Notes

Introduction: “A Time of Iconoclasm”: Confederation and Transformations in Political Thought

1Goldwin Smith, “Current Events,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 1 (January 1875): 82.

2Jürgen Osterhammel, The Transformation of the World: A Global History of the Nineteenth Century, trans. Patrick Camiller (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014).

3Goldwin Smith, “Current Events,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 1 (July 1875): 69.

4Canada, Parliamentary Debates on the Subject of the Confederation (27 February 1865), 483.

5Ibid. (28 February 1865), 524–5.

6M.C. Urquhart, ed., Historical Statistics of Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1965), 14–18.

7Canada, Parliamentary Debates (8 March 1865), 790.

8Ibid. (7 February 1865), 60.

9See, for example, Frank Underhill, The Image of Confederation (Toronto: ­Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 1964); Donald V. Smiley, The Canadian Political Nationality (Toronto: Methuen, 1967); Janet Ajzenstat, The Canadian Founding: John Locke and Parliament (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2007), 88–109.

10A.M.B., “British Connection – Ideal and Real,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 10, no. 5 (November 1876): 416.

11Lyn Spillman, “When Do Collective Memories Last? Founding Moments in the United States and Australia,” in States of Memory: Continuities, Conflicts, and Transformations in National Retrospection, ed. Jeffrey K. Olick (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003), 161–92.

12Among some more prominent examples are P.B. Waite, The Life and Times of Confederation, 1864–1867: Politics, Newspapers, and the Union of British North America (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962); W.L. Morton, The Critical Years: The Union of British North America, 1857–1873 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1963); Donald Creighton, British North America at Confederation (Ottawa: R. Duhamel, 1963); Christopher Moore, 1867: How the Fathers Made a Deal (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1997).

13This view is especially evident in the treatment of John A. Macdonald, Canada’s first post-Confederation prime minister; see, for example, Richard Gwyn’s two-volume biography, John A.: The Man Who Made Us (Toronto: Vintage, 2007) and Nation Maker: Sir John A. Macdonald: His Life, Our Times (Toronto: Vintage, 2011).

14Michael Dawson and Catherine Gidney, “Persistence and Inheritance: Rethinking Periodisation and Canada’s ‘Twentieth Century,’” in Contesting Clio’s Craft: New Directions and Debates in Canadian History, ed. Christopher Dummitt and Michael Dawson (London: Institute for the Study of the Americas, 2009), 47–74; John Dickinson and Brian Young, “Periodization in Quebec History: A Reevaluation,” Quebec Studies 12 (1991): 1–10.

15Ian McKay, “The Liberal Order Framework: A Prospectus for a Reconnaissance of Canadian History,” Canadian Historical Review 81, no. 4 (2000): 617–45.

16See, for example, Lianne C. Leddy, “Intersections of Indigenous and Environmental History in Canada,” Canadian Historical Review 98, no. 1 (2017): 83–95; Stephen J. Pyne, “Imagining Canada: Reflections in the Flames,” Canadian Historical Review 95, no. 4 (2014): 610–20.

17Matthew Hayday, “Fireworks, Folk-dancing, and Fostering a National Identity: The Politics of Canada Day,” Canadian Historical Review 91, no. 2 (June 2010): 287–314. For a broader assessment of commemorative holidays in Canada, including Canada Day, see Matthew Hayday and Raymond Blake, eds., Celebrating Canada: Holidays, National Days, and the Crafting of Identities (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016).

18For an examination of the road to Confederation from a British perspective, see Ged Martin, Britain and the Origins of Canadian Confederation, 1837–1867 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1995). More recently, Andrew Smith has turned attention to the role of British business interests behind Confederation; Smith, British Businessmen and Canadian Confederation: Constitution Making in an Era of Anglo-Globalization (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2008).

19Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867–1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), 9. On the impact of Berger’s thesis, see Doug Owram, “Introduction to the Second Edition,” in Berger, The Sense of Power, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013).

20Douglas L. Cole, “The Problem of ‘Nationalism’ and ‘Imperialism’ in British Settlement Colonies,” Journal of British Studies 10, no. 2 (1971): 171. See also Cole, “Canada’s ‘Nationalistic’ Imperialists,” Journal of Canadian Studies 5, no. 3 (1970): 45. For a similar assessment, see Terry Cook, “George R. Parkin and the Concept of Britannic Idealism,” Journal of Canadian Studies 10, no. 3 (1975): 44–9. On the problem of the often loose and shifting semantics of “nation” in this period, see Graham Carr, “Imperialism and Nationalism in Revisionalist Historiography: A Critique of Some Recent Trends,” Journal of Canadian Studies 17, no. 2 (1982): 91–9.

21Adele Perry, “Nation, Empire and the Writing of History in Canada in English,” in Contesting Clio’s Craft: New Directions and Debates in Canadian History, ed. Christopher Dummitt and Michael Dawson (London: Institute for the Study of the Americas, 2009), 123–40; Karen Dubinsky, Adele Perry, and Henry Yu, eds., Within and Without the Nation: Canadian History as Transnational History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015).

22Antoinette Burton, “Who Needs the Nation? Interrogating ‘British’ History,” Journal of Historical Sociology 10, no. 3 (1997): 234.

23J.G.A. Pocock, “British History: A Plea for a New Subject,” Journal of Modern History 47, no. 4 (1975): 601–28.

24Phillip Buckner, “Whatever Happened to the British Empire?” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 4, no. 1 (1993): 3–32.

25Duncan Bell, The Idea of Greater Britain: Empire and the Future of World Order, 1860–1900 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).

26Jennifer Pitts, A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005); David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

27On the growth of the public sphere in Upper Canada (Ontario), see Jeffrey L. McNairn, The Capacity to Judge: Public Opinion and Deliberative Democracy in Upper Canada, 1791–1854 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000). On the reverberations of revolutionary ideas in British North America, see Michel Ducharme, The Idea of Liberty in Canada during the Age of Atlantic Revolutions, 1776–1838 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014). More generally, see Joanna Innes and Mark Philp, eds., Re-imagining Democracy in the Age of Revolutions: America, France, Britain, Ireland 1750–1850 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).

28Jose Harris, Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870–1914 (London: Penguin, 1993).

29Berger, Sense of Power, 109.

30W. Harrison, “The Victorian Era,” Canadian Methodist Magazine 25, no. 6 (June 1887): 531.

31C.A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 10.

32On the sense of modernity in Britain and France, see Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000); Martin Daunton and Bernhard Rieger, eds., Meanings of Modernity: Britain from the Late-Victorian Era to World War II (Oxford: Berg, 2001); and Eugen Weber, France: Fin-de-Siècle (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1986).

33Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space 1880–1918 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1983), 6.

34Henry Sumner Maine, Ancient Law: Its Connection with the Early History of Society and Its Relation to Modern Ideas (New York: Charles Scribner, 1864), 165. Similar to Maine’s status and contract dichotomy, German sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies contrasted Gemeinschaft (community) and Gesellschaft (society) as reflecting modern political organization; Tönnies, Community and Civil Society, ed. Jose Harris, trans. Jose Harris and Margaret Hollis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

35The term “official mind,” referring to the body of bureaucrats responsible for governing colonial affairs from London, was first used by Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher in Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1961).

36Allan Greer and Ian Radforth, eds., Colonial Leviathan: State Formation in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992). As Zoë Laidlaw argues, state formation in the Victorian empire can be usefully examined in a broader imperial context; Laidlaw, “The Imperial State in Its Victorian Context,” in The Victorian World, ed. Martin Hewitt (London and New York: Routledge, 2012), 329–45.

37E.A. Heaman, A Short History of the State in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015).

38Duncan Bell, “Dissolving Distance: Technology, Space, and Empire in British Political Thought, 1770–1900,” Journal of Modern History 77 (2005): 523–63. As Daniel R. Headrick illustrates, technological innovation allowed further imperialist expansion into parts of Africa and Asia; Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981).

39James Belich, Replenishing the Earth: The Settler Revolution and the Rise of the Anglo-World, 1783–1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).

40Lorenzo Veracini, Settler Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).

41Gary B. Magee and Andrew S. Thompson, Empire and Globalization: Networks of People, Goods and Capital in the British World, c. 1850–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). Phillip Buckner illustrates that, in the nineteenth century, emigrants to British North America maintained attachment to British identity; Buckner, “Making British North America British,” in Kith and Kin: Canada, Britain and the United States from the Revolution to the Cold War, ed. C.C. Eldridge (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1997), 11–44.

42Bell, Idea of Greater Britain; Cecilia Morgan, Building Better Britains? Settler Societies in the British World, 1783–1920 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2017).

43For a broad overview, see Zoë Laidlaw and Alan Lester, eds., Indigenous Communities and Settler Colonialism: Land Holding, Loss and Survival in an Interconnected World (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).

44This acknowledgment has largely been the result of Indigenous activism in Canada, notably after the creation of the Idle No More movement in 2012. For essays that engage with decolonizing settler-Indigenous relations, see Glen Sean Coulthard, Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014).

45Ramsay Cook, The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian English Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985). The expansion of scientific study in Canada and the corollary controversies it precipitated are examined in Suzanne Zeller, Inventing Canada: Early Victorian Science and the Idea of a Transcontinental Nation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Carl Berger, Science, God, and Nature in Victorian Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983). For an overview of key nineteenth-century Canadian writings on the relationship of science and religion, see J.D. Rabb, ed., Religion and Science in Early Canada (Kingston, ON: Ronald P. Frye, 1988).

46A.B. McKillop, A Disciplined Intelligence: Critical Inquiry and Canadian Thought in the Victorian Era (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1979). McKillop developed this theme further in his study of higher education in Ontario; McKillop, Matters of Mind: The University in Ontario, 1791–1951 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994). In his study of six prominent Canadian intellectuals, S.E.D. Shortt likewise emphasized the tensions in this “age of transition,” specifically the contest between empiricism and idealism; Shortt, The Search for an Ideal: Six Canadian Intellectuals and Their Convictions in an Age of Transition, 1890–1930 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976).

47On religious responses to the challenges posed by Darwinian thought in Canada, see Michael Gauvreau, Evangelical Century: College and Creed in English Canada from the Great Revival to the Great Depression (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991); Richard Allen, The View from Murney Tower: Salem Bland, the Late-Victorian Controversies, and the Search for a New Christianity (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008).

48F.P. Mackelcan, “More Work for Darwin,” New Dominion Monthly (June 1872): 321.

49Publicus, “Modern Tendencies,” Stewart’s Quarterly 5, no. 2 (July 1871): 195.

50The rise of the idealist movement in Britain and North America was in part a reaction to the perceived materialist preoccupations of the era; see A.B. McKillop, “The Idealist Legacy,” in Contours of Canadian Thought, ed. Brian McKillop (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 98. On the development of idealism in Britain, see Sandra M. den Otter, British Idealism and Social Explanation: A Study in Late Victorian Thought (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996); and David Boucher and Andrew Vincent, British Idealism and Political Theory (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000).

51S.E. Dawson, “Nineteenth Century Progress,” New Dominion Monthly (January 1878): 42. This essay was originally presented as a speech read before the Athenaeum Club in Montreal in 1877.

52John Reade, “Historical Illusions,” New Dominion Monthly (June 1874): 337. Reade, who was called the “dean of Canadian letters,” was an original member of the Royal Society of Canada, poet, and author of numerous essays on history; John Boyd, “John Reade: An Appreciation of the ‘Dean of Canadian Letters’” Canadian Magazine 53, no. 1 (May 1919): 74–7.

53For a similar assessment of the “scientific” changes to historical writing, see J.M. Buchan, “The Scientific Treatment of History,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 13, no. 4 (April 1878): 366. Donald Wright illustrates the wider development of professional history in Canada, which started in the late nineteenth century, in The Professionalization of History in English Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005).

54John Cooper, “Canadian Democracy and Socialism,” Canadian Magazine 3, no. 4 (August 1894): 332.

55Similar assessments of the changing basis of political society in the late nineteenth century include Carroll Ryan, “Political Morality,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 3 (October 1879): 407; J.W. Longley, “Socialism – Its Truths and Errors,” Canadian Magazine 6, no. 4 (February 1896): 297; S.T. Wood, “Social Amelioration: The Contrast Between Doing Good and Doing Right,” Canadian Magazine 11, no. 6 (October 1898): 461; and T.B. Browning, “Communism,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 13, no. 5 (May 1878): 478, and part two, 13, no. 6 (June 1878): 577. On the development of socialist thought in Canada in this period, see Ian McKay, Reasoning Otherwise: Leftists and the People’s Enlightenment in Canada, 1890–1920 (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2008).

56On the development of the Second Reform Act, see Robert Saunders, Democracy and the Vote in British Politics, 1848–1867: The Making of the Second Reform Act (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2011).

57Veronica Strong-Boag, “‘The Citizenship Debates’: The 1885 Franchise Act,” in Contesting Canadian Citizenship: Historical Readings, ed. Robert Adamoski, Dorothy E. Chunn, and Robert Menzies (Peterborough, ON: Broadview, 2002), 69–94; Colin Grittner, “Macdonald and Women’s Enfranchisement,” in Macdonald at 200: New Reflections and Legacies, ed. Patrice Dutil and Roger Hall (Toronto: Dundurn, 2014), 27–57.

58As Leslie Butler argues, responses to democratic expansion circulated in a transatlantic context; Butler, Critical Americans: Victorian Intellectuals and Transatlantic Liberal Reform (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007).

59Moses Harvey, “Modern Democracy,” Stewart’s Quarterly 3, no. 2 (July 1869): 172.

60Marshall Berman, All That Is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (London: Verso, 1983), 15.

61James Vernon identifies rapid urbanization and the sensation of living in a crowd of “strangers” as a defining element of being modern; Vernon, Distant Strangers: How Britain Became Modern (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014).

62Keith Walden, Becoming Modern in Toronto: The Industrial Exhibition and the Shaping of a Late Victorian Culture (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 4. On urban spaces as representations of modernity at the turn of the century, see Richard Dennis, Cities in Modernity: Representations and Productions of Metropolitan Space, 1840–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

63G.B. Norcliffe, The Ride to Modernity: The Bicycle in Canada, 1869–1900 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001); Donica Belisle, Retail Nation: Department Stores and the Making of Modern Canada (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011); Richard Dennis, Cities in Modernity: Representations and Productions of Modern Space, 1840–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); Jarrett Rudy, “Do You Have the Time? Modernity, Democracy, and the Beginnings of Daylight Savings Time in Montreal, 1907–1929,” Canadian Historical Review 93, no. 4 (2012): 531–54.

