of prosperity by the fifteenth century, but then Trani found itself caught between the conflicting claims of the Angevins and the Aragonese. The city tried to play a balancing act involving shifting alliances, amid mounting internal dissension and in the face of occasional sieges. Ultimately, it acknowledged Aragonese rule (1435). In 1496, Ferdinand of Aragon, who was deeply in debt, pawned Trani to the Venetians, who ruled it until 1509. When Spanish rule was restored, Trani continued to decay; and in general it did not revive until the twentieth century.
The centro storico of Trani, around its port, still preserves much of the city's medieval flavor. The noteworthy monuments include Frederick II's fortress (built in 1233—1249), to the northwest of the port; and, close to the harbor shore, the elegant little Romanesque church of the Ognissanti, which was built in the early twelfth century by the Templars and was a part of their headquarters in Trani until the order dissolved in 1312. Several other small churches received later refurbishing but still retain some of their earlier character. The oldest is Sant'Andrea (eleventh or twelfth century), built on a Greek-cross plan in Byzantine style with a central cupola. San Francesco was originally built (in 1176-1184) by the Benedictines as a church of the Holy Trinity, but it was taken over in the sixteenth century by the Franciscans and accordingly rededicated. Outside the old city to the southwest is the eleventh-century Abbey of Santa Maria di Colonna, much revised and now a museum.
Trani's most commanding monument by far is its magnificent Romanesque cathedral, which is strikingly situated on the Adriatic shore between the fortress and the port and is one of the finest buildings in southern Italy. It was begun in 1097, on the foundations of a much earlier church dedicated to Saint Mary. The new cathedral was dedicated to Saint Nicholas the Pilgrim, a Greek holy man who fell ill at the earlier church, died nearby in 1094, was canonized two years later by Pope Urban II, and was quickly made the patron saint of Trani. Construction took place in several phases, especially during the twelfth century, and was not completed until the mid-thirteenth century. The exterior of the cathedral is decorated with fascinating sculptures, and an elaborate lion portal on the facade, atop an impressive staircase, frames finely decorated bronze doors (1175-1179) by Barisano da Trani. The interor is, in effect, two churches, one on top of the other. The upper church, the cathedral proper, has been restored to recover as much as possible of its original character. On the lower level directly below the high altar is a richly columned crypt, the original shrine to Saint Nicholas, who is entombed there, replacing the altar and presbytery of the older church. This gives access to the rest of the lower level, directly under the upper nave. Substantially, this part of the lower level is the nave of the earlier church of Santa Maria, which incorporated Roman architectural spolia and includes some frescoes from various periods. Below its own floor is the hypogeum of Saint Leucio, an early Christian bishop of Brindisi, whose relics were transferred there for safekeeping in the seventh century.
Cathedral, Trani. Photograph courtesy of John W. Barker.
See also Angevin Dynasty; Bari; Benevento; Brindisi; Bronze Doors; Byzantine Empire; Canosa di Puglia; Frederick II Hohenstaufen; Military Orders in Italy; Normans; Venice
JOHN W. BARKER
Ronchi, Benedetto. Indagine sullo sviluppo urbanistico di Trani dall'Xl al XVIII secolo. Fasano: Schena, 1984.
Transhumance, a form of stock management involving the seasonal movement of livestock to different pastures, was found in medieval Italy on various scales reflecting the social and economic status of the farmer concerned. Contrary to the deterministic views of geographers in the earlier twentieth century, transhumance has never been a result simply of the contrasts of relief characteristic of the Italian landscape. Although transhumance is likely to be endemic on a small scale in almost any region of Italy, the large-scale movement that involved many thousands of beasts on journeys of hundreds of miles or kilometers did not develop until the later Middle Ages.
The evidence from the early Middle Ages suggests that a wide range of livestock would have been kept in most regions, with an emphasis on cattle (important as plow animals) rather than sheep or, in forested regions, swine. A certain amount of movement of all main types of livestock, including swine, took place, but it was on a relatively modest scale compatible with "normal" farming practices and thus aroused no contemporary comment. In principle, stock is moved off the home farm or out of the home territory only if demand (number of animals) exceeds resources (carrying capacity in the season of shortage). Thus transhumance may be considered a result of bad management (or greed) as often as it may be considered an example of a sophisticated partnership between those having more stock than land and those having more arable land needing manure than animals to provide that vital commodity. The few animals of an individual peasant or farmer in medieval Italy might never have had to be moved at all, being stall-fed (especially during mountain winters) on fodder gathered earlier in the year. Some form of transhumance, regulated by customary or written codes, would have taken place only where either single or aggregated flocks or herds resulted in larger numbers of animals than could be fed locally year-round. Even then, the shorter the distance involved, the better.
In intraregional transhumance, all movement is contained within a community's territorial boundaries, which often ran so as to include both upland and lowland. At Pistoia during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, small flocks of 200 or 300 animals were pastured around the city in the winter, manuring the fallow land; and on the rich mountain meadows, less than 13 miles"(20 kilometers) away, in summer. Larger flocks—4,000 head or more—had to be sent from the Tuscan Apennines to the coastal marshes of Lucca and Pisa, about 35 miles (50-60 kilometers) away, or even to the thinly populated Maremma of Siena, nearly 90 miles (more than 140 kilometers) distant. Such interregional transhumance involved complicated negotiations with the many communes through which the livestock traveled, as well as negotiations over the leasing of grass on distant pastures. Farmers undertaking interregional transhumance in medieval Italy were owners of arable estates (lay or ecclesiastical) who were raising flocks and herds to provide the essential draft and manure; butchers investing in cattle (like those of twelfth-century Pisa who had to send their beasts into the Calci hills); or landowners who were in a position to respond to the growing market for wool by specializing in sheep raising, buying more land if necessary, or even promoting enclosure. Much transhumance was operated by each landowner independently. Thus during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, monasteries in the hills around Bergamo (Astino, Pontida, Vall'Alta) were sending stock about 20 to 30 miles (30-50 kilometers) away to spend the winter on the pastures of the Po lowland. But there are also records of "company" flocks, like a flock shared in the late thirteenth century between a family in Pisa (who had it for six months) and the family's partners in the Garfagnana (who had it for the other six months). In regions where the nobles began to specialize in sheep raising, such as Tuscany in the thirteenth century, their feudal prerogative to grant pascuum (the right to graze animals on estate land) brought them power as well as wealth. They devolved the obligation of protecting arable land from flocks onto lessees but still charged tolls on flocks moving across, resting on, or feeding from their land. Large-scale transhumance, then, needed financing: shepherds had to be equipped and paid, and money had to be advanced for the hire of distant pastures and for food and tolls.
