At the beginning of the war, Lenin had been disgusted with the large majority of socialists who gave over to patriotism, supporting the defense of their various countries. To Lenin, this was nothing short of treason to the socialist cause. The “imperialist war” of the ruling classes, he believed, should be manipulated into an opportunity to bring about collapse of the present rulers on an international scale—a vision to be achieved not by sabotaging the war, but rather by a massive propaganda attack among soldiers as well as civilians. In short, Lenin was calling for civil war.
“Guns should not be turned upon our brother socialists and the working classes,” he wrote, “but rather against the Imperialist and bourgeois governments of the world.”
The defeat of Russia, in Lenin’s estimation, would be a lesser evil than the defeat of Germany. Still, he refused to enter into negotiations with the Imperialist government of the German Kaiser. But as the war progressed, the expediency of some kind of dialogue with Germany became more and more evident.
The prevailing political intrigue almost helped ease Andrei’s despondency over Talia’s departure. He eagerly accepted any work Lenin offered him. His comrades jokingly referred to him as the “Little Soldier, but the big workhorse,” and his work went a long way in strengthening his Party ties and smoothing over his ideological differences.
Andrei, however, was especially ambivalent about the talk of dealings with the Germans. Now he more fully understood his uncle Paul’s struggles before he finally broke with the Bolsheviks. Andrei loved Russia, and it grated against his inborn patriotism to be in any kind of collusion with its sworn enemy. On the other hand, the Russia that was at war with Germany was the tsarist regime, which he hated and wanted to see defeated at all costs. He thus convinced himself that peasants and workers, his own people, were being driven like slaves to die for a cause from which they would in no way benefit. The only way to help them would be to scheme against the tsar’s war.
He still felt odd when Lenin encouraged him and Stephan Kaminsky to meet with German socialist Alexander Helphand, code named Parvus. Parvus had worked closely with Trotsky during the 1905 Russian Revolution and had contributed several articles to Iskra in those days. But he was also a German patriot and in close association with the German government.
“He is first and foremost a Social Democrat,” explained Stephan in an attempt to allay Andrei’s suspicions. “But he has no qualms against working any side he must in order to obtain his political ends.”
“I’ve heard he made a fortune profiteering during the Balkan War two years ago. Sounds like a capitalist to me.”
“An opportunist,” corrected Stephan. “And I am not saying I like the man. Lenin himself won’t even see him. But he is curious to hear what Parvus has to offer. Lenin would be willing to agree to an armistice with Germany should he gain power in Russia. Yet he knows he can’t achieve power without money—”
“And Parvus has money?”
“More than you or I will ever see. In addition, he has other resources to draw from.”
“A German bankroll, perhaps?”
Stephan shrugged. “We’ll just see what the man has to say.”
They traveled to Zurich, where Parvus was staying in the fashionable Hotel Baur au Lac. He was in Switzerland ostensibly to organize the Institute of Science, an operation supposedly for the purpose of translating and disseminating socialist literature. It was, in fact, a venture solely dedicated to bringing about the Russian Revolution—and covertly funded by the German government. Parvus was recruiting exiled revolutionaries to work for him.
Andrei and Stephan met Parvus in a cafe near the hotel. Stephan had described the man to Andrei, saying, “He’s got the body of an elephant and the head of Socrates.” And the part about the body was accurate. A huge man, both ponderous and powerful at the same time, Parvus appeared to be in his mid-forties. Dressed fastidiously and expensively, he was obviously a figure to be reckoned with. Five minutes of conversation with Parvus confirmed the second part of Stephan’s description. He was intelligent, articulate, and quite devious.
“And how is Ilyich these days?” asked Parvus after signaling for a waiter. “It’s been years since I last saw him.”
“He is very busy,” said Stephan. He and Andrei had agreed that Stephan would do the talking. Andrei had no argument with that, for he immediately felt out of his league with Parvus. Stephan was also out of his league, but better to let him make a fool of himself than Andrei.