64Charles S. Maier, Leviathan 2.0: Inventing Modern Statehood (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2012), 79.

65While many scholars agree that the nineteenth century marked the development of modern nationalism, the question of when modern nationalism emerged is contested, as Anthony D. Smith assesses in Nationalism and Modernism (London: Routledge, 1998).

66J.A. Hobson, Imperialism: A Study (New York: James Pott, 1902), v. Eric Hobsbawm fittingly designated the period around the turn of the century as the “age of empire” in his book The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987).

67Stefan Collini, Public Moralists: Political Thought and Intellectual Life in Britain, 1850–1930 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 2. Canadian intellectual historian A.B. McKillop describes public intellectuals as individuals “united in common concern” and participating “in a common discourse”; McKillop, “Public Intellectuals and Canadian Intellectual History: Communities of Concern,” in Les idées en mouvement: Perspectives en histoire intellectuelle et culturelle du Canada, ed. Damien-Claude Bélanger, Sophie Coupal, and Michel Ducharme (Québec: Presses de l’Université Laval, 2004), 122.

68William D. LeSueur, “The Intellectual Life,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 4 (April 1875): 322.

69The distinct intellectual context of French language magazines is examined in Yvan Lamonde’s broader study of the history of ideas in Quebec, L’histoire sociale des idées au Québec, 1760–1896 (Saint-Laurent, QC: Fides, 2000). Sylvie Lacombe has illustrated some of the key differences between French and English Canadian political thought, particularly divergences in views of imperialism and nationalism; Lacombe, La rencontre de deux peuples élus: Comparaison des ambitions nationale et impériale au Canada entre 1896 et 1920 (Québec: Presses de l’Université Laval, 2002).

70On the partisanship and rivalry of newspapers in Canada in this period, see Paul Rutherford, A Victorian Authority: The Daily Press in Late Nineteenth Century Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982).

71J. Gordon Mowat, “The Purpose of a Magazine,” Canadian Magazine 12, no. 4 (February 1899): iv.

72“Notices,” New Dominion Monthly (January 1874): 64.

73As Andrew Thompson notes, the periodical press became a significant platform for British imperialists to expound their ideas; Thompson, Imperial Britain: The Empire in British Politics, c.1880–1932 (New York: Routledge, 2014), 66.

74N. Merrill Distad notes that foreign periodicals were popular in Canada and were often published at a low cost; Distad, “Canada,” in Periodicals of Queen Victoria’s Empire: An Exploration, ed. J. Don Vann and Rosemary VanArsdel (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 65.

75On the development of English language magazines in Canada before and after Confederation, see Fraser Sutherland, The Monthly Epic: A History of Canadian Magazines, 1789–1989 (Markham, ON: Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 1989).

76Mowat, “The Purpose of a Magazine,” iv.

77“Announcement,” Canadian Magazine 1, no. 1 (March 1893), n.p.

78“Salutatory,” Lake Magazine 1, no. 1 (August 1892): 2.

79A Head Master, “Our High Schools,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 3, no. 1 (January 1873): 42.

80George Monro Grant, “Correspondence – Principal Grant and Imperial Federation,” Week 6, no. 22 (3 May 1889): 346.

1. An Age of Nation Making: Nation, State, and the Question of Canada’s Future

1F.W.F. “Nation Making,” Week 8, no. 52 (27 November 1891): 881.

2Duncan Bell, “The Victorian Idea of a Global State,” in Victorian Visions of Global Order, ed. Duncan Bell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 159. See also Kevin Grant, Philippa Levine, and Frank Trentmann, eds., Beyond Sovereignty: Britain, Empire, and Transnationalism, c.1860–1950 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).

3John Stuart Mill, Considerations of Representative Government (London: Parker, Son, and Bourn, 1861), 294–304; Lord Acton, “Nationality,” Home and Foreign Review 1 (July 1862): 146–74. On the tensions between Mill’s and Acton’s understandings of nationalism, see Ronald Beiner, “Civicism between Nationalism and Globalism: Some Reflections on the Problem of Political Community,” in Liberalism, Nationalism, Citizenship: Essays on the Problem of Political Community (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), 194–216.

4Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London: Hutchinson, 1966).

5The controversies and politics of Canada’s political status in the late nineteenth century, particularly regarding annexation and imperial federation, have been well studied by historians; see, for example, John Bartlet Brebner, The North Atlantic Triangle: The Interplay of Canada, the United States, and Great Britain (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1945), esp. 224–72; David Mackenzie, “Canada, the North Atlantic Triangle, and the Empire,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 4, The Twentieth Century, ed. Judith M. Brown and Wm. Roger Louis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 574–96; Norman Penlington, Canada and Imperialism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965).

6G.H.M., “Canada’s Future,” Week 4, no. 49 (3 November 1887): 783.

7Charles Stuart, “The National State,” Canadian Magazine 1, no. 2 (April 1893): 85. Stuart graduated from the University of Toronto in 1891, going on to hold a fellowship at Columbia. He moved to Alberta in 1897, where he became a member of the provincial legislature and later a judge on the Supreme Court of Alberta; Martin L. Friedland, The University of Toronto: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013), 163.

8N.H. Russell, “Correspondence in Our Schools,” Week 3, no. 18 (1 April 1886): 279.

9Barry Ferguson, Remaking Liberalism: The Intellectual Legacy of Adam Shortt, O.D. Skelton, W.C. Clark, and W.A. Mackintosh, 1890–1925 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1993). Marlene Shore develops a similar analysis in her study of social science research at McGill; Shore, The Science of Social Redemption: McGill, the Chicago School, and the Origins of Social Research in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987). These developments related to wider intellectual trends, especially the development of new liberalism, which Michael Freeden has examined; Freeden, The New Liberalism: An Ideology of Social Reform (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).

10On the development of political science in Europe and North America, see Robert Adcock, Mark Bevir, and Shannon C. Stimson, eds., Modern Political Science: Anglo-American Exchanges since 1880 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).

11“The Chair of Political Science,” Week 5, no. 18 (29 March 1888): 277.

12W.J. Ashley, What Is Political Science: An Inaugural Lecture (Toronto: Roswell and Hutchison, 1888), 21. This lecture was reported to readers of Week magazine; “Topics of the Week – The Claims of Social Science,” Week 5, no. 51 (15 November 1888): 807.

13Adam Shortt, “The Nature and Sphere of Political Science,” Queen’s Quarterly 1, no. 2 (October 1893): 97.

14S.E.D. Shortt, The Search for an Ideal: Six Canadian Intellectuals and Their Convictions in an Age of Transition, 1890–1930 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976), 3–5; Haultain published many of his recorded conversations with Smith as Goldwin Smith: His Life and Opinions (New York: Duffield, 1914).

15Arnold Haultain, “The New Spirit,” Week 13, no 39 (21 August 1896): 923.

16On the development of “political science” in the nineteenth century, see Stefan Collini, Donald Winch, and John Burrow, That Noble Science of Politics: A Study in Nineteenth Century Intellectual History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

17Ged Martin, Britain and the Origins of Canadian Confederation, 1837–1867 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1995), 158.

18“Topics of the Week – Dr. Bourinot’s Lecture,” Week 6, no. 27 (7 June 1889): 419.

19P.S.H., “Concocting of Nations,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (March 1880): 321, 322.

20“Death of William Norris,” Ingersoll Daily Chronicle (7 June 1904): 2.

21Carl Berger briefly mentions Norris as a leading proponent of Canadian independence in A Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867–1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press), 83–4. In “A Country Nourished on Self-Doubt”: Documents in Canadian History, 1867–1980 (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 1998), editor Thomas Thorner notes that “historians know little about William Norris except that he was a journalist with political ambition” (115). Claims about Norris’s political ambitions, however, are difficult to substantiate.

22William Norris, “Canadian Nationality: A Present Day Plea,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (February 1880): 113.

23Ibid.

24P.B. Waite, Canada 1874–1896: Arduous Destiny (Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press, 1971), 74–84.

25William Norris, The Canadian Question (Montreal: Lovell, 1875), chapter 1, “The Leading Principle of Modern Government,” 3–13.

26Norris, Canadian Question, 37.

27Norris, “Canadian Nationality: A Present Day Plea,” 114–15.

28William Norris, “Practical Principles of Canadian Nationalism,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 13, no. 4 (April 1878): 358.

29William Norris, “Canadian Nationality and Its Opponents,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 3 (September 1875): 240.

30William Norris, “A Review of Political Parties in Canada from a Canadian Stand-Point,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 13, no. 4 (April 1878): 619.

31Ibid., 617.

32William Norris, “The Colonist Organ’s Attack on Freedom of Discussion,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 7 (August 1881): 171; Sir Francis Hincks, “Canadian Independence,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 7 (October 1881): 400–5.

33Explicit responses to Norris’s articles include Jehu Mathews’s two-part review essay, “The Political Future of Canada,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 1 (July 1875): 54 and 8, no. 2 (August 1875): 89; Roswell Fisher, “Canada’s Alternatives,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 5 (November 1875): 428; Jehu Mathews, “A Criticism of Critics,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 6 (December 1875): 495; Benjamin W.R. Taylor, “A Criticism of Mr. Norris’s Article on ‘Canadian Nationality,’” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (April 1880): 394; William Canniff, “The Welfare of Canada,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 7 (July 1881): 89.

34D.R. Farrell, “The Canada First Movement and Canadian Political Thought,” Journal of Canadian Studies 4, no. 4 (1969): 24. Canada First transitioned to electoral politics in 1874, founding the Canadian National Party under the auspices of the Canadian National Association; as Farrell notes, the party failed largely due to its internal disagreements and its inability to reach beyond Ontario-centred representation. On Canada First, see also David P. Gagan, “The Relevance of ‘Canada First,’” Journal of Canadian Studies 5, no. 4 (1970): 36–44; Berger, Sense of Power, 49–77.

35W.A. Foster, Canada First, or Our New Nationality (Toronto: Adam, Stevenson, 1871), 27.

36A prominent example of nationalist literary culture was the Confederation Group of poets, who often appealed to romantic nationalism in their poems, according to D.M.R. Bentley, The Confederation Group of Canadian Poets, 1880–1897 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004).

37Frank Yeigh, “Twenty-Nine Years of Confederation,” Canadian Magazine 7, no. 3 (July 1896): 235.

38Daniel Clark, “Canada,” Canadian Literary Journal 1, no. 2 (August 1870): 24, 25.

39David Theo Goldberg, The Racial State (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2002).

40Bernard Yack, “The Myth of the Civic Nation,” Critical Review 10, no. 2 (1996): 193–211.

41On the connection of race to science in the late Victorian period, see Douglas A. Lorimer, Science, Race Relations and Resistance: Britain, 1870–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013).

42An Anglo-Canadian, “Teutons and Celts,” Week 3, no. 25 (20 May 1886): 395.

43On the growth of immigration in this period, see Valerie Knowles, Strangers at Our Gates: Canadian Immigration and Immigration Policy, 1540–2006, rev. ed. (Toronto: Dundurn, 2007), 68–83.

44John Costley, “Ten Years’ Progress,” Canadian Monthly and National Review (January 1874): 4–5.

45Lorimer, Science, Race Relations and Resistance. Perceptions of race were often shaped by gendered assumptions, especially ideas of masculinity, as Gail Bederman notes; Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995).

46John Reade, “Were the Ancient Britons Savage or Civilized?” New Dominion Monthly (April 1870): 7–12; J.W., “Saxon and Celt,” New Dominion Monthly (October 1872): 193–7.

47Paul B. Rich, Race and Empire in British Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 12–26.

48As Paul A. Kramer notes, this sense of solidarity was a basis for British and American imperial expansion; Kramer, “Empires, Exceptions, and Anglo-Saxons: Race and Rule between the British and United States Empires, 1880–1910,” Journal of American History 88 (2002): 1315–53.

49John Reade, “Nation-Building,” Week 4, no. 30 (23 June 1887): 479; Part two, Week 4, no. 37 (11 August 1887): 591; Part three, Week 4, no. 39 (25 August 1887): 624, Part four, Week 4, no. 43 (22 September 1887): 688.

50Reade, “Nation Building,” Week 4, no. 30 (23 June 1887): 480.

51Addison F. Browne, “The Future of Canada,” Week 3, no. 7 (14 January 1886): 99. Browne elsewhere claimed that future climate change would be “marvelous” for settlement in Canada; Browne, “Ocean Currents and Climate Changes,” Week 7, no. 30 (27 June 1890): 470.

52“Topics of the Week: A Plea for Canadian Unity,” Week 6, no. 50 (15 November 1889): 787. On the fusion of people into a “new Canadian race,” see also Robert Campbell, “The Mental Hospitality of the Scot,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 1 (January 1882): 86. On the physical development of the “Canadian race,” see “National Sport,” Canadian Magazine 9, no. 5 (September 1897): 449.

53As Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds have illustrated, the idea of “whiteness” provided a vague but powerful sense of transnational racial identity toward the end of the nineteenth century; Lake and Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men’s Countries and the International Challenge of Racial Equality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

54Mariana Valverde, Age of Light, Soap, and Water: Moral Reform in English Canada, 1885–1925 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1991).

55“A Round-About Letter by a Loyalist,” New Dominion Monthly (March 1871): 147–8. Similar views of racial degeneration in the United States are expressed in Emile A. Hart, “The Asiatics in America,” New Dominion Monthly (June 1877): 501; and F. Clement Brown, “Canadians Abroad,” Canadian Magazine 8, no. 3 (1897): 257. On Canadian perceptions of race in the United States, see Damien-Claude Bélanger, Prejudice and Pride: Canadian Intellectuals Confront the United States, 1891–1945 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 96–113.

56Carl Berger, “The True North Strong and Free,” in Nationalism in Canada, ed. Peter Russell (Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 3–26. More recently, Sherrill E. Grace has traced the idea of the north in literature and popular culture in Canada; Grace, Canada and the Idea of North (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2007).

57On the “myth” of Black Loyalists, see Barry Cahill, “The Black Loyalist Myth in Atlantic Canada,” Acadiensis 29, no. 1 (1999): 76–87.