Such transhumance also needed political stability, and it tended to flourish in a state whose policies were sympathetic to the pastoralists. These conditions were first met in medieval Italy in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Exploiting newly amalgamated territory, Frederick II published a constitution at Melfi in 1231 that not only reestablished something of the old Roman system of transhumance between the Abruzzi and southern Italy (notably Apulia and Basilicata) but also ensured that the state both controlled and benefited from it (through the. fida or pasture tax). Even so, nothing equivalent to the Castilian mesta (1273—1836) existed in Italy before the fifteenth century. Then two major state institutions were created: the dogana dei pascoli ("customhouse of the pastures") of the papal states (in 1402), for the wintering of Abruzzi flocks and herds in the Roman Campagna and elsewhere in Latium; and the dogana delle pecore in the Kingdom of Naples (in 1443), for transhumant pastoralism along the eastern side of the peninsula from the Abruzzi southward. The dogana delle pecore was strengthened by Alfonso of Aragon in 1447 along Iberian lines to become the central institution for the single most important economic activity of the Neapolitan state: the wool trade. Through this dogana, the state controlled a vast network of herding routes (tratturi)— the longest journeys covered nearly 500 miles (more than 800 kilometers). The state rented out the extensive winter pastures (locazione) of the Tavoliere, and it administered from its base in Foggia all land-use and legal and commercial business. In 1447, the Neapolitan dogana already controlled 1.7 million sheep; three centuries later there were 7.5 million.
See also Agriculture
CATHERINE DELANO SMITH
Cleary, M. C., and C. Delano Smith. 'Transhumance Reviewed: Past and Present Practice in France and Italy." Quaderni Storici, 1990.
Delano Smith, C. Western Mediterranean Europe: An Historical Geography of Italy, Spain, and Southern France since the Neolithic. New York and London: Academic, 1979. (See ch. 7.)
Herlihy, David. "Agriculture." In Pisa in the Early Renaissance: A Study of Urban Growth. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1958, ch. 8.
—. Medieval and Renaissance Pistoia. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1967.
Lamer, J. Italy in the Age of Dante and Petrarch 1216-1380. Harlow, Longman, 1980.
Le Lannou, Maurice. Patres et paysans de la Sardaigne. Tours: Arrault, 1941. (Reprint, Cagliari: Fratelli Cocco, 1971.)
Marino, J. A. Pastoral Economies in the Kingdom of Naples. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988.
Wickham, Chris. The Mountains and the City: The Tuscan Appennines in the Early Middle Ages. Oxford: Clarendon, 1988.
—. "Pastoralism and Underdevelopment in the Early Middle Ages." Settimane di Studio, 31, 1983, pp. 401-455.
The term translatio imperii refers to a medieval theory accounting for the transfer of the empire of the Romans to other peoples. The concept began to take shape in the patristic age, when ideas about the transfer of power from one people to another articulated by pre-Christian Roman historians were linked with biblical exegesis identifying the Roman empire as the last of the four universal empires referred to in the book of Daniel, destined to survive until the coming of the Antichrist. In succeeding centuries, various ideas were developed to explain the survival of that empire. By the twelfth century, these ideas were distilled into a theory according to which the coronation of Charlemagne in 800 had involved a translatio of the unified Roman empire from the Greek Byzantines to the Franks, from whom it passed to the Germans with the coronation of Otto I in 962. Although there were differing views concerning to whom this transfer could be attributed, by the time of Innocent III the papacy claimed to be the effective agency in the translatio imperii by virtue of the role played by Pope Leo III in the coronation of Charlemagne. The curial theory prevailed until it was gradually eroded in early modern times in the face of new views of history, political authority, and scriptural exegesis.
See also Charlemagne; Holy Roman Empire; Innocent III, Pope; Leo III, Pope; Otto III
RICHARD E. SULLIVAN
Goez, Werner. Translatio Imperii: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Geschichtsdenkens und der politischen Theorien im Mittelalter und die frühen Neuzeit. Tübingen: Mohr, 1958.
Trapani, on the extreme western edge of Sicily, is situated arnid salt pans at the foot of the great mountain (the medieval Monte San Giuliano) crowned by its neighboring city, Erice. In the Middle Ages, Trapani was a major port linking Sicily to North Africa and to Spain. It was the entry point for the Vandal invaders of Sicily in the fifth century, and it flourished under Muslim rule, as the geographer al-Idrisi attests. Benjamin of Tudela (c. 1160) mentions Trapani as an important source of coral. In the Norman period, Trapani began to function as one of the bases for Genoese and Pisan penetration of the island. The Pisans Vioped that, under the terms of their treaties with Frederick I Barbarossa and Henry VI (1162, 1191), they would acquire possession of the city if the Germans captured the Sicilian kingdom; but after Henry VI became king of Sicily, he ignored any such claims. Trapani was a departure point for ships bound on Saint Louis's disastrous crusade against Tunis in 1282 (and also for Charles V's expedition in the sixteenth century); and it was off Trapani that much of the Franco-Sicilian fleet was wrecked on its return. The city supported Peter III of Aragon against Charles I ofAnjou in the rebellion known as the Sicilian Vespers; and Peter landed at Trapani in August 1282 on his way to conquer the island, swearing in the city to observe the statutes of his new kingdom. The Angevins were defeated at sea off Trapani in 1284, and an Angevin siege of Trapani was repelled in 1315. As late as 1432, the Angevin claimant to the throne of Naples, Louis III of Anjou, tried to seize Trapani from his rival Alfonso V of Aragon, who, with his customary magnanimity, granted the city the title invictissima for resisting.
Trapani had an important Jewish community, living in an area still known as the Via della Giudecca. However, the Palazzo della Giudecca or Ciambra is in fact a sixteenth-century structure, possibly on the site of a former synagogue. About 2,000 Jews were still at Trapani in 1492, and after the expulsion of the Jews from Sicily that year, many remained as converts (neofitt); these included members of the powerful Sala family. The original church of San Domenico stands on the site of a former synagogue, given to the friars by a convert c. 1221. However, the Dominicans moved in 1288 to the present much larger site; there, the tomb of Frederick Ill's son Prince Manfred was decorated with rich coverings supplied by the local Jews.