“We all are, aren’t we? The war consumes everything.” The waiter arrived, and Parvus ordered a meat pie and wine. He nodded toward his companions, “You would like to order, no?” When they hesitated, he added extravagantly, “Please, be my guest . . . or shall I say, the guest of my very generous client.”
“Who might that be?”
“Come! Food and pleasure first, eh?”
It took no more prompting than that. Andrei and Stephan, like all the exiles, were very low on funds. Both were big, muscular men with large appetites that had not been fully satisfied in months. Though it was three in the afternoon, they ordered full meals. Parvus laughed, delighted.
“I see the cause plods along in its usual penury,” he said, “while the ruling classes wallow in luxury.”
Stephan cocked an eyebrow and appeared on the verge of making a rather undiplomatic comment about Parvus’s hypocrisy. Andrei quickly interjected, “Why don’t you tell us about your new organization?”
Parvus went on for a few minutes, describing the bogus “institute” as if it were real, detailing its many lofty goals. Then he spoke passionately about its real purpose, changing instantly from the urbane gentleman to the fervent revolutionary. Parvus seemed to enjoy playing a “part,” and Andrei could easily picture the man fitting in as smoothly with high German government officials as with revolutionaries. All things to all men, Andrei thought, that’s Parvus.
After five minutes of explanation, Parvus shifted to the part of the cunning businessman. “I am offering substantial salary to my employees, and I will pay all the expenses of their journey to Copenhagen.”
“Copenhagen, you say?” said Stephan.
“Yes. We will be based there. The Danes have a strong socialist movement.”
“Stephan Alexandrovich, this seems to bother you a great deal. But I have been given to understand that Lenin himself recognizes the fact that a German victory would not harm his cause in the least.”
“Germany is still a monarchy, ruled by bourgeois imperialists.”
Parvus shrugged, but before he could respond, the waiter arrived with their food. The conversation waned a bit as the three men concentrated on the hot meal. Andrei savored his meat—an item that was especially absent from his diet these days. It was a delicately roasted chicken in a savory garlic sauce. He ate slowly, chewing each bite as if it might be his last. He hadn’t come here with any intention of working for Parvus, but his lucrative offer was looking better and better.
“Tell me,” Parvus continued after a few minutes, “am I correct in my understanding that Ilyich has already made subtle overtures toward the German government?”
“You are quite incorrect,” said Stephan emphatically. Andrei knew, however, that Lenin had in fact met a couple of times with an Estonian patriot who was in direct communication with the Germans. Stephan added, “And that is, you understand, the official line and will continue to be so.”
“I understand fully. It was foolish of me to ask such a tactless question. But . . . let’s say, just for curiosity’s sake, if Ilyich were to consider a, shall we say, Teutonic liaison, what might his conditions be?”
“Aside from complete Russian autonomy from German influence in the newly formed Russian republic, I believe he would insist that Russia would not be required to pay any war indemnities to Germany, nor to cede it any territory. He would want Russia to have a free hand in India. And he would agree to evacuate Turkey.”
Parvus cocked an eyebrow. He had every right to be impressed by this kind of commitment. It indicated that Lenin had given careful thought to an alliance with Germany, and that he was willing to be quite cooperative, especially in giving Germany an unimpeded hand in the Middle East. But also, if Russia were to invade India, it naturally meant that she would become an ally of Germany against Britain. It could mean a whole new balance of power in Europe.
“This is quite interesting,” said Parvus with great control. “For a purely imaginary offering, that is.” Parvus glanced at his pocket watch. “Well, it appears as if I must be off. This has been a most stimulating conversation.” He rose with incredible grace for his size. “I hope we will meet again. And do give some thought to my institute.” When Andrei started to rise also, Parvus held up his large hand. “Sit and finish your meal. Now, good day, gentlemen.” He strode away with confidence.
Andrei and Stephan did indeed continue with their meal—they weren’t about to allow such food to go to waste; in fact, Andrei also finished off Parvus’s half-eaten pie and the rest of his wine.