58This outlook was especially evident in numerous contributions to New Dominion Monthly, which often featured stories of “early” Canadian life; see, for example, T. Webster, “Early Scenes in Canadian Life,” New Dominion Monthly 2, no. 5 (August 1868): 283; S.T. Rand, “An Indian Legend,” New Dominion Monthly (July 1870): 27.

59William Wye Smith, “Life on an Indian Reserve,” New Dominion Monthly (June 1877): 520.

60See especially part three of Reade’s series, which considers the “mingling” of Indigenous and European populations; Reade, “Nation-Building,” Week 4, no. 39 (25 August 1887): 624–5.

61James Daschuk, Clearing the Plains: Disease, Politics of Starvation, and the Loss of Aboriginal Life (Regina: University of Regina Press, 2013).

62Ke-che-ah-gah-me-qua, “Sketch of the Life of Captain Joseph Brant, Thayendanegea,” New Dominion Monthly (October 1872): 198.

63“Half-Breeds of Red River: Their Habits and Customs,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 2, no. 4 (October 1872): 303. For similar assessments of the “Indians” of Canada “civilizing” into the population, see Lieut.-Col. Coffin, “Our New Provinces – British Columbia,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 3, no. 5 (May 1873): 369; John Costley, “Ten Years’ Progress,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 5, no. 1 (January 1874): 5.

64Sandford Fleming, “Our Ethnology,” Dominion Illustrated 2, no. 46 (18 May 1889): 307.

65L.G.A.R., “The Ethnology of the British Race,” Dominion Illustrated 2, no. 50 (15 June 1889): 375.

66An Anglo-Canadian, “Teutons and Celts,” Week 3, no. 25 (20 May 1886): 395.

67“Sketches from Canadian History: Sir James Craig,” New Dominion Monthly (November 1875): 318. While this article was anonymously authored, it was part of a series of historical “sketches” that made very similar comments about French Canadians. See “Sketches from Canadian History: The Quebec Act 1774,” New Dominion Monthly (November 1876): 385; “Sketches from Canadian History: The Constitution Act, 1791,” New Dominion Monthly (August 1877): 97; “Sketches from Canadian History: Sir Isaac Brock,” New Dominion Monthly (May 1878): 513.

68G.C.C. “The Habitans [sic] of Lower Canada,” Week 4, no. 19 (7 April 1887): 296.

69Bystander, “The Dominion Parliament,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 2, no. 1 (July 1872): 59.

70Goldwin Smith, “The Irish Question,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 3, no. 2 (February 1873): 118.

71For Smith’s most extensive articulations of French nationality in Canada published in Bystander, see “The French Nationality in Quebec,” Bystander (April 1881): 189; “Weak Points in Confederation,” Bystander, n.s., no. 2 (April 1883): 85; “The Equal Rights Movement,” Bystander, n.s., no. 1 (October 1889): 1; “The Equal Rights Movement,” Bystander, n.s., no. 2 (November 1889): 41; “Canadian Nationality,” Bystander, n.s., no. 3 (December 1889): 77.

72W.H. Cross, “The Unification of Canada,” Week 4, no. 41 (8 September 1887): 655. See “Topics of the Week – French Canada,” Week 4, no. 42 (15 September 1887) for more extensive discussion of this point.

73“The French Canadian Problem,” Critic 2, no. 26 (June 1885): 4; see also “The French in Canada,” Critic 2, no. 37 (11 September 1885): 4; Cyril, “Is Confederation a Success?” Week 7, no. 26 (30 May 1890): 407; “Quebec since Confederation,” New Dominion Monthly (June 1876): 401.

74“Topics,” Week 7, no. 12 (21 February 1890): 179. The Week also recommended bilingualism in French and English schools in Canada; “Topics – Literature and Intelligence in French Canada,” Week 6, no. 43 (27 September 1889): 675. On the question of the French language in the Northwest Assembly, see Edmund A. Aunger, “Justifying the End of Official Bilingualism: Canada’s North-West Assembly and the Dual Language Question, 1889–1892,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 3 (September 2001): 451–86. On McCarthy, who was a leading voice of the Equal Rights movement, see J.R. Miller, Equal Rights: The Jesuits’ Estates Controversy (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1979).

75Edward Meek, “The Manitoba School Question and the Remedial Order,” Canadian Magazine 5, no. 1 (May 1895): 98. This article was reprinted as a pamphlet, Legal and Constitutional Aspects of the Manitoba School Question (Toronto: Hunter, Rose, 1895).

76George Monro Grant, “Canada and the Empire,” National Review 27 (July 1896): 685.

77Norris, “Practical Principles of Canadian Nationalism,” 358. For a similar assessment of bilingual education, see Neil Macdonald, “The Celtic Races and Languages,” Week 6, no. 4 (28 December 1888): 56.

78James Woodrow, “The Capture of Louisburg: An Historical Sketch,” New Dominion Monthly 1, no. 4 (January 1868): 216. John George Bourinot developed a similar narrative of unity in the same magazine; see, for example, Bourinot, “Canadian Materials for History, Poetry, and Romance,” New Dominion Monthly (April 1871): 199.

79Jeffrey Vacante argues, however, that many French Canadians tended to see themselves as a biologically distinct and “pure” race; Vacante, “Evolving Racial Identity and the Consolidation of Men’s Authority in Early Twentieth Century Quebec,” Canadian Historical Review 88, no. 3 (2007): 413–38.

80[J.M. LeMoine], “The Component Parts of Our Nationality,” New Dominion Monthly 4, no. 2 (May 1869): 76, 77. LeMoine frequently authored articles under the alias “the author of ‘Maples Leaves,’” referring to his book series Maple Leaves, published in seven volumes between 1863 and 1907. He later became involved in the founding of the Royal Society of Canada.

81Errol Bouchette, “French Canada and Canada,” Canadian Magazine 14, no. 4 (February 1900): 314.

82A.M.B. “British Connection – Ideal and Real,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 10, no. 5 (November 1876): 416.

83Edward Jenkins, “Imperial Federalism,” Contemporary Review 16 (December 1870): 168.

84Duncan Bell, The Idea of Greater Britain: Empire and the Future of World Order, 1860–1900 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), 93.

85This idea was manifested most prominently in Canada with the construction of the transcontinental railway; see A.A. den Otter, The Philosophy of Railways: The Transcontinental Railway Idea in British North America (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997). On the relationship between technology and space more broadly, see Duncan Bell, “Dissolving Distance: Technology, Space, and Empire in British Political Thought, 1770–1900,” Journal of Modern History 77 (2005): 523–63. In the Canadian context, R. Douglas Francis has highlighted the perceived “imperative” of technological advancement; Francis, The Technological Imperative in Canada: An Intellectual History (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010).

86John Castell Hopkins, Links of Union between Canada and Australia: An Address (Toronto: C. Blackett Robinson, 1890), 3. The Dominion Illustrated noted that this pamphlet “has attracted considerable attention,” and its contents were reprinted in large part in the Week; “Book Chat,” Dominion Illustrated 5, no. 107 (19 July 1890): 47; “Canada and Australia,” Week 7, no. 19 (11 April 1890): 297.

87Joseph Schull, Edward Blake: The Man of the Other Way (1833–1881) (Toronto: Macmillan, 1975).

88Edward Blake, “A National Sentiment!” Speech of Hon. Edward Blake, M.P., at Aurora; With the Comments of Some of the Canadian Press Thereon (Ottawa: E.A. Perry, 1874), 4.

89W.S. Wallace, “Notes and Documents: Edward Blake’s Aurora Speech, 1874,” Canadian Historical Review 2, no. 2 (September 1921): 249.

90Frank H. Underhill, “Edward Blake and Canadian Liberal Nationalism,” in Essays in Canadian History, ed. Ralph Flenley (Toronto: Macmillan, 1939), 148. See also W.R. Graham, “Liberal Nationalism in the Eighteen-Seventies,” Report of the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Historical Association 25, no. 1 (1946): 101–19.

91John A. Macdonald held a seat on the British treaty commission, the first for a Canadian politician, though it did not affect the outcome of the treaty. On the negotiation of the treaty and Macdonald’s role, see Barbara J. Messamore, “Diplomacy or Duplicity? Lord Lisgar, John A. Macdonald, and the Treaty of Washington, 1871,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 32, no. 2 (May 2004): 29–53. For a contemporary criticism of the treaty, see Charles Lindsey, “The Treaty of Washington,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 1, no. 1 (January 1872), 2.

92“A National Sentiment!” 9.

93Jehu Mathews, “The Political Future of Canada,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 1 (September 1875): 54.

94Jehu Mathews, A Colonist on the Colonial Question (London: Longman, Green, 1872).

95Jehu Mathews, “The Political Future of Canada,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, nos. 1 and 2 (July, August 1875).

96J.W. Longley, “Imperial Unity,” Week 13, no. 4 (20 December 1895): 83.

97Six representatives from Canada attended the League’s inaugural meeting, including Ontario Premier Oliver Mowat and Canadian High Commissioner Charles Tupper; Imperial Federation League, Report of the First Conference (London: Cassell, 1884).

98On the rather vague vision of imperial federation, see, for example, A.T. Drummond, “Imperial and Colonial Confederation,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 5 (1875): 410; James Whitman, “Imperial Confederation and Colonial Defence,” New Dominion Monthly (July 1878): 50; Granville C. Cunningham, “Federation, Annexation, or Independence?” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (March 1880): 242; J.W. Longley, “Imperial Federation,” Week 2, no. 29 (18 June 1885): 452; C.A. Boulton, “Canada’s Interest within the Empire,” Week 9, no. 5 (1 January 1892): 69; “Imperial Federation,” Week 10, no. 2 (9 December 1892): 29; Arch. McGoun, Jr., “Sir Oliver Mowat and Imperial Federation,” Week 10, no. 14 (3 March 1893): 320; A.H.F. Lefroy, “British Hopes and British Dangers,” Canadian Magazine 1, no. 3 (May 1893): 176; John Castell Hopkins, “Canada and Imperial Federation,” Lake Magazine 1, no. 1 (August 1892): 3.

99On the development of the imperial federation movement in the late nineteenth century, see Michael Burgess, “Canadian Imperialism as Nationalism: The Legacy and Significance of the Imperial Federation Movement in Canada,” in Canadian Federalism: Past, Present and Future, ed. Michael Burgess (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1990), 60–77.

100“The Death of Sir J.R. Seeley, K.C.M.G.,” Week 12, no. 8 (18 January 1895): 174.

101J.R. Seeley, The Expansion of England: Two Courses of Lectures (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1883), 41. On the political thought of Seeley, see Duncan Bell, “Unity and Difference: John Robert Seeley and the Political Theology of International Relations,” Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (2005): 559–79.

102Seeley’s understanding of the nation was influenced by Karl Stein, the Prussian statesman who helped forge the unification of Germany in the early nineteenth century. Seeley wrote a five-volume biography of Stein, in which he wrote that the nation was essentially “a large clan”; see J.R. Seeley, The Life and Times of Stein, or Germany and Prussia in the Napoleonic Age (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1879), VI, 345.

103Berger, Sense of Power.

104See, for example, A.T. Drummond, “Imperial and Colonial Confederation,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 5 (May 1875): 410; Granville C. Cunningham, “Imperial Federation,” Week 6, no. 15 (March 1889): 216.

105George Monro Grant, The Case for Canada: An Address Delivered at Winnipeg (London: Imperial Federation League, 1889).

106George Monro Grant, Advantages of Imperial Federation (Toronto: C. Blackett Robinson, 1891), 18.

107The following sections of this chapter will examine ideas of race more closely, but it is worth noting here that federationists were often inconsistent in articulating the idea of racial origin, especially in determining whether French- and English-speaking, as well as Catholic and Protestant, elements in Canada’s population could be considered part of the same national group.

108Salter M. Jarvis, “Imperial Federation and Canadian Defences,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (May 1880): 449.

109Carl Berger notes that imperialists in Canada generally regarded the United States as “an undesirable social order”; Berger, Sense of Power, 153. Examples of Canadian writers who declaimed against American influence in Canada include Sara Jeannette Duncan, “American Influence on Canadian Thought,” Week 4, no. 32 (7 July 1887): 518; George Monro Grant, “Anti-National Features of the National Policy,” Canadian Magazine 1, no. 1 (March 1893): 9.

110George T. Denison, Canada and Her Relations to the Empire (Toronto: Week Publishing, 1895), 20.

111Bélanger, Prejudice and Pride.

112For an overview of anti-American sentiment in Canadian history, see J.L. Granatstein, Yankee Go Home? Canadians and Anti-Americanism (Toronto: HarperCollins, 1996).

113Adam Arenson, “Anglo-Saxonism in the Yukon: The Klondike Nugget and American-British Relations in the ‘Two Wests,’ 1898–1901,” Pacific Historical Review 76, no. 3 (2007): 373–404; Edward P. Kohn, This Kindred People: Canadian-American Relations and the Anglo-Saxon Idea, 1895–1903 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2004); Tanja Bueltmann, “Anglo-Saxonism and the Racialization of the English Diaspora,” in Locating the English Diaspora, 1500–2010, ed. Tanja Bueltmann, David T. Gleeson, and Donald M. MacRaild (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2012), 118–34; Alan Smith, Canada: An American Nation? Essays on Continentalism, Identity, and the Canadian Frame of Mind (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994), chapter 4.

114Kohn, This Kindred People, 10.

115Duncan Bell, “Project for a New Anglo Century: Race, Space, and Global Order,” in Anglo-America and Its Discontents: Civilizational Politics beyond East and West, ed. Peter Katzenstein, 33–56. London: Routledge, 2012.

116Kohn, This Kindred People, 34–48. On the “great rapprochement,” see Stuart Anderson, Race and Rapprochement: Anglo-Saxonism and Anglo-American Relations, 1895–1904 (East Brunswick: Associated University Presses, 1980); Roger Sarty, “Canada and the Great Rapprochement,” in The North Atlantic Triangle in a Changing World: Anglo-American-Canadian Relations, 1902–1956, ed. B.J.C. McKercher and Lawrence Aronsen (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 12–47.

117Srdjan Vucetic, The Anglosphere: A Genealogy of a Racialized Identity in International Relations (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011).

118Kohn, This Kindred People, 16.

119Rupert Kingsford, “Roma! Cave Tibi!” Canadian Magazine 12, no. 3 (January 1899): 203.