The Christian merchants of Trapani were also active; in 1406 there was correspondence between the city council (università) and the city of Candia in Crete. The Catalan-Aragonese invasion brought many Catalan merchants to Trapani. A Catalan consul was in the city by 1301 (possibly as early as 1285); by 1345, he had deputies in several coastal ports of great importance in the grain trade, such as Sciacca, Licata, and Marsala. The Catalans and Majorcans appear to have taken over the old "street of the Amalfitans," which became the "street of the loggia of the Catalans" (it is now Corso Vittorio Emmanuele). A hospital for the Catalans was erected in 1303. In 1374, the town had 2,608 hearths (i.e., households). Royal privileges were showered on Trapani between 1312 and 1351; these enabled the city to benefit from tax reductions on exports, and exempted Sardinian goods imported by the Catalans from import charges, among other commercial advantages. The monarchy under Frederick III and his successors thus well understood the critical importance of the prosperity of Trapani to the overall well-being of the kingdom.
DAVID ABULAFIA
Bucaria, Nicolò. Sicilia Judaica: Guida aue antichità giudaiche delta Sicilia. Palermo: Flaccovio, 1996.
Trasselli, Carmelo. Iprivilegi di Messina e di Trapani (1160-1355), ed. E. Pispisa. Messina: Intilla Editore, 1992. (New ed.)
Trento, or Trent, is a bishopric and town in northern Italy. Owing in part to its advantageous geographical position in the middle of the Adige valley (in Latin, vallis Tridentina), at the confluence of the Sugana and Judicaria valleys, the town was already serving as an important stronghold against invasions from the north in late antiquity. A bishop is known to have been in the Roman municipium Tridentum since c. 350. Christian missionary activity had largely been concluded by c. 400, finishing under Bishop Vigilius, the later patron of the bishopric. From the sixth century on, the diocese belonged to the metropolitan see of Aquileia. In 569, the town became the seat of the Lombard dukes, who at times found themselves in conflict with the neighboring Bavarians and Franks but at other times maintained friendly relationships with them. At the time of Bishop Agnellus, whose episcopacy between 577 and 591 is well documented, Abbot Secundus of Trento wrote a historical account, of which only a few excerpts have been preserved by Paul the Deacon. During the Carolingian period new town walls were erected, and the bed of the Adige River, which had been in the process of changing its course, was regulated. There is hardly any documentary evidence of the bishops from the seventh century to the ninth.
The Italian politics of the Ottonian rulers first enabled the bishops of Trento to achieve political importance, largely owing to the geographical position of the Adige valley. Probably, Emperor Henry II, in 1004, conferred the contado (countryside) of Trento on the church of Trento and conferred a donation of land in Carniola on the bishop of Bressanone, as a token of recognition for services rendered and in order to secure the route across the Brenner Pass—an important route for the German kings who would journey to Rome to be crowned emperor. In 1027, Conrad II extended the donation to the bishop ofTrento to include the counties Vinschgau (Venosta valley) and Bolzano. In making these decrees, the German rulers paved the way for the creation of the prince-bishopric of Trento, endowing the bishops with the necessary authority, i.e., supreme power of jurisdiction in this area.
During the investiture controversy, the bishops mostly took the side of the emperor. The idea of church reform was introduced by Bishop Altmann (r, 1124—1149), who founded the canonical convent at San Michele all'Adige (before 1145) and the Benedictine monastery of San Lorenzo at Trento (1146). Bishop Adelpret II (r. 1156-1172) was murdered by vassals of his church; he was later beatified. In 1182, Frederick I Barbarossa confirmed the rights of the bishop in relation to the town of Trento and thereby forbade the town to do such things as elect consuls, erect towers or fortifications, or establish weights and measures. All these rights were again conferred on the bishop or the bishopric, and no consul, no count, no podestà appointed by the emperor, and no rector would be allowed to contest the bishop's rights. The town was to be governed sicut et aliae regni Teutonici civitates ordinatae. Henry VI renewed these comprehensive rights of the bishop in his town of residence in 1191 and prohibited any sort of coniuratio or societas in the town and duchy of Trento. The massive intervention on the part of Frederick I (1182) and Henry VI (1191) to preserve the authority of the bishops in the face of increasing communal liberties does not, however, allow us to conclude that consular rule following the Lombard model had already effectively been introduced in the town. Their intervention seems rather to have been aimed against attempts (possibly just commencing) to introduce consular rule. Still, during the first years of the thirteenth century the citizens of Trento were actively participating in the more important decisions of civic life. Furthermore, their powers were being extended beyond the confines of the town, so that the town inhabitants stepped in as a decision-making body alongside the cathedral chapter and the curia vassallorum. Thus there were undoubtedly communal elements in Trento; what was missing was an effective alignment of organs of communal self-government.
The economy experienced an upswing from the twelfth century on; this involved an increase in trade and traffic along the Adige, silver mining, and coin minting. From 1185 to 1214, we possess copies of documents relating to mining rights in the area of Monte Calisio north of Trento, where silver ore was exploited. They contain provisions for the so-called mining liberty and for hereditary mine shafts; further technological, social, and legal innovations; and the oldest European mine regulations, dating from 1208.
Bishop Frederick of Wangen (r. 1207-1218), who was the uncle of Count Albert of Tirol and was related to the house of Hohenstaufen, proved to be extremely clever and energetic. He succeeded in having the regalia confirmed by all the emperors who reigned during his tenure of office. In addition, he had the rights of the Trento church documented in an extensive collection of deeds, and in 1213 he was named imperial legate and vicar by Emperor Frederick II. The bishop also had a new town wall buiit and began the rebuilding of the late Romanesque cathedral. In the first decades of the thirteenth century, Franciscans (c. 1221), Poor Clares (1229), and Dominicans (1235) settled in Trento. In 1250, building started on the castello Buon Consiglio, the bishop's fortified residence at the edge of the town.
Presumably mostly for strategic reasons, in 1236 Emperor Frederick II forbade Bishop Alderich to exercise any secular powers and appointed an imperial podestà in Trento. The last and most influential of these podestas was Sodeger de Tito, who managed to maintain his position in Trento after Frederick II's death. After 1250, Sodeger received increasing support from Ezzelino da Romano, with whom he had seigneurial ties. In 1255, however, their cooperation came to a halt, the town of Trento having broken with Ezzelino in the spring, and no further mention is made of Sodeger as podestà.