120Erastus Wiman, “The Capture of Canada,” North American Review 151, no. 405 (August 1890): 212. Wiman was born in Canada before moving to New York and becoming an outspoken proponent of unrestricted reciprocity between Canada and the United States.

121John Redpath Dougall, “An Anglo Saxon Alliance,” Contemporary Review 48 (July 1885): 701.

122Ibid., 706.

123“Current Events,” Canada Educational Monthly 20 (December 1898): 393.

124Goldwin Smith, Reminiscences (New York: Macmillan, 1910), 454.

125For a complete list of all of Smith’s works, see Patricia H. Gaffney, ed., Goldwin Smith Bibliography, 1845–1915 (Ithaca, NY: John M. Olin Library, 1972).

126Goldwin Smith, “The Political Destiny of Canada,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 11, no. 6 (June 1877): 613.

127On annexation movements before Confederation, see J.I. Little, “The Short Life of a Local Protest Movement: The Annexation Crisis of 1849–50 in the Eastern Townships,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 3 (1992): 45–67. For a more comprehensive study of continentalism in Canadian history, see Alan Smith, Canada: An American Nation?

128On Goldwin Smith’s career as a “controversialist,” see Paul T. Phillips, Controversialist: An Intellectual Life of Goldwin Smith (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002).

129Goldwin Smith, “The Political Destiny of Canada,” Fortnightly Review 21, no. 124 (April 1877): 431–59. All references to this article are from the Fortnightly edition.

130Francis Hincks, “The Political Destiny of Canada,” Nineteenth Century 3, no. 16 (June 1878): 1074–86.

131Phillips, Controversialist, 109.

132“Sisterhoods,” Bystander, n.s., 3 (July 1883): 211.

133Smith, “Political Destiny of Canada,” 598.

134Ibid., 597. Scott was executed by the provisional government of Red River in 1870 for his role in an attack on Upper Fort Garry, leading to considerable controversy in the rest of Canada. For an overview of the controversy and its wider impact, see D.N. Sprague, Canada and the Métis, 1869–1885 (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988).

135“Canadian Nationality,” Bystander, n.s., no. 3 (December 1889): 78.

136On Lord Durham’s liberal thought, see Janet Ajzenstat, The Political Thought of Lord Durham (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988). While Ajzenstat’s analysis of Lord Durham is contested, others have highlighted the centrality of liberal thinking to the development of European understandings of empire. See, for example, Jennifer Pitts, A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005); and Uday Singh Mehta, Liberalism and Empire: A Study in Nineteenth-Century British Liberal Thought (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).

137Examples of Smith’s affirmation of “moral unity” include “Principal Grant on the Destiny of Canada,” Bystander 9 (September 1880): 477; “Party Revolution in the States,” Bystander, n.s., 1 (January 1883): 30; “Mr. Blaine’s Pan-American Congress,” Bystander, n.s., 9 (June 1889): 291.

138“Sir Alex. Galt and Emigration,” Bystander 7 (July 1880): 347.

139“Topics of the Week,” Week 2, no. 50 (12 November 1885): 787.

140“Principal Grant on the Destiny of Canada,” Bystander 9 (September 1880): 479.

141Goldwin Smith, Canada and the Canadian Question (London: Macmillan, 1891), 278–9.

142Ibid., 266.

143Bélanger, Prejudice and Pride, 148–51.

144Grant’s review appeared as a two-part essay in the Week and later as a pamphlet. George Monro Grant, “Canada and the Canadian Question,” Week 8, no. 22 (1 May 1891): 348; and 8, no. 24 (15 May 1891): 379. For a similarly critical review of Smith’s book, see George Parkin, Imperial Federation (London: Macmillan, 1892), 163–91.

145George Monro Grant, Canada and the Canadian Question: A Review (Toronto: C. Blackett Robinson, 1891), 4.

146This hostility was especially evident in a particularly acrimonious exchange; George Monro Grant, “Canada and the Empire,” National Review 27 (July 1896): 673; Goldwin Smith, “A Reply,” Canadian Magazine 7, no. 6 (October 1896): 540; and Grant, “Canada and the Empire – A Rejoinder to Goldwin Smith,” Canadian Magazine 8, no. 1 (November 1896): 73–8.

147Library and Archives Canada, George Monro Grant fonds, MG29-D38, Smith to Grant, 19 August 1896, 3528A-3528B.

148Grant, Canada and the Canadian Question, 24.

149George Monro Grant, “The Colonial Conference and Dr. Goldwin Smith,” Week 12, no. 9 (25 January 1895): 200. Grant was particularly incensed in this article by Smith’s lack of enthusiasm for the Colonial Conference that met in Ottawa in 1894, which imperialists like Grant looked to as an indication of momentum in imperial consolidation.

150George Monro Grant, “Canada’s Present Position and Outlook,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 5 (August 1880): 210.

151Oliver Aiken Howland, The New Empire: Reflections on Its Origin and Constitution and Its Relation to the Great Republic (Toronto: Hart, 1891), 566, 131. Howland’s emphasis on liberty and self-government as principal features of Anglo-Saxon people reflected a common preoccupation in racial discourse; see Anna Maria Martellone, “In the Name of Anglo-Saxondom, For Empire and For Democracy: The Anglo-American Discourse, 1880–1920,” in Reflections on American Exceptionalism, ed. David K. Adams and Cornelis A. van Minnen (Keele, UK: Ryburn, 1994), 83–96.

152Oliver Aiken Howland, The Irish Problem as Viewed by a Citizen of the Empire (London: Hatchards, 1887), 114.

153Howland, New Empire, 15.

154Ibid., 18.

155Ibid., 16.

156Ibid., 323.

157Ibid., 511.

158Howland used his speech at the association’s first meeting to argue again for the establishment of an international supreme court to arbitrate disputes. “Current Topics – An International Supreme Court,” Week 12, no. 49 (1 November 1895): 1161.

159Howland, New Empire, 527.

160G.M. Grant, “Review of O.A. Howland’s New Empire,” Week 8, no. 33 (17 July 1891): 527; for part two of Grant’s review, see Week 8, no. 43 (25 September 1891): 688. Grant’s review was also printed in the Westminster Review 136 (October 1891): 417–29. His appreciation of Howland’s New Empire was evident in his frequent references to it; see, for other example, “Principal Grant’s Address before the N.E.A.,” Canada Educational Monthly 13 (October 1891): 294; G.M. Grant, “Current Events,” Queen’s Quarterly 1 (July 1893): 79; G.M. Grant, “Cost and Profit of Liberty,” Week 13, no. 8 (17 January 1896): 179.

161Grant, “Review of O.A. Howland,” 526.

162Berger, Sense of Power, 171.

163George Monro Grant, “Imperial Federation”: A Lecture Delivered in Victoria Hall, Winnipeg (Winnipeg: Winnipeg Free Press, 1890), 15.

164John Watson, “A Phase of Modern Thought,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 3 (November 1879): 463. On the influence of idealist philosophy on British imperialism, see Robert C. Sibley, Northern Spirits: John Watson, George Grant, and Charles Taylor – Appropriations of Hegelian Political Thought (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1998); A.B. McKillop, A Disciplined Intelligence: Critical Inquiry and Canadian Thought in the Victorian Era (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1979), 196–8.

165Terry Cook has detailed the relationship between idealism and imperialism; Cook, “George R. Parkin and the Concept of Britannic Idealism,” Journal of Canadian Studies 10, no. 3 (1975): 15–31. On the development and nature of idealist thought, see A.B. McKillop, “The Idealist Legacy,” in Contours of Canadian Thought, ed. Brian McKillop (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987); and Sandra M. den Otter, British Idealism and Social Explanation: A Study in Late Victorian Thought (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996).

166George Monro Grant, “Canada and the Empire,” National Review 27 (July 1896): 684.

167Ibid., 685.

168Bell, Idea of Greater Britain, 254.

169Thomas Macfarlane, Within the Empire: An Essay on Imperial Federation (Ottawa: James Hope, 1891), 81.

170Ibid., 85. As Marc-William Palen explains, the McKinley Tariff was a particularly strong influence in motivating imperial preferential trade; Palen, The “Conspiracy” of Free Trade: The Anglo-American Struggle over Empire and Economic Globalisation, 1846–1896 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), chapter 8.

171Alan C. Cairns, “The Judicial Committee and Its Critics,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 4, no. 3 (1971): 301–45.

172J.G. Bourinot, “Notes from Ottawa,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 2, no. 2 (August 1872): 171.

173Robert C. Vipond, Liberty and Community: Canadian Federalism and the Failure of the Constitution (Albany: SUNY Press, 1991), 87.

174David Mills, “The Evolution of Self-Government in the Colonies: Their Rights and Responsibilities in the Empire,” Canadian Magazine 2, no. 6 (April 1894): 541.

175David Mills, “Saxon or Slav: England or Russia?” Canadian Magazine 4, no. 6 (April 1895): 521.

176Robert Vitalis traces how the developing field of international relations in the United States in particular was shaped by racism; Vitalis, White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015).

177Charles Pearson, National Life and Character: A Forecast (London: Macmillan, 1893), 85.

178Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men’s Countries and the International Challenge of Racial Equality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 98.

179Duncan Bell, “Before the Democratic Peace: Racial Utopianism, Empire and the Abolition of War,” European Journal of International Relations 20, no. 3 (2014): 649. See also Stéphane Roussel, The North American Democratic Peace: Absence of War and Security Institution-Building in Canada-US Relations, 1867–1958 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2004).

180James W. Bell, “The Future of Canada,” Week 6, no. 34 (26 July 1889): 536–9. This article was originally published in the Illustrated Naval and Military Review in July 1889.

181Martin L. Friedland, University of Toronto: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 117. The author of a number of periodical pieces, Bell’s sudden death in 1889 at the age of thirty-four cut short what promised to be an active public writing career.

182Bell, “Future of Canada,” 539.

183Ibid.

184C.A. Stewart [sic], “Would It Mean an American Empire?” Lake Magazine 1, no. 3 (October 1892): 212.

185Charles Stuart, “The National State,” Canadian Magazine 1, no. 2 (April 1893): 91.

186Ibid., 90.

187Stewart [sic], “American Empire,” 213, 212.

188Stuart, “National State,” 92.

189Edward Meek, “Representative Government and Federalism,” Canadian Magazine 6, no. 6 (April 1896): 568.

190A.T. Drummond, “The Relations of Colonial Britain to the Empire,” Queen’s Quarterly 2, no. 2 (October 1894): 156.

191Ibid., 155.

192Ibid., 157.

193“Current Events,” Methodist Magazine and Review 48, no. 3 (September 1898): 279.

194Colin Kidd, The Forging of Race: Race and Scripture in the Protestant Atlantic World, 1600–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).

195See, especially, Joseph Wild, The Ten Lost Tribes and 1882 (New York: James Huggins, 1879).

196Stuart, “National State,” 90.

197Grant, “Canada and the Empire,” 685.

198Frederick George Scott, “A Canadian National League,” Week 8, no. 16 (March 1891): 253.

199See, for example, Frederick George Scott, In the Battle Silences: Poems Written at the Front (Toronto: Musson, 1916).

200Rogers Brubaker, “The Manichean Myth: Rethinking the Difference Between ‘Civic’ and ‘Ethnic’ Nationalism,” in Nation and National Identity: The European Experience in Perspective, ed. Hanspeter Kriesi, Klaus Armingeon, Hannes Siegrist, and Andreas Wimmer (Zurich: Verlag Rüegger, 1999), 55–71.

2. Cultivating a Constitution: Defining the Legal Foundations of Political Community

1“Topics of the Week – Constitution of Canada,” Week 6, no. 52 (29 November 1889): 819.

2Early federal-provincial relations have been studied extensively elsewhere; see, for example, Christopher Armstrong, “The Mowat Heritage in Federal-Provincial Relations,” in Oliver Mowat’s Ontario, ed. Donald Swainson (Toronto: Macmillan, 1972), 93–118; Ramsay Cook, Provincial Autonomy, Minority Rights and the Compact Theory, 1867–1921 (Ottawa: Queen’s Printer, 1969); Peter H. Russell, Constitutional Odyssey: Can Canadians Become a Sovereign People? (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 34–52; Peter M. Toner, “New Brunswick Schools and the Rise of Provincial Rights,” in Federalism in Canada and Australia: The Early Years, ed. Bruce W. Hodgins, Don Wright, and W.H. Heick (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1978), 125–36.

3Linda Colley, “Empires of Writing: Britain, America and Constitutions, 1776–1848,” Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (2014): 237–8.

4Kelly L. Grotke and Markus J. Prutsch, eds., Constitutionalism, Legitimacy, and Power: Nineteenth Century Experiences (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).

5Jeffrey L. McNairn, The Capacity to Judge: Public Opinion and Deliberative Democracy in Upper Canada, 1791–1854 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000); Michel Ducharme, Le concept de liberté au Canada à l’époque des Révolutions atlantiques (1776–1838) (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2010).

6K.C. Wheare, The Constitutional Structure of the Commonwealth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), 89.

7Carl Schmitt extensively considered the meaning of constitution in Constitutional Theory, trans. Jeffrey Seitzer (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008).

8William Conklin, Images of a Constitution (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983).

9Jason Mazzone, “The Creation of a Constitutional Culture,” Tulsa Law Review 40, no. 4 (2004): 672.

10Edward S. Corwin, “The Constitution as Instrument and as Symbol,” American Political Science Review 30, no. 6 (1936): 1071–85. More recently, the idea of constitutional culture and symbolism has been the subject of renewed interest among scholars internationally; see Silke Hensel, Ulrike Bock, Katrin Dircksen, and Hans-Ulrich Thamer, eds., Constitutional Cultures: On the Concept and Representation of Constitutions in the Atlantic World (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2012); Sandra F. VanBurkleo, Kermit Hall, and Robert J. Kaczorowski, eds., Constitutionalism and American Culture: Writing the New Constitutional History (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2002).

11See, especially, James Epstein, Radical Expression: Political Language, Ritual, and Symbol in England, 1790–1850 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); D. Alan Orr, “A Prospectus for a ‘New’ Constitutional History of Early Modern England,” Albion 36, no. 3 (2004): 430–50; James Vernon, Politics and the People: A Study in English Political Culture, c.1815–1867 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); and James Vernon, ed., Re-Reading the Constitution: New Narratives in the Political History of England’s Long Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

12James Vernon, “Notes towards an Introduction,” in Re-Reading the Constitution, 9.

13Judith Pryor, Constitutions: Writing Nations, Reading Difference (New York: Birkbeck Law Press, 2008).

14Helen Irving, To Constitute a Nation: A Cultural History of Australia’s Constitution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

15See, for example, Larry Kramer, The People Themselves: Popular Constitutionalism and Judicial Review (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); Johnathan O’Neill, Originalism in American Law and Politics: A Constitutional History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005).

16Michael Kammen, A Machine That Would Go of Itself: The Constitution in American Culture (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2006).

17Recent studies signal that this dearth may be changing; see, especially, Benjamin L. Berger, “Children of Two Logics: A Way into Canadian Constitutional Culture,” International Journal of Constitutional Law 11, no. 2 (2013): 319–38; Eric M. Adams, “Constitutional Nationalism: Politics, Law, and Culture on the Road to Patriation,” in Patriation and Its Consequences: Constitution Making in Canada, eds. Lois Harder and Steve Patten (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2015), 49–68.

18Russell, Constitutional Odyssey. For a similar assessment, see David Thomas, Whistling Past the Graveyard: Constitutional Abeyances, Quebec, and the Future of Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1997).

19Robert Martin, “A Lament for British North America,” in Rethinking the Constitution: Perspectives on Canadian Constitutional Reform, Interpretation, and Theory, ed. Anthony A. Peacock (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1996), 4.

20Janet Ajzenstat, The Canadian Founding: John Locke and Parliament (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2007), 108. The idea of Confederation as “founding moment” is also evident in the title of the collection of Confederation debates, edited by Janet Ajzenstat et al., Canada’s Founding Debates (Toronto: Stoddart, 1999).

21Reginald Whitaker, “Democracy and the Canadian Constitution,” in And No One Cheered: Federalism, Democracy, and the Constitution Act, ed. Keith Banting and Richard Simeon (Toronto: Methuen, 1983), 240. Peter Russell calls this arrangement a “consociational democracy,” a brokerage between political elites that excludes direct public involvement. Russell, Constitutional Odyssey, 5.

22Alan Cairns, “The Judicial Committee and Its Critics,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 4, no. 3 (1971): 301.

23See, for example, Frederick Vaughan, Viscount Haldane: “The Wicked Step-Father of the Canadian Constitution” (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010); and John Saywell, The Lawmakers: Judicial Power and the Shaping of Canadian Federalism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002).

24Keith Banting and Richard Simeon, eds., And No One Cheered: Federalism, Democracy and the Constitution Act (Toronto: Methuen, 1983); Guy Laforest, Trudeau and the End of a Canadian Dream (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1995); R. Kent Weaver, ed., The Collapse of Canada? (Washington: Brookings Institute, 1992).

25Stephen Tierney, “Crystallizing Dominance: Majority Nationalism, Constitutionalism, and the Courts,” in Dominant Nationalism, Dominant Ethnicity: Identity, Federalism, and Democracy, ed. André Lecours and Geneviève Nootens (Brussels: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009), 87.

26The Constitution Act, 1982, Schedule B to the Canada Act, 1982 (U.K.), c. 11, s. 52 (2) formally defines the “Constitution of Canada” as the revised Constitution Act, 1982; the Schedule to the Act, titled “Modernization of the Constitution,” renames thirty statutes associated with the constitution, including the “Terms of Union” for provinces joining Canada after 1867.

27This is part of the nature of an unwritten constitution, which remains an important aspect of Canadian constitutional law; see Mark D. Walters, “Written Constitutions and Unwritten Constitutionalism,” in Expounding the Constitution: Essays in Constitutional Theory, ed. Grant Huscroft (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 245–76.

28John Borrows, Canada’s Indigenous Constitution (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010). For an example of the interaction between Aboriginal and European legal custom, see Mark D. Walters, “‘According to the Old Customs of Our Nation’: Aboriginal Self-Government on the Credit River Mississauga Reserve, 1826–1847,” Ottawa Law Review 30, no. 1 (1998–99): 1–45.

29For a number of case studies on the imposition of European law, see Sidney L. Harring, White Man’s Law: Native People in Nineteenth-Century Canadian Jurisprudence (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998).

30Renáta Uitz, Constitutions, Courts and History: Historical Narratives in Constitutional Adjudication (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2005), 54.

31Ibid., 148–9.

32R. Blake Brown, “One Version of History: The Supreme Court of Canada’s Use of History in the Quebec Secession Reference,” in Framing Canadian Federalism: Essays in Honour of John T. Saywell, ed. Dimitry Anastakis and Penny Bryden (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 15.

33On the transatlantic circulation of social, political, and scientific thought, see James T. Kloppenberg, Uncertain Victory: Social Democracy and Progressivism in European and American Thought, 1870–1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); and Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998). Marilyn Lake has also indicated the influence of these ideas in Australia in her essay “‘Essentially Teutonic’: E.A. Freeman, Liberal Race Historian. A Transnational Perspective,” in Race, Nation and Empire: Making Histories, 1750 to the Present, ed. Catherine Hall and Keith McClelland (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), 56–73.

34John Burrow, Liberal Descent: Victorian Historians and the English Past (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

35Anthony Brundage and Richard A. Cosgrove, The Great Tradition: Constitutional History and National Identity in Britain and the United States, 1870–1960 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), 24.

36John Gooch, Manual or Explanatory Development of the Act for the Union of Canada (Ottawa: Desbarats, 1867); British North America Act, 1867, Made Easy (Ottawa: Citizen Printing, 1883).

37John Cartwright, Cases Decided on the British North America Act [...] (Toronto: C.B. Robinson, 1882–97); Gerald John Wheeler, Confederation Law of Canada [...] (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1896); Joseph Doutre, Constitution of Canada: The British North America Act, 1867 [...] (Montreal: J. Lovell, 1880).

38D.A. O’Sullivan, Manual of Government in Canada; or, The Principles and Institutions of Our Federal and Provincial Constitutions (Toronto: J.C. Stuart, 1879), 1. Based on its success, O’Sullivan later substantially revised and republished this book as Government in Canada (Toronto: Carswell, 1887).

39Alpheus Todd, Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies (London: Longmans, Green, 1894), x.

40Albert R. Hassard, Canadian Constitutional History and Law (Toronto: Carswell, 1900), 73.

41Samuel James Watson, The Constitutional History of Canada (Toronto: Adam, Stevenson, 1874); Jeremiah Travis, A Law Treatise on the Constitutional Powers of Parliament, and Local Legislatures, Under the British North America Act, 1867 (Saint John: Sun Publishing, 1884); William Houston, Documents Illustrative of the Canadian Constitution (Toronto: Carswell, 1891); W.H.P. Clement, Law of the Canadian Constitution (Toronto: Carswell, 1892); A.H.F. Lefroy, The Law of Legislative Power in Canada (Toronto: Toronto Law Book and Publishing, 1897–98).

42J.E.C. Munro, The Constitution of Canada (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1889). The Week commented on this “most valuable book,” commending it to all interested in Canadian affairs; “Topics of the Week,” 6, no. 52 (29 November 1889): 820. The book was included in a list of books recommended for the “Cabot Celebration” in 1897, which enjoined Canadians to celebrate the quadricentenary of Cabot’s voyage to “Canada” by reading selected titles on Canadian history; see advertisement, Canadian Magazine 6, no. 6 (April 1896): viii.

43John George Bourinot, Federal Government in Canada (Baltimore: N. Murray, 1889); and Bourinot, Canadian Studies in Comparative Politics (Montreal: Dawson Brothers, 1890); C.C. Colby, Parliamentary Government in Canada (Montreal: Dawson Brothers, 1886); W.J. Ashley, Nine Lectures on the Earlier Constitutional History of Canada (Toronto: Roswell and Hutchison, 1889); Herbert Brown Ames, Canadian Political History: Outline of a Course of Ten Lectures [...] (Montreal: Young Men’s Christian Association of Montreal, 1894).

44Sara Z. Burke, Seeking the Highest Good: Social Service and Gender at the University of Toronto, 1888–1937 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 19.

45Ashley, Nine Lectures, 11, 13.

46See Carl Berger, The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing, 1900–1970 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1976); Donald A. Wright, The Professionalization of History in English Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005).

47Suzanne Zeller, Inventing Canada: Early Victorian Science and the Idea of a Transcontinental Nation (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2009). In her conclusion, Zeller notes that, unlike the American constitution created by a previous generation, the British North America Act was the product of a generation that maintained historically minded attention to “organic change over time” (270).

48Ashley, Nine Lectures, 14–15.

49Edward Meek, “The Canadian Constitution: Its Fictions and Realities,” Canadian Magazine 3, no. 5 (September 1894): 425.

50Ashley, Nine Lectures, 50.

51Houston, Documents Illustrative of the Canadian Constitution, xv.

52A.B. McKillop, Matters of Mind: The University in Ontario, 1791–1951 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994), 194. Interestingly, Houston competed unsuccessfully with Ashley for the position of professor of political economy at the University of Toronto; Martin L. Friedland, The University of Toronto: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013), 117. Houston, a graduate of the university, was known for his advocacy of allowing women to enrol; see, for example, William Houston, “Co-Education in University College,” Week 1, no. 11 (14 February 1884): 165.

53Houston, Documents Illustrative of the Canadian Constitution, x.

54Ibid., xi.

55George Bryce, “A Fragment of Canadian History,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 5, no. 4 (April 1874): 273.

56Hassard, Canadian Constitutional History and Law, 3, 4.

57Joseph Adolphe Chapleau, Report on the Constitution of the Dominion of Canada (Ottawa: Brown Chamberlin, 1891). The Week took notice of Chapleau’s report and commended it highly to readers; “Canada’s Constitution – An Important State Paper,” Week 7, no. 37 (15 August 1890): 587.

58Ames, Canadian Political History, 5.

59Watson, Constitutional History of Canada, 12. This book is the first volume of what Watson evidently intended to be a multivolume history, though his death in 1881 precluded further publications.

60Ibid., 128.

61O’Sullivan, Manual of Government in Canada, 16.

62Ashley, Nine Lectures, 28.

63Bourinot, Federal Government, 8.

64Ibid., 13.

65Ibid., 27.

66Ibid., 162.

67Bourinot, Canadian Studies in Comparative Politics, 3–36.

68Ibid., 3.

69Carl Berger, “Race and Liberty: The Historical Ideas of Sir John George Bourinot,” Report of the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Historical Association 44, no. 1 (1965): 99.

70Frank Yeigh, “Young Men in Politics,” Lake Magazine 1, no. 3 (October 1892): 149.

71“The Study of Government in Canada,” Week 11, no. 52 (23 November 1894): 1229, 1230.

72Colby, Parliamentary Government in Canada, 55; O’Sullivan, Manual of Government in Canada, 3. See also Meek, “The Canadian Constitution,” 425.

73Clement, Law of the Canadian Constitution, 15. Clement cites Walter Bagehot and A.V. Dicey as leading examples of the recognition of the controlling power of the elected branch.

74Todd, Parliamentary Government, 472.

75On Ames’s study of Montreal, see Terry Copp, The Anatomy of Poverty: The Condition of the Working Class in Montreal, 1897–1929 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1974), 15–29.

76Ames, Canadian Political History, 47.

77Margaret A. Banks, Sir John George Bourinot, Victorian Canadian: His Life, Times, and Legacy (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 110–43.

78“Topics of the Week – Dr. Bourinot’s Lecture,” Week 6, no. 27 (7 June 1889): 419.

79On the development of “provincial rights,” see Garth Stevenson, Ex Uno Plures: Federal-Provincial Relations in Canada, 1867–1896 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1993); Russell, Constitutional Odyssey, 34–52.

80J.G. Bourinot, “The Law of the Canadian Constitution,” Week 10, no. 10 (19 February 1893): 251.

81Ibid.

82“Book Review: A Manual of Government in Canada, or the Principles and Institutions of our Federal and Provincial Constitutions,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (January 1880): 109. See also “Book Review: Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies by Alpheus Todd,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (April 1880): 440.

83“Prominent Canadians: J.G. Bourinot,” Week 11, no. 20 (19 April 1894): 464; “How Canada Is Governed,” Week 12, no. 33 (12 July 1895): 786; John George Bourinot, How Canada Is Governed: A Short Account of the Executive, Legislative, Judicial and Municipal Institutions with an Historical Outline of their Origin and Development (Toronto: Copp, Clark, 1895).

84Senator Boulton, “A New National Policy, Being a Plea for Free Trade with Great Britain in Order to Preserve Our Taxable Power,” Canadian Magazine (June 1899): 107.

85Ames, Canadian Political History, 8.

86O’Sullivan, Manual of Government in Canada, 3.

87R.C.B. Risk and Robert Vipond, “Rights Talk in Canada in the Late Nineteenth Century: ‘The Good Sense and Right Feeling of the People,’” in The History of Canadian Legal Thought: Collected Essays, ed. G. Blaine Baker and Jim Phillips (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 94–129.

88Quoted in “Current Thoughts,” Canadian Magazine 6, no. 1 (November 1895): 96.

89Frank Yeigh, “Twenty-Nine Years of Confederation,” Canadian Magazine 7, no. 3 (July 1896): 230.

90Lex, “The Change Required in the Senate,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (March 1880): 279.

91“The Colonial Status Quo vs. Canadian Independence,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 8 (February 1882): 117.

92O.A. Howland, “What Is the Empire?” Week 6, no. 11 (15 February 1889): 166.

93J.G. Bourinot, “English Principles of Canadian Government,” Canadian Magazine 9, no. 2 (June 1897): 94. As its title implied, this article detailed what Bourinot viewed as the underlying British nature of Canadian government, highlighting the rule of law, responsible government, and the controlling power of the elected branch of Parliament.

94G.M. Grant, “The Relation of Religion to Secular Life,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 5 (December 1880): 622.

95Percy Blanchard, Draft of an Imperial Constitution with Comments (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1886); Duncan Bell, The Idea of Greater Britain: Empire and the Future of World Order, 1860–1900 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), 132–3.

96See, for example, A.T. Drummond, “Imperial and Colonial Federation,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 5 (May 1875): 409–10.