Count Meinhard II of Tirol (1259-1295), taking advantage of the fact that his ancestors had been serving as bailiffs of the Trento region since 1150, seized from the bishops much of their means of income and rights, so that the territory the bishops were in the process of creating was limited to the southern part of the episcopacy. From c. 1300 on, the confluence of the Avisio and Adige rivers (about 3 miles, or 5 kilometers, north of Trento) constituted the boundary between the bishopric of Trento (belonging to the regnum teutonicum) and the county of Tirol. In addition, the Tirol territorial princes—particularly the Hapsburgs, who began to rule in Tirol in 1363—exercised enormous influence on appointments to the bishop's chair. Through contractual agreements, these princes also achieved decisive military power within the area of the bishopric, which was threatened from the south by the Scaliger (della Scala) family and later by Venicc.
Duomo and fountain, Trento. Photograph courtesy of Christopher Kleinhenz.
The Venetians began to force their way into the Adige valley at the beginning of the fifteenth century; in 1416-1417, for example, they took the castle and market town of Rovereto in the Lager valley by force. This had a stimulating effect on Rovereto, which then served as the administrative center of Venetian rule in this area and as a well-fortified military bastion; it remained part ofVenetian territory until 1509. Trento's participation in the Falcon League—a pact formed in 1407 by more than 120 members from all parts of Tirol to protect the interests of the nobility—took place during turbulent developments in the bishopric. Bishop George, from the Moravian line of the Lichtenstein family, had attempted to consolidate his position inside and outside. The measures he took to this end—in particular, the fact that he brought counselors and retainers with him from his home country—provoked a revolutionary uprising of the nobility against him in 1407. The Hapsburg duke Frederick IV supported the uprising. However, although the prince and the apposition in Trento had initially been linked by common interests, this tie soon weakened. Rodolfo Belenzani, who rose to the post of capitano del popolo of Trento, was seeking an opportunity to extend the authority of the civic bodies over the entire bishopric. In the ensuing struggles against the Tirolean troops, Belen zani met his death in Trento, and Duke Frederick eventually rook over the administration of the whole Trento area.
During the episcopacy of Bishop John Hinderbach (1405-1486), there was a sensational court trial involving the Jews of Trento, who were accused of the ritual murder of a two-year-old Christian boy, Simon Unverdorben, on Maundy Thursday in 1475. The accused confessed under torture, and fourteen Jews were condemned to death. Although the highest-ranking church officials were reserved about the case, the cult of the presumed victim spread rapidly, encouraged by the bishop himself. The cult was also promoted by book printing; the earliest product of this technology in the old crown territories of Tirol was Gescbichte des zu Trient ermordeten Christenkindes (Story of the Murdered Christian Child from Trento, 1475).
The famous Trent Codices were arranged during the same period. These codices reflect the polyphonic repertoire of churches and court orchestras in southern Germany and northern Italy (and perhaps the repertoire of the imperial court as well) between c. 1400 and 1475. They contain mostly anonymous music, but also harmonies by Dufay, Binchois, and Ockeghem; pieces by composers from Italy (Zaccaria da Teramo) and England (Dunstable, Power); and German works. The manuscript was presumably not intended for practical use, since it is small (about 12 by 8 inches, or 30 by 20 centimeters) and completely mixes the genres. Rather, it reflects the findings of an ardent humanist collector, who may have compiled the repertoire especially for Bishop John of Hinderbach.
MARITA kEWE
Codex Wangianus: Urkundenbucb des Hochstipes Trient, ed. Rudolf Kink. Fontes Rerum Austriacarum, 2(5). New York; Johnson, 1964. (Reprint.)
Monumenta liturgica Ecclesiae Tridentinae saeculo XIII antiquiora, Vol. 1, Testimonia chronographica ex codicibus liturgicis, ed. Hyginus Rogger. Collana di Monografie Edita dalla Società per gli Studi Trentini, 38(1). Trento: Soc. Studi Trentini di Scienze Storiche, 1983.
Regestum ecclesiae Tridentinae, Vol. 1, Regesto dei documenti dell'archivio capitolare di Trento dal 1182 al 1350 conservati nel R. Archivio di Stato di Trento, ed. Carlo Ausserer. Regesta Chartarum Italiae, 27. Rome: R. 1st. Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1939.
Die Regesten der Grafen von Görz und Tirol, Pfalsgrafen von Kärnten, Vol. 1, 957-1271, ed. Hermann Wiesflecker. Publikationen des Institutes für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 4(1.1). Innsbruck: Wagner, 1949.
Die Regesten der Grafen von Görz und Tirol, Pfalsgrafen von Kärnten, Vol. 2(1), Die Regesten Meinhards II. (I.) 1271—1295, ed. Hermann Wiesflecker and Johan Rainer. Publikationen des Institutes für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 4(1.1), Innsbruck: Wagner, 1952.
Santifaller, Leo. Urkunden und Forschungen zur Gescbichte des Trientner Domkapitel im Mittelalter, Vol. 1, Urkunden zur Geschichte des Trientner Domkapitels 1147-1500. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 6. Vienna: Universum, 1948.
Die Südtiroler Notariats-Imbreviaturen des 13. Jahrhunderts, Vol. 1, ed. Hans von Voltelini. Acta Tirolensia, 2(1). Innsbruck: Wagner; Aalen: Scientia, 1899.
Die Südtiroler Notariats-Imbreviaturen des 13. Jahrhunderts, Vol. 2, ed. Hans von Voltelini and Franz Huter. Acta Tirolensia, 2(2). Innsbruck: Wagner; Aalen: Scientia, 1951.
Tiroler Urkundenbuch, Vol. 1, Die Urkunden zur Geschichte des deutschen Etschlandes und des Vintschgaus, ed. Franz Huter. Innsbruck: Wagner, 1937-1957. (3 vols, in all.)
Adel und Territorium—Nobiltà e territorio: Adelsherrschaft im Raurn Trentino-Tirol vom Hochmittelalter bis zur Friihen Neuzeit— Aristocrazia e poteri nell'area trentino-tirolese dal medioevo fino alia prima età moderna, ed. Marco Bellabarba and Gian Maria Varanini. Geschichte und Region—Storia e Regione, 4 (1995). Vienna: Folio, 1996.