97J. Castell Hopkins, “Patriotism in Education,” Canada Educational Monthly 14 (March 1892): 83. Hopkins expressed similar sentiments in “British Connections and Institutions,” Week 8, no 38 (21 August 1891): 606; and in Canada and the Empire: A Study of Imperial Federation (Toronto: C. Blackett Robinson, 1890), 28.

98Imperial Federation League in Canada, Speeches Delivered at a Public Meeting of the Halifax, Nova Scotia, Branch of the Imperial Federation League, Held at the Academy of Music, Halifax, 4th June, 1888 (Halifax: Halifax Branch of the Imperial Federation League, c.1888), 19.

99A.V. Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution, 3rd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1889), 155–6.

100Edward Douglas Armour, “Dicey on the Constitution of Canada,” Week 3, no. 6 (7 January 1886): 83–4. See also, S.E. Dawson, “Dr. Bourinot’s ‘Comparative Politics,’” Week 8, no. 21 (24 April 1891): 334; Meek, “The Canadian Constitution,” 432. Despite these protests, Dicey influenced constitutional adjudication in the late nineteenth century, as David Schneiderman notes in “A.V. Dicey, Lord Watson, and the Law of the Canadian Constitution in the Late Nineteenth Century,” Law and History Review 16, no. 3 (1998): 495–526.

101“Editorial Review – The Law Quarterly Review,” Canadian Law Times 5, no. 3 (March 1885): 114.

102On Clement’s brief but strained appointment to the Yukon, see Burt Harris, “Fighting Spirits: The Yukon Legal Profession, 1898–1912,” in Essays in the History of Canadian Law, vol. 6, British Columbia and the Yukon, ed. Hamar Foster and John McLaren (Toronto: Osgoode Society for Canadian Legal History, 1995), 457–507.

103Clement, Law of the Canadian Constitution, 3–4.

104Lefroy impressed this point in a speech to the Toronto branch of the Imperial Federation League, published as The British versus the American System of National Government (Toronto: Williamson, 1891). In this speech, he detailed the superiority of the British parliamentary to the American congressional system.

105On Lefroy’s legal thought, see R.C.B. Risk, “A.H.F. Lefroy: Common Law Thought in Late Nineteenth-Century Canada: On Burying One’s Grandfather,” University of Toronto Law Journal 41, no. 3 (1991): 307–31. As Risk notes, Lefroy’s imperialist dedication inspired his effort to distinguish the American constitution as entirely dissimilar from the British constitutional basis of Canada.

106J.H.B., “The Canadian and the American Constitution,” Week 6, no. 18 (5 April 1889): 281; James Harris Vickery, “Is There a Limit to Democracy? A Study in American Politics,” Canadian Magazine 8, no. 4 (February 1897): 341–8; T.C.L. Ketchum, “Canadian Aversion to Annexation,” Week 11, no. 8 (19 January 1894): 180.

107“The National Spirit,” Dominion Illustrated 1, no. 5 (4 August 1888): 67.

108Carl Berger A Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867–1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press), 199–200; Damien-Claude Bélanger, Prejudice and Pride: Canadian Intellectuals Confront the United States, 1891–1945 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 49–57.

109Lefroy, Law of Legislative Power, 72.

110Ibid., lxiv.

111Clement, Law of the Canadian Constitution, 7.

112Goldwin Smith, “Weak Points in Confederation,” Bystander, n.s., no. 2 (April 1883): 86. Smith’s language here consciously echoes the preamble of the British North America Act, which claims to be “a Constitution similar in principle to that of the United Kingdom.” On Smith’s argument about the unclear limits of jurisdictions in the written constitution, see also “The Tramway Act,” Bystander (April 1881): 182–4; “Quebec Affairs,” Bystander 1 (January 1880): 20–4; “The Lieutenant-Governorship,” Bystander 3 (March 1880): 125–7.

113Goldwin Smith, “The Globe and the Senate,” Bystander 7 (July 1880): 352.

114“Written Constitutions,” Week 12, no. 27 (May 1895): 629.

115Edward Meek, “Plebiscite,” Canadian Magazine 2, no. 1 (November 1893): 14. Meek expressed similar sentiments in “The Canadian Constitution,” 561.

116Edward Meek, “Representative Government and Federalism,” Canadian Magazine 6, no. 6 (April 1896): 568.

3. Making Up the People: Ideas of Common Peoplehood and Citizenship

1John Cooper, “Editorial Comment,” Canadian Magazine 10, no. 4 (February 1898): 370.

2For other examples of Cooper’s reference to citizenship, see “Editorial Comment,” Canadian Magazine 11, no. 5 (September 1898): 453; “Editorial Comment,” Canadian Magazine 10, no. 3 (January 1898): 278; “Editorial Comment,” Canadian Magazine 12, no. 3 (January 1899): 280; “Editorial Comment,” Canadian Magazine 14, no. 1 (November 1899): 81.

3William J. Novak, “The Legal Transformation of Citizenship in Nineteenth-Century America,” in The Democratic Experiment: New Directions in American Political History, ed. Meg Jacobs, William J. Novak, and Julian E. Zelizer (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), 86.

4Sukanya Banerjee, Becoming Imperial Citizens: Indians in the Late-Victorian Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), 7.

5Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 2006).

6Étienne Balibar, “The Nation Form: History and Ideology,” in Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities, ed. Étienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein (London: Verso, 1991), 93.

7Margaret Canovan, The People (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005).

8Rogers Smith, Stories of Peoplehood: The Politics and Morals of Political Membership (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 41.

9John Lie, Modern Peoplehood (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004).

10Edmund S. Morgan, Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America (New York: W.W. Norton, 1988). Shelton Stromquist has argued that reformers in the Progressive movement similarly employed the idea of the “people” to imagine a classless American society; Stromquist, Reinventing “The People”: The Progressive Movement, the Class Problem, and the Origins of Modern Liberalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006).

11Peter Russell, Constitutional Odyssey: Can Canadians Become a Sovereign People? (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004).

12Jacques Derrida, “Declarations of Independence,” New Political Science 7, no. 1 (1986): 10.

13Some would disagree with this characterization; notably, Janet Ajzenstat has stressed the principle of representative democracy in her studies of Confederation; see, for example, Ajzenstat, The Canadian Founding: John Locke and Parliament (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2007), 22–48. It should be added, however, that even some of the people cited in this chapter who promoted the concept of the Canadian people, seemingly sensitive to the idea of popular sovereignty, regretted that Confederation was not ratified by popular vote; see, for example: “Revision of the Constitution,” Bystander, n.s., no. 4 (October 1883): 257; Nova Scotian, “Nova Scotia and Confederation,” Dominion Illustrated 1, no. 8 (25 August 1888): 118; G.W. Ross, “Referendum and Plebiscite,” Canadian Magazine 1, no. 6 (August 1893): 446.

14It is worth noting that the British North America Act makes no reference to “citizens.” By contrast, the Australian constitution, drafted three decades later, was marked by what Helen Irving describes as a “long and tortured” debate over the term “citizenship”; Irving, To Constitute a Nation: A Cultural History of Australia’s Constitution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 156–7.

15Imperial Federation League in Canada, Report of the First Meeting of the League, Held in Montreal [...] (Montreal: Drysdale, 1885), 44.

16Rex Martin, “The Metaphysics and Ethics of T.H. Green’s Idea of Persons and Citizens,” in Ethical Citizenship: British Idealism and the Politics of Recognition, ed. Thom Brooks (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 13–34.

17The division of the world by a “colour line” is comprehensively examined in Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men’s Countries and the International Challenge of Racial Equality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

18Daniel Gorman, Imperial Citizenship: Empire and the Question of Belonging (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), 2.

19Sukanya Banerjee highlights the potent differentiation between “subject” and “citizen” in Becoming Imperial Citizens. The entanglement of these words and their practical effect will be examined more closely in chapter five’s case study of naturalization law.

20George Parkin, Imperial Federation: The Problem of National Unity (London: Macmillan, 1892), 17. For Parkin, “full citizenship” was specifically attached to political representation, and therefore imperial federation allowed colonists to exercise their citizenship through representation in imperial parliament; on this point, see also “Mr. Parkin in the Principality,” Journal of the Imperial Federation League 7, no. 5 (May 1892): 117.

21A.H.F. Lefroy, “British Hopes and British Dangers,” Canadian Magazine 1, no. 3 (May 1893): 177.

22F. Blake Crofton, “Imperial Federation and Its Cost,” Week 5, no. 30 (21 June 1888): 479.

23As Carl Berger has noted, imperialism acquired a much more explicitly militaristic undertone by the 1890s, crystallized most clearly by the advocacy of Colonel George Denison and culminating in the South African War and the First World War; Berger, Sense of Power, 233–58.

24The Northwest was prime for the settlement of “the surplus population of Europe,” according to George Bryce; Bryce, “Manitoba,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 3, no. 5 (May 1873): 372. For similar assessments, see Rev. McD. Dawson, “The North West Territory,” Stewart’s Quarterly 3, no. 1 (April 1869): 1; Charles Mair, “The New Canada: Its Natural Features and Climate,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 1 (July 1875): 1; Granville C. Cunningham, “Imperial Federation – II,” Week 6, no. 15 (15 March 1889): 232–3.

25“Citizens of the British Empire,” Imperial Federation: Journal of the Imperial Federation League 2, no. 3 (March 1887): 55. See also James Macgregor, “Canada and the North-West as an Emigration Field,” Contemporary Review 42 (August 1882): 218–36.

26Doug Owram, Promise of Eden: The Canadian Expansionist Movement and the Idea of the West, 1856–1900 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 125–48.

27Duncan Bell, “Beyond the Sovereign State: Isopolitan Citizenship, Race and Anglo-American Union,” Political Studies 62, no. 2 (2014): 420.

28A.V. Dicey, “A Common Citizenship for the English Race,” Contemporary Review 71 no.1 (1897): 457–76.

29Bell, “Beyond the Sovereign State.”

30Goldwin Smith, “The Expansion of England,” Contemporary Review 45 (April 1884): 531. Here the “sentiments” described by Smith seem to correspond to “race,” though his list of the bonds of citizenship are ostensibly open to being acquired or “transmitted,” again highlighting the common conflations and imprecision of “race” in the late Victorian period.

31“‘Bystander’ on Current Events and Opinion,” Week 1, no. 36 (7 August 1884): 562

32“‘Bystander’ on Current Events and Opinions,” Week 1, no. 43 (25 September 1884): 675.

33Goldwin Smith, Canada and the Canadian Question (London: Macmillan, 1891), 266. Smith continued on to say that this “community of citizenship” should allow for the elimination of naturalization requirements; this idea will be examined more closely in chapter five’s case study of naturalization. Smith expressed his belief in “mutual” citizenship numerous other times, which he considered to represent a “moral reunion of the race”; Smith, “Anglo-Saxon Union: A Response to Mr. Carnegie,” North American Review 157 (1893), 171.

34J. Castell Hopkins, “Correspondence – Canadian Loyalty,” Week 9, no. 35 (29 July 1892): 554.

35J.W. Longley, “The Future of Canada,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 2 (February 1882): 151.

36G.M. Grant, “Correspondence,” Week 6, no. 22 (3 May 1889): 346; “Topics of the Week,” Week 6, no. 22 (3 May 1889): 339. For a similar assessment of the “inferiority of colonial citizenship” in the Week, see “Topics – The Main Question,” Week 9, no. 20 (15 April 1892): 309.

37J. Castell Hopkins, “Correspondence – The Week and Imperial Federation,” Week 6, no. 23 (10 May 1889): 361.

38Alchemist, “Canadian Litterateurs and the Universities,” Week 9, no. 23 (6 May 1892): 361. “Alchemist” was one of a number of noms de plume that Lighthall used throughout his life.

39William Norris, “Canadian Nationality: A Present Day Plea,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (February 1880): 116. Norris’s views of citizenship as a product of naturalization laws will be examined in chapter six.

40William Norris, “Canadian Colonialism and Sir Francis Hincks,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 5 (November 1881): 505.

41Notable exceptions include Edward Blake and Andrew Bonar Law, but in both cases they moved from Canada to Britain before becoming involved in British politics. On Canadian-born men who became involved in the British parliament, see Neville Thompson, Canada and the End of the Imperial Dream: Beverley Baxter’s Reports from London through War and Peace, 1936–1960 (Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press, 2013), 3–4.

42“Current Topics,” Dominion Illustrated 3, no. 53 (6 July 1889): 2.

43John Cooper, “Current Thoughts – Should Our Literature Be Canadian?” Canadian Magazine 8, no. 6 (April 1897): 545. Literature was frequently cited as a means of cultivating a distinct sense of Canadian nationalism following Confederation, a point that D.M.R. Bentley makes clear in The Confederation Group of Canadian Poets, 1880–1897 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004).

44Oliver Aiken Howland, “The Fourth Century of Canadian History,” Canadian Magazine 4, no. 3 (January 1895): 207.

45J.G. Bourinot, “Canadian Materials for History, Poetry, and Romance,” New Dominion Monthly (April 1871): 203. By 1898, Bourinot later claimed that the various sections of Canada had “contributed to form a Canadian people”; Bourinot, “The Makers of the Dominion of Canada,” Canadian Magazine 11, no. 6 (October 1898): 519.

46“Topics of the Week – French Canada,” Week 4, no. 42 (15 September 1887): 676.

47“Topics of the Week – French-Canadian Loyalty,” Week 3, no. 9 (28 January 1886): 136.

48A.I. Silver, “Ontario’s Alleged Fanaticism in the Riel Affair,” Canadian Historical Review 69, no. 1 (1988): 49.

49F.W. Frith, “Trying for Flukes,” Week 10, no. 40 (1 September 1893): 946–7.

50Argus [pseud.], “Our Future,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 12, no. 5 (November 1877): 508.

51L.L., “Canadians,” Dominion Illustrated 7, no. 178 (28 November 1891): 519.

52Elihu Burritt, “The American and British ‘Down-Easts,’” Canadian Monthly and National Review 11, no. 6 (June 1877): 594.

53“A Review of the Times,” New Dominion Monthly (January 1875): 59. For a similar assessment urging readers to call themselves “Canadian,” see “Notice,” New Dominion Monthly (January 1872): 63.