Cusin, Fabio. Iprimi due secoli delprincipato ecclesiastico di Trento. Urbino: Urbinate, 1938.
Geschichte des Landes Tirol, Vol. 1, ed. Josef Fontana, et al. Bozen: Verl. Anst. Athesia, 1990.
Kögl, Joseph. La sovranità dei vescovi di Trento e di Bressanone. Trento: Artigianelli, 1964.
Per Padre Frumenzio Chetta O.F.M.: Scritti di storia e cultura ladina, trentina tirolese, e nota bio-bibliografica: In occasione del settantesimo compleanno. Trento: Comune di Trento, 1991.
Planchart, Alejandro Enrique. "Trent Codices." In Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. Joseph R. Strayer. New York: Scribner, 1989, Vol. 12, pp. 182-184.
II principe vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465-1486) tra tarda Medioevo e Umanesimo, ed. Iginio Rogger and Marco Bellabarba. Bologna: Ed. Dehoniane, 1992.
Riedmann, Josef. Die Beziehungen der Grafen und Landesfürsten von Tirol zu Italien bis zum Jahre 1335. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Klasse, 307. Vienna: Verl. d. Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1977.
Rogger, Iginio. "I principati ecclesiastici di Trento e di Bressanone dalle origini alia secolarizzazione del 1236." In I poteri temporali dei Vescovi in Italia e in Germania nel Medioevo, ed. Carlo Guido Mor and Heinrich Schmidinger. Annali dell'Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico di Trento, 3. Bologna: II Mulino, 1979, pp. 177— 223.
Stella, Aldo. Storia d'ltalia, Vol. 17, I principati vescovili di Trento e di Bressanone, ed. Giuseppe Galasso. Turin: UTET, 1979, pp. 497-606.
Storia del Trentino, 3 vols., ed. Sergio Benvenuti. Trento: Panorama, 1995.
Storia del Trentino, ed. Lina De Finis. Trento: Temi, 1996.
Voltelini, Hans von. "Die ältesten Statuten von Trient und ihre Überlieferung." Archiv für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 92, 1902, pp. 83-269. (See also Italian version, Hans von Voltelini. Gli antichi Statuti di Trento. Rovereto: Accademia Roveretana degli Agiati, 1989.)
Treviso, a town north of Venice, is situated in the Veneto plain only 49 feet (about 15 meters) above sea level, at the confluence of the Sile and Botteniga rivers, which are more like two canals running on the flanks of the city. As it enters the city, the Botteniga divides into three canals: the Roggia, Buranelli, and Cagnan.
Treviso was founded as a municipality by the Romans under the reign of Claudius as Tarvisium, on the site of a former Veneto-Gallic settlement. Its links with Christianity are traced to Saint Mark, who is reputed to have traveled to Treviso from his seat in Alexandria to convert the residents to Christianity. By the third century, Treviso had become the location of the council of bishops of upper Italy and Istria. In the sixth century, it was the seat of a Lombard duke, Oderzo, an Arian, at which time the bishop moved to Torcello. Charlemagne made Treviso capital of a marquisate (c. 798). When the Carolingian empire collapsed, the Hungarians invaded northern Italy in 898 and again in 911. In 1116, Emperor Henry V came to Treviso; he was followed by Frederick I Barbarossa in 1157. In opposition to these German incursions, Treviso joined the lega Veronese, along with Padua, Verona, and Venice; this alliance later became known as the Lombard League, which was united against the German Holy Roman emperor. Treviso became an independent (free) town after the peace of Constance (1183), and its communal period lasted until the late thirteenth century.
Together with other cities in the Veneto (Vicenza, Verona, Padua), Treviso was ruled by the Ghibelline tyrant Ezzelino III da Romano, who died in 1259. Ezzelino's brother Alberico, who had also made Treviso his seat of operations, was, together with his entire family, captured and put to a horrible death (an extant fresco in Treviso depicts these events). Near the end of the thirteenth century (1283-1306), Treviso achieved its cultural high point under the rule of the Guelf Gherardo III da Camino, whom Dante praises in Purgatory (16.124) as il buon Gherardo. The rule of the da Camino family ended in 1312, when the counts of Gorizia came to power. The city then came under the protectorate of the bishop of Venice, which lasted until 1328. In 1318, a university was founded in Treviso by the Venetian bishop, who was also its governor. From 1329 to 1339, Treviso was subject to Verona, having been conquered in July 1329 by Cangrande della Scala, who died shortly thereafter (on 29 July). He was succeeded by Mastino II and Alberto II, the sons of his brother Alboino. In 1339, Treviso once again came under the control of Venice, where it remained for many years. Like other European cities, Treviso was struck by the plague in 1348 and again in 1371.
The cathedral of Treviso, dedicated to Saint Peter, was founded in 1141 and restored in the fifteenth century. Its crypt still retains the original Romanesque structure. The Romanesque church of San Nicolo contains a fresco of the Crucifixion which blends Romanesque and Gothic styles. The Romanesque baptistery dates from this early period, but the largest number of works of art surviving in Treviso date from the Gothic period.
Medieval Treviso reveals a renewed civic identity with the crenellated Palazzo dei Trecento (begun in 1207) and the similarly designed Palazzo del Podestà (1218—1268), followed by the important addition of the Torre del Comune. The Loggia dei Cavalieri was begun during the rule of Giacomo of Perugia (1276-1277) and was intended as an atrium in the Byzantine manner for the "solace of the nobles"; it was completed in 1314. The Loggia was constructed of Istrian stone, a common building material used in Treviso and in other towns in the Veneto. The Biblioteca Capitolare, which dates from the twelfth century, has a rich collection of manuscripts and materials pertinent to the religious and civic history of the city. The church of San Francesco is the burial place of Dante's son Pietro (d. 1364) and Petrarch's daughter Francesca (d. 1384).
Treviso presents a mix of styles reflecting several factors: its strategic position for travelers across Italy and for visitors to Venice, influences from the east, and commerce and travel over the Alps. The two major influences were the Byzantine east and the Lombards. Nowhere is this merging of styles more apparent than in domestic architecture and in the pictorial decoration of houses, some of which are as early as the eleventh century. Treviso was once as colorful as Venice, with numerous houses featuring painted facades, inner courtyards, and private chambers. Although most of these were built during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the tradition continued well into the eighteenth century.
The Dominican church of San Nicolò was celebrating the divine office as early as 1231, but the present church was constructed between 1310 and 1352, as was the church of Santa Lucia. Santa Lucia still contains the fresco of the Madonna delle Carceri by Tomaso da Modena, the leading painter of Treviso in the second half of the fourteenth century. Other frescoes represent the events of Holy Week and the lives of saints James and Christopher, both patron saints of travelers and pilgrims. For the former monastery of San Nicolò, Tomaso da Modena also painted a series of frescoes of famous Dominicans in the Chapter Room (1352). Tomaso's compartmentalized and detailed style is thought to have influenced Jan van Eyck, who came to Italy in the early fifteenth century. Fine works from the Gothic period can be found in the Museo Civico; all these suggest a prosperous and dynamic community in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
See also Ezzelino III da Romano; Lombard Leagues; Tomaso da Modena; Venice; Verona
DARRELL D. DAVTSSON
Botter, Mario. Ornati a fresco di case trevigiane: Secoli XIII—XV Treviso: Libreria Editrice Canova, 1955.
Coletti, Luigi. Treviso. Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1935.
Forlati, Ferdinando. IIpalazzo dei Trecento di Treviso. Venice-Lido: n.p., 1952.
Gibbs, Robert. Tomaso da Modena: Painting in Emilia and the March of Treviso, 1340-1380. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
Marchesan, Angelo. Treviso medievale: Istituzioni, usi, costumu aneddoti, curiosità, studio storico documentati. Treviso: Tip. Funzionale Comunali, 1923.
Russo, Daniel. "Compilation iconographique et légitimation de l'ordre dominicain: Les fresques de Tommaso da Modena à San Niccolo de Treviso (1352)." Revue de I'Art, 97, 1992, pp. 76-84.
Storia di Treviso, ed. Ernesto Bruneta. Venice: Marsilio, 1989.
The Celtic legend of Tristan was widely diffused in England and France by the end of the twelfth century. It centers on the love or Tristan for Isolde, the wife of his uncle, King Mark. In its many rewritings and retellings over the centuries, the basic story of the love triangle has been embellished with a wide variety of episodes that include love potions and duels as well as the lovers' ostracism and eventual death.
The legend seems to have made its first full-fledged appearance in Italy in the Tristano Riccardiano (c. 1272-1300), a not overly imaginative compilation of previous texts about Tristan composed in the French and Iberian traditions. The fundamental elements are all present in this prose work, but what is left of it abruptly comes to a close before Tristan's death. Its widespread and immediate popularity is confirmed by the abundance of extant versions of the work and by the many pictorial representations that had been commissioned by the beginning of the fourteenth century. There is no shortage of allusions to the love affair of Tristan and Isolde—or to episodes commonly associated with it—in medieval Italian literature in general (e.g., Giacomo da Lentini's canzone Madonna mia a voi mando, the fifth canto of Dante's Infemo, and several tales in the fourth day of Boccaccio's Decameron). However, integral versions of the legend are comparatively few. The Tristano Riccardiano, together with the stock versions in Old French, served in part for a more comprehensive adaptation of the Arthurian cycle in the anonymous Tavola ritonda (c. 1325—1350), a much more inventive combination of inherited plots told in an interesting and original manner. Additional, though less influential, compilations written in this period include the Tristano Panciatichiano, the Tristano veneto, and the Tristano corsiniano.
Alongside these written versions, there were also oral renditions: these are the so-called cantari, which were intended for listeners. We have very little way of knowing just what the content of these performances originally was. The poems have survived, in large measure, in the forms given to them by fourteenthand fifteenth-century transcribers. Generally speaking, the verses deal with single episodes of the legend of Tristan, such as his birth (recounted in the Cantare dei cantari), his various single adventures (Tristano e Lancielotto al Petrone di Merlino, I cantari del falso scudo, etc.), and his death (Le ultime imprese e la morte di Tristano).
See also Arthurian Material in Italy; Lancelot; Tavola Ritonda
MICHAEL PAPIO
Bertoni, Giulio. Cantari di Tristano. Modena: Societa Tipografica Modenese, 1937.
La Tavola ritonda, ed. Filippo-Luigi Polidori. Bologna: Romagnoli, 1866.
Tristan and the Round Table: A Translation of "La Tavola Ritonda, " trans. Anne Shaver. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 28. Binghamton, N.Y.: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1983.
Tristano Corsiniano, ed. Michele Galasso. Cassino: Le Fonti, 1937.
II Tristano panciatichiano, ed. and trans. Gloria Allaire. Arthurian Archives: Italian Literature, 1. Woodbridge: Brewer, 2002.
Tristano Ricciardiano, ed. E. G. Parodi; rev. ed., Marie-Jose Heijkant. Parma: Pratiche, 1991.
Delcorno Branca, Daniela. I romanzi italiani di Tristano e la Tavola ritonda. Florence: Olschki, 1968.
—. I cantari di Tristano, Lettere Italians, 23(3), 1971, pp. 289-305.
Gardner, Edmund. The Arthurian Legend, in Italian Literature. New York: Dutton, 1930.
Kleinhenz, Christopher. "Tristan in Italy: The Death or Rebirth of a Legend." Studies in Medieval Culture, 5, 1975, pp. 145-158.
Malavasi, Giuseppe. La materia poetica del ciclo brettone in Italia. Bologna: Zanichelli, 1901.
See Liberal Arts
Trotula is the name given to a number of medical treatises on the diseases of women, most of which seem to have come from the medical university of Salerno. Whether a twelfth-century Trotula of Salerno actually existed, whether Trotula was a woman, and what and for whom Trotula wrote have been a subject of scholarly debate for many years. Benton (1985) suggested that a female physician named Trota wrote a Practica (Practice of Medicine) containing obstetrical and gynecological material while teaching at Salerno. Unlike many other universities in the Latin west, Salerno was formed by a community of medical practitioners who were not necessarily clerics; this anomaly would probably account for the remarkable presence of a woman teacher. The Practica, in Latin, was not copied after c. 1200; it was supplanted by other Latin works on gynecology and cosmetics taken from various male writers. The name Trotula (probably a diminutive of Trota) was attached to these later writings, which were in turn translated into a number of European vernaculars. Benton held that the genuine writings of Trota were more practical in character than those of her fellow Salernitan physicians, but this conclusion is difficult to support.