54As Gerald Friesen explains, the perception of distinct regions in Canada was already deeply entrenched at the time of Confederation; Friesen, “The Evolving Meaning of Regions in Canada,” Canadian Historical Review 82, no. 3 (2001): 529–45. On regionalism in the Maritimes, see G.A. Rawlyk and Doug Brown, “The Historical Framework of the Maritimes and Confederation,” in The Atlantic Provinces and the Problems of Confederation, ed. G.A. Rawlyk (St. John’s, NL: Breakwater, 1979), 47.

55Ian Hacking, “Historical Ontology,” in Historical Ontology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), 1.

56“Topics of the Week – Has Confederation Succeeded?” Week 7, no. 31 (4 July 1890): 483.

57“Canada’s Natal Day,” Week 12, no. 32 (5 July 1895): 749.

58Allen Jack, “The Outlook in Canada,” Week 8, no. 17 (27 March 1891): 265.

59“Editorial Notes,” Critic 8, no. 39 (25 September 1891): 3.

60“Some National Names,” Critic 3, no. 6 (5 February 1886): 2.

61W. Douw Lighthall, “Canadian English,” Week 6, no. 37 (16 August 1889): 582.

62On the often fractious relations between the federal and provincial governments in the late nineteenth century, see Garth Stevenson, Ex Uno Plures: Federal-Provincial Relations in Canada, 1867–1896 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1993). As Ernest R. Forbes has illustrated, the idea of Maritime rights and regional identity endured in the early twentieth century; Forbes, The Maritime Rights Movement, 1919–1927: A Study in Canadian Regionalism (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1979).

63See, for example, R.E. Gosnell, “British Columbia Politically,” Lake Magazine 1, no. 5 (December 1892): 271–6.

64J.E. Collins, “English-Canadian Literature,” Week 1, no. 39 (28 August 1884): 614.

65Allen Jack, “The Outlook in Canada,” Week 8, no. 17 (27 March 1891): 265. For a similar assessment of the lack of “Canadianism” in Nova Scotia, see C. Ochiltree Macdonald, “The National Feeling of Nova Scotia,” Canada Educational Monthly 17 (1895): 5.

66Carter Troop, “Canadian Opinion,” Week 4, no. 21 (21 April 1887): 331. Though much is unknown about Troop today, he was a fairly prominent promoter of Canadian literature. Originally from New Brunswick, he served terms as editor of the Trinity University Review and the Week. On his promotion of Canadian literature, see “Topics of the Week,” Week 4, no. 15 (10 March 1887): 237–8.

67W.E.M., “Canada’s Future,” Week 2, no. 9 (29 January 1885): 133. In a response article, a reader argued that the author exaggerated disunity in Canada, stating that national spirit was each year growing stronger; G. Hague, “Correspondence – The Relations of the Provinces of the Dominion to One Another,” Week 2, no. 11 (12 February 1885): 169.

68“Editorial Notes,” Critic 2, no. 26 (27 June 1885): 1. For similar expressions, see also “A Beautiful Dream,” Dominion Illustrated 1, no. 20 (17 November 1888): 307; and C.P. McLennan, “July First and July Fourth,” Week 6, no. 33 (19 July 1889): 519.

69W.A. McIntyre, “The Teacher’s Commission,” Canada Educational Monthly 20 (May 1898): 171.

70Veronica Strong-Boag, “Who Counts? Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Struggles about Gender, Race, and Class in Canada,” in Citizenship in Transformation in Canada, ed. Yvonne M. Hébert (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 38.

71See, for example, Amy Gutmann, Democratic Education (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987); William A. Galston, Liberal Purposes: Goods, Virtues, and Diversity in the Liberal State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and Eamonn Callan, “Beyond Sentimental Civic Education,” American Journal of Education 102, no. 2 (February 1994): 190–221.

72Daniel Tröhler, Thomas S. Popkewitz, and David F. Labaree, eds., Schooling and the Making of Citizens in the Long Nineteenth Century: Comparative Visions (New York: Routledge, 2011).

73Stephen Heathorn, For Home, Country, and Race: Constructing Gender, Class, and Englishness in the Elementary School, 1880–1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), 3; see also Peter Yeandle, Citizenship, Nation, Empire: The Politics of History Teaching in England, 1870–1930 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).

74Amy von Heyking, Creating Citizens: History and Identity in Alberta’s Schools, 1905 to 1980 (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2006).

75See, for example, Nancy J. Sheehan, “Character Training and the Cultural Heritage: An Historical Comparison of Canadian Elementary Readers,” in The Curriculum in Canada in Historical Perspective, ed. George Tomkins (Vancouver: Society for the Study of Education, University of British Columbia, 1979), 77–84; Ken Osborne, “‘Our History Syllabus Has Us Gasping’: History in Canadian Schools – Past, Present, and Future,” Canadian Historical Review 81, no. 3 (2000): 404–33.

76Rosa Bruno-Jofré has illustrated how the “official discourse” was not always taught in schools or automatically internalized by students; Bruno-Jofré, “Citizenship and Schooling in Manitoba between the End of the First World War and the End of the Second World War,” in Citizenship in Transformation in Canada, ed. Yvonne M. Hébert (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 112–33.

77Concern for a “national” system of education would continue, as Lorna McLean has illustrated in “Education, Identity, and Citizenship in Early Modern Canada,” Journal of Canadian Studies 41, no. 1 (2007): 5–30.

78John A. Dresser, “A Dominion School System,” Canadian Magazine 9, no. 6 (October 1897): 528.

79J.M. Harper, “Canadian Unity and a National Bureau of Education,” Canada Educational Monthly 19 (June/July 1897): 209. Harper later reiterated his argument in the Canadian Magazine; Harper, “An Educational Bureau for Canada,” Canadian Magazine, 14, no. 1 (November 1899), 27–30.

80J.M. Harper, “A National or Central Bureau of Education for Canada,” Canada Educational Monthly 20 (October 1898): 306. The Dominion Educational Association (renamed Canadian Education Association in 1918) was established in 1891 as a coordinated body of educators in Canada. For an early history of the group, see Freeman K. Stewart, Interprovincial Co-operation in Education: The Story of the Canadian Education Association (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1957).

81Harper, “An Educational Bureau for Canada,” 30.

82“Editorial Notes,” Canada Educational Monthly 19 (February 1897): 62; “The Educational Association at Halifax,” Canada Educational Monthly 20 (August/September 1898): 243.

83On the development of the franchise in Canada following Confederation, see W.L. Morton, “The Extension of the Franchise in Canada: A Study in Democratic Nationalism,” Report of the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Historical Association 22, no. 1 (1943): 72–81.

84W.A. Douglas, “The Education of the Citizen,” Canada Educational Monthly 2 (April 1880): 191.

85This urgent need would evidently remain the case in Canada in the twentieth century, as Tom Mitchell has examined in his article on the 1919 Winnipeg Conference on Citizenship, designed to resist the pressures of postwar critiques of the liberal capitalist order; Mitchell, “‘The Manufacture of Souls of Good Quality’: Winnipeg’s 1919 National Conference on Canadian Citizenship, English-Canadian Nationalism, and the New Order After the Great War,” Journal of Canadian Studies 31, no. 4 (1996–97): 5–28.

86“Civic Law in Public Schools,” Critic 5, no. 30 (July 1888): 2.

87Rev. W.D. Armstrong, “The Relation of the Public School to National Life,” Canada Educational Monthly 14 (January 1892): 2.

88N.H. Russell of University College stressed the importance of teaching political economy in high schools in order to cultivate informed public opinion among ordinary citizens; Russell, “Correspondence: Political Science in Our Schools,” Week 3, no. 18 (1 April 1886): 279.

89While the Week declared the idea of religious education to be nearly impossible, a writer in Canada Educational Monthly responded by affirming its necessity; see “State-Taught Religion,” Week 11, no. 6 (16 March 1894): 365–6; A Provincial, “‘The Week’ on Religious Education,” Canada Educational Monthly 16 (April 1894): 127–8.

90David Fotheringham, “Moral Training in Public Schools,” Canada Educational Monthly 19 (May 1897): 163.

91Fidelis [pseud.], “Can the State Afford to Support a Purely Secular Education?” Week 12, no. 47 (18 October 1895): 1112. On Machar’s contributions to the debate about education, see Dianne M. Hallman, “Agnes Maule Machar on the Higher Education of Women,” Historical Studies in Education 3, no. 2 (2001): 165–82.

92“Defects in Our Public School System,” Week 11, no. 47 (19 October 1894): 1109. For similar assessments, see Publicus, “Modern Tendencies,” Stewart’s Quarterly 5, no. 2 (July 1871): 193; Carroll Ryan, “Political Morality,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 3 (October 1879): 409; Rev. Hugh Pedley, “The Study of Canadian Politics,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 8 (April 1882): 361.

93Robert Nicholas Bérard, “Moral Education in Nova Scotia, 1880–1920,” Acadiensis 14, no. 1 (1984): 62.

94Robert M. Stamp, “Empire Day in the Schools of Ontario: The Training of Young Imperialists,” Journal of Canadian Studies 8 (1973): 32–42. The first “official” Empire Day was celebrated in 1899.

95Norman Patterson, “The Canadian People: A Criticism of Some of their Social Peculiarities,” Canadian Magazine 13, no. 2 (June 1899): 138.

96Thomas Webster, “The Citizenship of Women,” Methodist Magazine and Review 39, no. 2 (February 1894): 148–57.

97K. Seymour Maclean, “Education and National Sentiment,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 6, no. 2 (February 1881): 194. The assertion that the mother is responsible for early citizenship education is also expressed in Agnes Deans Cameron, “The Idea of True Citizenship: How Shall We Develop It?” Educational Journal of Western Canada 1, no. 8 (December 1899): 232.

98“The Young Canadian: A High-Class Illustrated Weekly Magazine of Patriotism for the Young People of Canada,” Young Canadian 1, no. 1 (28 January 1891): 8.

99“Post Bag: From a Very Good Friend,” Young Canadian 1, no. 18 (27 May 1891): 288.

100“A National Work,” Canadian Magazine 11, no. 5 (September 1898): 454.

101W.J. Robertson, “The Teacher’s Relation to the State,” Canada Educational Monthly 13 (June/July 1891): 204.

102For example, the Week took notice of civics institutions created in the United States as a basis of building a stronger citizenship; see “Topics of the Week – Rational Patriotism,” Week 9, no. 3 (18 December 1891): 36; Z., “Political Education,” Week 2, no. 39 (27 August 1885): 613.

103B.W.S., “The Study of History,” New Dominion Monthly (April 1872): 198; Maclean, “Education and National Sentiment,” 192; “School History of Canada,” New Dominion Monthly (September 1870): 54; “A History of Canada,” The Nation 2, no. 25 (25 June 1875): 294–5; “Has Canada a History?” Week 13, no. 24 (8 May 1896): 562; “Our School Histories,” Dominion Illustrated 3, no. 70 (November 1889): 274–5.

104Maclean, “Education and National Sentiment,” 191.

105Lorna McLean has examined the emphasis on citizenship education for new immigrants following the Immigration Act, 1919; McLean, “‘To Become Part of Us’: Ethnicity, Race, Literacy and the Canadian Immigration Act of 1919,” Journal of Canadian Studies 36, no. 2 (2004): 1–28.

106W.H.P. Clement, The History of the Dominion of Canada (Toronto: William Briggs, 1897), vi.

107“A New School History,” Canadian Magazine 9, no. 6 (1897): 535–6.

108John Millar, Canadian Citizenship: A Treatise on Civil Government (Toronto, William Briggs, 1899), iii.

109“Books and Authors,” Canadian Magazine 13, no. 3 (July 1899): 288.

110Millar, Canadian Citizenship, 34.

111Ken Osborne, “Teaching History in Schools: A Canadian Debate,” Journal of Curriculum Studies 35, no. 5 (2003): 595.

112For an examination of textbooks from this time, see Geneviève Laloux-Jain, Les manuels d’histoire du Canada, au Québec et en Ontario, 1867–1914 (Quebec: Laval, 1974).

113W. Irwin, “National Patriotism,” Canada Educational Monthly 18 (October 1896): 281.

114E.B. Sargant, ed., British Citizenship: A Discussion Initiated by E.B. Sargant (London: Longmans, Green, 1912), 12–15.

115Eva Mackey, The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 106.

4. Debating and Declaring Loyalty: The Evolution and Rhetorical Limits of Allegiance

1F.W. Frith, “The Annexation of Canada,” Week 10, no. 28 (9 June 1893): 654.

2As David Cannadine has argued, by the second half of the nineteenth century, the British crown began to play a more visible role as a unifying feature of empire; Cannadine, “The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the Invention of Tradition, c. 1820–1977,” in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawn and Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 120–33.

3John Griffiths, Imperial Culture in Antipodean Cities, 1880–1939 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). On the origins of Empire Day, see Robert M. Stamp, “Empire Day in the Schools of Ontario: The Training of Young Imperialists,” Journal of Canadian Studies 8, no. 3 (1973): 32–42.

4Frank O’Gorman and Allan Blackstock, “Loyalism in the British World: Overviews, Themes and Linkages,” in Loyalism and the Formation of the British World, ed. Frank O’Gorman and Allan Blackstock (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2014), 17. Andrew Thompson illustrates this concept in the context of South Africa in “The Languages of Loyalism in Southern Africa, c. 1870–1939,” English Historical Review 188, no. 477 (2003): 617–50.

5David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784–1850 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988), 5.

6Paul Romney, Getting It Wrong: How Canadians Forgot Their Past and Imperilled Confederation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 126.

7Norman Knowles, Inventing the Loyalists: The Ontario Loyalist Tradition and the Invention of Usable Pasts (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 165.

8Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867–1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press), 78.

9Ian Radforth, Royal Spectacle: The 1860 Visit of the Prince of Wales to Canada and the United States (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004). Phillip Buckner makes a similar observation about the importance of royal visits to Canada in 1860 and 1901; Buckner, “The Invention of Tradition? The Royal Tours of 1860 and 1901 to Canada,” in Majesty in Canada: Essays on the Role of Royalty, ed. Colin M. Coates (Toronto: Dundurn, 2006), 18–43.

10For a review of recent trends, see Jane Errington, “Loyalists and Loyalism in the American Revolution and Beyond,” Acadiensis 41, no. 2 (2012): 164–73.

11Jerry Bannister and Liam Riordan, “Loyalism in the British Atlantic, 1660–1840,” in The Loyal Atlantic: Remaking the British Atlantic in the Revolutionary Era, ed. Jerry Bannister and Liam Riordan (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012), 6.