See also Medicine; Salerno
FAYE MARIE GETZ
Benton, John F. "Trotula, Women's Problems, and the Professionalization of Medicine in the Middle Ages." Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 59, 1985, pp. 30-53.
Green, Monica H. "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe." Signs, 14, 1989, pp. 434-473. (Reprinted in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Bennett, et al. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 1989, pp. 39-78.)
The Trotula: A Medieval Compendium of Women's Medicine, ed. and trans. Monica H. Green. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001.
Although Petrarch had Homer's Iliad translated into Latin in 1354, the vast body of medieval literature related to the fall of Troy does not stem from Homeric roots. The knowledge of the Trojan war that passed from generation to generation goes back ultimately to two chronicles that were thought to be authentic eyewitness accounts of the ten-year battle. These are the De excidio Troiae historia of Dares Phrygius and the Ephemeris de historia belli Troiani of Dictys Cretensis. Dictys's work was originally composed in Greek around the first century after Christ; but it circulated widely in its Latin translation, which dates from about the fourth century. There is no extant Greek version of Dares's text, though it is commonly believed to have been composed at roughly the same time. Its Latin translation, of which several copies survive, was finished around the turn of the sixth century. Both works are poorly written; remarkably, however, both were greatly respected by medieval writers as genuine factual documents, and they provided the principal sources for subsequent historical and literary compilations. Dictys, whose narration is from the perspective of the Greeks, was more popular in the Byzantine east. Dares, the more synthetic of the two, told of the war in pro-Trojan terms and was exceedingly well received in western Europe, where several national mythologies, including that of Italy, credited the Trojans with the founding of their nations and principal cities. The two narratives are relatively free of fantastic events, such as the intervention of the gods in battle; and it is probably due in part to this characteristic that medieval readers gave so much credence to their first-person claims to veracity.
In the twelfth century, there appeared in France more modern" tellings of the legend of Troy: the Roman de Thébes, the Roman d'Enéas, and the very famous Roman de Troie, written c. 1160-1170 by Benoît de Sainte-Maure. Benoît's version was certainly the most widely known of the three and the most influential in Italy. It was based loosely on the works of Dares and Dictys, with, however, a significant addition of events inspired by the Old French romance tradition. New to the legend are innovative love stories (from which developed the tale of Troilus and Cressida), detailed descriptions of exotic people and places, and a general indulgence in authorial imagination. The Roman de Troie was quite popular in Italy from about the beginning of the thirteenth century on. The literary tradition blossomed in Sicily with Guido delle Colonne's completion of the Historia destructionis Troiae c. 1287 for the bishop of Salerno. Essentially a prose translation in Latin of Benoît's lengthy poem, the Historia is still told in the roman degeste style but is addressed to a more learned public and contains quotations from Virgil and Ovid as well as moral and philosophical commentary. Its success throughout Europe was unprecedented, and it is the chief source for many of the subsequent European versions of the legend of Troy. Guido never explicitly mentions Benoît by name but does cite Dares and Dictys on several occasions in an attempt to lend an air of accuracy to his history. During the fourteenth century, a number of vernacular translations of Gui-do's Historia appeared throughout Italy. The most important are those of Filippo CefFi (1324) and Mazzeo Bellebuoni (1333) in Tuscany; an anonymous Sicilian version (of uncertain date); a Neapolitan translation; and the rather popular Libra chiamado Troiam, a Venetian version that combined the work of Guido with tales adapted from French romance. In addition to these, numerous dialect versions of vernacular translations, whole or partial, were commonly found in almost all regions of Italy.
Allusions to Troy and the Trojan cycle appear in Brunetto Latini's Tesoro (1.32), the Conti di antichi cavalieri (conto de Agamenon), the anonymous Novellino (13), Ser Giovanni Florentine's Pecorone (15.2), and the works of chroniclers such as Rjcordano Malispini and Giovanni Villani. Alongside the prose renditions of the legend there also existed several in verse, which gave rise to a large part of the medieval oral tradition. The rich legacy of the legend of Troy was enhanced in the work of later authors by the "rediscovery" of Virgil, Livy, and other classical writers. Dante utilized several episodes, including the destruction of the city (Purgatory, 12.61; Monarchia, 2.3), Aeneas's arrival in Italy (Inferno, 1.74; Convivio, 4.5), and the ruse of the wooden horse (Inferno, 30.98-129). Giovanni Boccaccio made an enduring impact on European literature with his retelling of the story of Troilus and Cressida in the Filostrato.
Trojan war. Ovid, Metamorphoseos vulgare. Milan: Per Rocho & Fratello da Valle ad instantia de Miser Nicolo da Gorgonzola, 1520. Reproduced from original held by Department of Special Collections of the University Libraries of Notre Dame.
See also Boccaccio, Giovanni; Dante Alighieri; Guido delle Colonne; Virgil
MICHAEL PAPIO
Gorra, Egidio, ed. Testi inediti di storia trojana. Turin: Trevirio, 1887.
Guido delle Colonne. Historia destructionis Troiae, ed. and trans. Mary Elizabeth Meek. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1974.
"Libro della destruzione di Troia, 1291-1300." In Testi fiorentini del Dugento e dei primi del Trecento, ed. Alfredo Schiaffini. Florence: Sansoni, 1926, pp. 151-184.
Buchthal, Hugo. Historia Troiana: Studies in the History of Medieval Secular Illustration. London: Warburg Institute, 1971.
Carlesso, Giuliana. "Roman de Troie en prose e il volgarizzamento di Binduccio dello Scelto." Atti dell'Istituto Veneto, 124, 1965-1966, pp. 519-560.
—. "La fortuna della Historia destructionis Troiae di Guido delle Colonne e un volgarizzamento finora ignoto." Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italians., 157, 1980, pp. 230-251.
De Blasi, Nicola. "II rifacimento napoletano trecentesco della Historia Destructionis Troiae." Medioevo Romanzo, 7(1), 1981, pp. 48-99.
Griffin, Nathaniel Edward. Dares and Dictys: An Introduction to the Study of Medieval Versions of the Story of Troy. Baltimore, Md.: Furst, 1907.
Morf, H. "Notes pour servir à 1'histoire de la legende de Troie en Italie." Romania, 21, 1892, pp. 18-38; 24, 1895, pp. 174-196.
Turin—in Italian, Torino—is in northwestern Italy, on the Po River. The ancient Roman city of Augusta Taurinorum (a name derived from Taurasia, principal city of the Taurini) was situated at the confluence of the Doria Riparia and the Po and was the most important convergence of land and water routes south of the Alps. It remained a major military point throughout the Roman era.
The first recorded bishop of Turin was Saint Maximus in 415. The position of importance implied by a bishopric continued into the early barbarian period. In 569, after the fall of Milan, Turin came into the possession of the Lombards; it was in turn a Byzantine and a Lombard duchy, a status corresponding to its importance as a major ecclesiastical center. In the late eighth century, both Pepin and Charlemagne seized Turin, which became the seat of a Prankish duchy. The city was contested by Guido of Spoleto and Berengar of Friuli, among others. Around 940, King Hugh of Aries established a follower, Arduin, as count of Turin and founder of a dynastic regime dominating the surrounding region as a sort of marquisate. Under these dynasts and in collaboration with the powerful bishops of Turin, the region enjoyed considerable prosperity despite attacks by the Magyars and the Saracens.
Around 1097, Umberto II of Savoy assumed the tide of count and marquis, but he was unable to take direct control of the city. With the support of German emperors, the population of Turin mounted opposition to the rule of the Savoy family, and this struggle dominated most of the twelfth century. In 1155, Frederick I Barbarossa granted to the bishop recognition of seigneurial rights, striking a severe but not fatal blow at the hopes of the Savoy family. For a while, Count Umberto III was able to win Frederick's favor, but this failed to win him control of the city. After the peace of Constance (1183), Frederick renewed his support of the populace and recognized the episcopal control of the city. After 1190, Henry VI renewed the effort to establish imperial control; he imposed his own podestà on Turin, thereby curtailing the bishop's authority and encouraging greater assertiveness by the commune.
In 1210, Tommaso (Thomas) I of Savoy supported Emperor Otto IV against the claims of Frederick II. In response, in 1218, Frederick II recognized the bishop as his imperial vicar, thus checking the ambitions of both the count and the commune. Tommaso I initially persisted as an opponent of Frederick II, but in 1226 submitted to the emperor, who made him imperial vicar in Italy. Turin itself joined the second Lombard League. In 1235, after long struggles, the city of Turin made peace with the count of Savoy; but following the battle of Cortenuova, Frederick II established his own regime in the city, which ruled harshly until 1247. Frederick II was in residence in Turin for some time, and during that period Pope Innocent IV excommunicated the popular regime for refusing to accept the bishop whom he had designated. Pressed by his difficult situation, Frederick II moved to accept the house of Savoy in the person of Tommaso II, to whom he granted Turin as a fief. Tommaso II secured the city in 1251, following Frederick's death, and after a reconciliation with Pope Innocent IV was granted papal confirmation in 1253.
Conflicts with neighbors prompted an expulsion of Savoy rule in 1255 and the reestablishment of a free commune, which became dependent first on the neighboring city of Asti and then on Charles of Anjou. In 1276, it fell under the control of Marquis William VII of Montferrat, who was, however, forced to yield the city in 1280 to Tommaso III of Savoy. Tommaso III succeeded in establishing secure relations with the commune, recognizing its internal autonomy to some degree. Under his successors, this autonomy was further consolidated as the counts established their residence in Pinerolo. In 1334, Theodore Palaeologus of Montferrat was briefly admitted to the city. Turin became the focus of a bitter struggle between rival branches of the house of Savoy. Filippo of Savoy, claimant to the title of the Greek principality of Achaia, and his descendants were opposed by Amadeo VI, who was called conte Verde ("Green Count"). Amadeo seized control of Turin and other important points in the Piedmont and reestablished good relations with the city by renewing communal rights. He then established Giacomo of Savoy-Achaia as his vassal and dependent in the city. After Giacomo's death, Amadeo presided as regent during the minority of Giacomo's sons. In 1381, Amadeo convened in Turin a peace conference that represented his supreme triumph as a diplomat and as a mediator between warring Venice and Genoa. With the extinction in 1418 of the Savoy-Achaia line, Amadeo VI's descendant, Duke Amadeo VIII, completed the unification of the family's regime in Piedmont. Six years later, Amadeo VIII assumed the title of prince of Piedmont, with his residence in Turin.
Only a few small fragments of art survive from the medieval city. In a special chapel of the cathedral built by Guarini in the late seventeenth century, the famous shroud of Turin is preserved.
See also Amadeo VI, Count of Savoy; Turin, Shroud of
JOHN W. BARKER AND CHRISTOPHER KLEINHENZ
Gianeri, Enrico. Storia di Torino: Dalle origini ai nostri giorni. Turin: Piemonte in Bancarella, 1974.
Storia di Torino, Vol. 1, Dalla preistoria al.comune medievale, ed. Giuseppe Sergi. Vol. 2, II basso Medioevo e la prima età modema (1280-1536), ed. Rinaldo Cornba. Turin: G. Einaudi, 1997-1998.
The shroud of Turin is probably the most famous and certainly the most controversial relic currently in the possession of the Roman Catholic church. This remarkable object, a cloth bearing frontal and dorsal images of a male human body apparently afflicted with the physical injuries commonly associated with crucifixion, has been venerated at Turin since 1578. Believers regard it as the shroud in which the body of Christ was wrapped, after his crucifixion, by Joseph of Arimathaea, as described in Matthew's Gospel (27:59); skeptics see it only as an admittedly extraordinary piece of devotional art; for many others, the debate remains unresolved.
The shroud is not convincingly reported anywhere before the fourteenth century, although it has been speculatively identified with the Edessa mandylion (mandil, or scarf), whose presence at Constantinople is attested to in 944. Scientific tests, including radiocarbon dating, carried out in the 1980s suggested that the cloth of which the shroud is made was produced in the thirteenth or fourteenth century. These conclusions are far from universally accepted (though the church has tended to discourage what it sees as undue attention to the shroud in recent years); and even those who see the relic as originating in the Middle Ages must still account for the astonishing technical virtuosity and anatomical knowledge that would have been required of its putative maker—neither of which is significantly paralleled in other artworks of the period.
See also Reliquaries
STEVEN N. BOTTERILL
Celier, Odile. Le signe du linceul: Le saint suaire de Turin—De la relique à I'image. Paris: Cerf, 1992.
Wilson, Ian. The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus Christ? Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1978.
—. The Mysterious Shroud. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1986.
See Martin I, Pope; Monophysite Controversy