12On loyalism in Canadian historiography, see Jerry Bannister, “Canada as Counter-Revolution: The Loyalist Order Framework in Canadian History, 1750–1840,” in Liberalism and Hegemony: Debating the Canadian Liberal Revolution, ed. Jean-François Constant and Michel Ducharme (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), quotation at 126.

13See, for example, Frances Swyripa, “The Ukrainian Image: Loyal Citizen or Disloyal Alien,” in Loyalties in Conflict: Ukrainians in Canada during the Great War, ed. John Herd Thompson and Frances Swyripa (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, 1983), 47–68; Dennis G. Molinaro, “‘A Species of Treason?’: Deportation and Nation-Building in the Case of Tomo Čačić, 1931–1934,” Canadian Historical Review 91, no. 1 (February 2010): 61–85.

14The complexities of the concept of loyalty and its relationship to the nation state is examined in Andrew Linklater and Michael Waller, eds., Political Loyalty and the Nation-State (London: Routledge, 2004). On the place of loyalty in late-nineteenth-century political thought more generally, see Georgios Varouxakis, “‘Patriotism,’ ‘Cosmopolitanism’ and ‘Humanity’ in Victorian Political Thought,” European Journal of Political Theory 5, no. 1 (2006): 100–18.

15Alpheus Todd, “Is Canadian Loyalty a Sentiment or a Principle?” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 5 (November 1881): 528.

16Todd, “Is Canadian Loyalty a Sentiment or a Principle?” 523. As indicated in chapter one, Todd’s constitutional thought characterized the crown as the central aspect of the “British constitution” in Canada.

17Ibid., 527.

18Ibid., 528.

19Ibid., 529. Todd similarly noted the recent controversy in the British House of Commons of the Bradlaugh case in which an atheist MP, Charles Bradlaugh, initially refused and was later barred from taking the oath of office, thus protecting “the divine obligation of an oath.” Carl Berger notes that Todd’s emphasis on the religious nature of British institutions was an important element of the imperialist critique of the American republic; Berger, Sense of Power, 158.

20Alpheus Todd, Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies (London: Longman, Green, 1880), 5. See also chapter two of this study.

21LeSueur’s life and intellectual influences are detailed in Clifford G. Holland, William Dawson LeSueur (1840–1917), a Canadian Man of Letters: The Sage of Ottawa (San Francisco: Mellen Research University Press, 1993). For an annotated collection of some of LeSueur’s key writings, see A.B. McKillop, A Critical Spirit: The Thought of William Dawson LeSueur (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1977).

22W.D. LeSueur, “The True Idea of Canadian Loyalty,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 1 (January 1882): 1.

23Ibid., 9.

24Ibid., 3.

25Ibid., 2.

26Ibid., 8–9.

27See, for example, J.A.H. Leeds, “An Old U.E. Loyalist – A Story of the Early Settlement of Canada,” New Dominion Monthly 2, no. 1 (April 1868): 27; J.R. Ramsay, “Chronicles of a Canadian Family,” New Dominion Monthly 2, no. 3 (June 1868): 146.

28Egerton Ryerson, The Loyalists of America and Their Times, 2 vols. (Toronto: W. Briggs, 1880).

29Notably, Norman Knowles cites Todd’s essay as an example of the growing politicization of the Loyalist legend by those who advocated imperial unity; Knowles, Inventing the Loyalists, 46. For analyses of the Loyalist legacy elsewhere in Canada, see Murray Barkley, “The Loyalist Tradition in New Brunswick: The Growth and Evolution of an Historical Myth, 1825–1914,” Acadiensis 4, no. 2 (1975): 3–45; Ann Gorman Condon, The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick: The Envy of the American States (Fredericton, NB: New Ireland Press, 1984); Ian Stewart, “New Myths for Old: The Loyalists and Maritime Political Culture,” Journal of Canadian Studies 25, no. 2 (1990): 20–43.

30Martin J. Griffin, “A Quarrel with the Nineteenth Century,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 1 (September 1878): 292. Griffin also served as the editor of the Halifax Herald.

31Ibid., 292.

32Donal Lowry argues this point further, stating that personal loyalty to the crown was a powerful source of attachment to the empire for many “non-British” subjects; Lowry, “The Crown, Empire Loyalism and the Assimilation of Non-British White Subjects in the British World: An Argument Against ‘Ethnic Determinism,’” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 31, no. 1 (2003): 96–120.

33Mark G. McGowan, “Canadian Catholics, Loyalty, and the British Empire, 1763–1901,” in Loyalism and the Formation of the British World, 1775–1914, ed. Allan Blackstock and Frank O’Gorman (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2014), 201–22; Damien-Claude Bélanger, “Thomas Chapais, loyaliste,” Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française 65, no. 4 (2012): 439–72. As Jim Miller emphasizes, many First Nations in Canada have regarded their relationship to the monarch as a direct and personal one; Miller, “Petitioning the Great White Mother: First Nations’ Organizations and Lobbying in London,” in Canada and the End of Empire, ed. Philip Buckner (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004), 299–318; see also Keith Thor Carlson, “The Indians and the Crown: Aboriginal Memories of Royal Promises in Pacific Canada,” in Majesty in Canada: Essays on the Role of Royalty, ed. Colin M. Coates (Toronto: Dundurn, 2006), 68–95; and Blair Stonechild and Bill Waiser, Loyal till Death: Indians and the North-West Rebellion (Calgary: Fifth House Publishers, 1997).

34Roswell Fisher, “Canadian Loyalty,” Macmillan’s Magazine 52, no. 307 (May 1885): 26–34. Loyalty was a theme on which Fisher had expounded before; see, for example, “Canada’s Alternatives,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 8, no. 5 (November 1875): 430.

35F. Clement Brown, “Canadians Abroad,” Canadian Magazine 8, no. 3 (January 1897): 255.

36The changing legal definition of allegiance in naturalization law, which echoed debates about loyalty, is examined in chapter five.

37Expressions of loyalty included some from French Canadians in Quebec and Acadians; Sheila Andrew, “More than a Flag of Convenience: Acadian Attitudes to Britain and the British around the Time of Queen Victoria’s 1887 Jubilee,” History of Intellectual Culture 5, no. 1 (2005): 1–13; Karen Stanworth, “‘God Save the Queen’: Narrating Nationalism and Imperialism in Quebec on the Occasion of Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee,” Revue d’art canadienne/Canadian Art Review 21, no. 1 (1994): 85–99.

38Sara Jeannette Duncan, “Our Latent Loyalty,” Week 4, no. 26 (26 May 1887): 418.

39Rev. Dr. Carmen, “Our Queen’s Jubilee,” Canadian Methodist Magazine 25, no. 6 (June 1887): 517.

40As Duncan Bell notes, the queen formed a central part of the “iconographic order” of Greater Britain, which provided visions of Greater Britain with symbolic and visual foundations; Bell, “The Idea of a Patriot Queen? The Monarchy, the Constitution, and the Iconographic Order of Greater Britain, 1860–1900,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 34, no. 1 (2006): 3–21.

41The Marquess of Lorne was also an outspoken advocate of imperial federation, which he outlined in his book Imperial Federation (London: Swan Sonnenschien, 1885).

42Quoted in R.W. Sandwell, “Dreaming of the Princess: Love, Subversion, and the Rituals of Empire in British Columbia, 1882,” in Majesty in Canada: Essays on the Role of Royalty, ed. Colin Coates (Toronto: Dundurn, 2006), 48.

43There were few exceptions, as Donal Lowry notes in his essay “‘These Colonies Are Practically Democratic Republics’ (James Bryce): Republicanism in the British Colonies of Settlement in the Long Nineteenth Century,” in Republicanism in Victorian Society, ed. David Nash and Antony Taylor (Stroud, UK: Sutton, 2000), 134–5. As Benjamin Jones argues, however, republicanism nevertheless had a formative role in shaping political culture earlier in the nineteenth century; Jones, Republicanism and Responsible Government: The Shaping of Democracy in Australia and Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014).

44William McGill, “Canadian Loyalty,” Week 6, no. 39 (30 August 1889): 617.

45L.M., “Loyalty and Independence,” Week 2, no. 31 (2 July 1885): 484.

46Frank Oliver, “Correspondence – Canadian Loyalty,” Week 6, no. 40 (6 September 1889): 636.

47C.P. McLennan, “July First and July Fourth,” Week 6, no. 33 (19 July 1889): 519.

48William Norris, “Canadian Colonialism and Sir Francis Hincks,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 5 (November 1881), 505.

49“Topics of the Week – An Important Anniversary,” Week 9, no. 34 (22 July 1892): 531. For the original speech delivered by Mowat, which offered a much less pronounced description of Canadian loyalty than reported in the Week, see Centennial Committee, Centennial of the Province of Upper Canada, 1792–1892 (Toronto: Arbuthnot and Adamson, 1893).

50J. Castell Hopkins, “Correspondence – Canadian Loyalty,” Week 9, no. 35 (29 July 1892): 554. The editors of Imperial Federation, the Imperial Federation League’s official journal, similarly took note of the Week’s comments on loyalty, calling it “an insidious and dangerous compromise.” See “What Is Canadian Loyalty?” Imperial Federation: Journal of the Imperial Federation League 7 (November 1892): 249.

51“Topics of the Week – What Is Canadian Loyalty?” Week 9, no. 35 (29 July 1892): 547.

52“Mr. Edgar on Loyalty,” Week 2, no. 19 (9 April 1885): 294.

53J.D. Edgar, Loyalty: An Address Delivered to the Toronto Young Men’s Liberal Club (Toronto: Grip Printing, 1885), 5. Edgar was a prominent party organizer for the Liberals and a leading proponent of Canada securing greater powers over commercial relations with foreign powers and copyright law; see Robert M. Stamp, “J.D. Edgar and the Liberal Party: 1867–96,” Canadian Historical Review 45, no. 2 (June 1964): 93–115.

54Edgar, Loyalty, 12–13.

55David Mills makes a similar point in the conclusion of Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 137, 139. He suggests that resurgence of imperialism at the close of the nineteenth century “sometimes raised echoes of its early nineteenth-century form.”

56Goldwin Smith, Loyalty, Aristocracy, and Jingoism: Three Lectures Delivered before the Young Men’s Liberal Club, Toronto (Toronto: Hunter, Rose, 1896), 12.

57Ibid., 17–18.

58Goldwin Smith, “The Irish Question,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 3, no. 2 (February 1873): 125.

59Goldwin Smith, “The Montreal Movement,” Bystander 2 (February 1880): 76. These words were reprinted, though unattributed to Smith, in a magazine dedicated to promoting commercial union; “The Commercial Game Called Loyalty,” Monthly Review Devoted to Canadian Emancipation and Commercial Union with the United States 3 (April 1880): 84.

60Smith, Loyalty, Aristocracy, and Jingoism, 21.

61“Editorial Notes,” Critic 8, no. 8 (20 February 1891): 2.

62“Mr. Goldwin Smith on ‘Loyalty,’” Dominion Illustrated 6, no. 137 (14 February 1891): 146. See also S.A. Curzon, “Literature and Art,” Dominion Illustrated 6, no. 138 (21 February 1891): 192. The Week offered a more nuanced critique, noting that readers would find agreement in at least some of Smith’s conclusions; “Topics – Mr. Goldwin Smith on Loyalty,” Week 8, no. 10 (6 February 1891): 152.

63Christopher Pennington, “The Conspiracy That Never Was: The Surprising Lessons of 1891,” International Journal 66 (Summer 2011): 719–30.

64Peter B. Waite, Canada 1874–1896: Arduous Destiny (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1971), 225. For a more extensive examination of the 1891 election campaign, see Christopher Pennington, The Destiny of Canada: Macdonald, Laurier, and the Election of 1891 (Toronto: Penguin, 2011).

65“Professor Goldwin Smith’s Latest,” Week 13, no. 6 (3 January 1896): 129 (emphasis in original). This criticism was prompted by Smith’s reported sympathy for the Monroe Doctrine.

66Barrister, “Correspondence – Goldwin Smith,” Week 13, no. 8 (17 January 1896): 189.

67In 1887, Longley gave a speech in the Nova Scotia House of Assembly in favour of commercial union, which was subsequently issued as a pamphlet, Commercial Union between the United States and Canada (s.l.: s.n., 1887). Despite the political controversy his words caused, he did not fully abandon the idea, as he reiterated the value of reciprocity in 1903; Longley, “Reciprocity between the United States and Canada,” North American Review 176 (1 March 1903): 401–9.

68Douglas Sladen, “Our New York Letter,” Dominion Illustrated 6, no. 140 (7 March 1891): 233; J.W. Longley, “An Ungenerous Slander,” Dominion Illustrated 6, no. 143 (28 March 1891): 311; Sladen’s apology appeared on the same page as Longley’s response.

69J. Castell Hopkins, “Correspondence,” Dominion Illustrated 6, no. 145 (11 April 1891): 352. Hopkins outlined Longley’s past statements on creating closer commercial ties between Canada and the United States. See also ­follow-up letters by F. Blake Crofton, Dominion Illustrated 6, no. 147 (25 April 1891): 395; J.W. Longley, Dominion Illustrated 6, no. 148 (2 May 1891): 418; Norman Murray, Dominion Illustrated 6, no. 149 (9 May 1891): 451.

70As K.M. McLaughlin has noted, Longley’s association with unrestricted reciprocity long tainted his political reputation both in Nova Scotia and in Ottawa; McLaughlin, “W.S. Fielding and the Liberal Party in Nova Scotia, 1891–1896,” Acadiensis 3, no. 2 (1974): 65–79.

71J.W. Longley, “The Future of Canada,” Lake Magazine 1, no. 2 (September 1892): 71.

72“Dominion Day in Nova Scotia,” Week 13, no. 13 (21 February 1896): 295. Longley refuted this criticism, writing to the magazine to insist that “the success and development of Canada is the object nearest my heart”; Longley, “Nova Scotia’s Loyalty,” Week 13, no. 16 (13 March 1896): 382.

73Chas. E. Tanner, “Mr. Longley and Dominion Day,” Week 13, no. 20 (10 April 1896): 478.

74Winkie, “Nova Scotia and Dominion Day,” Week 13, no. 20 (10 April 1896): 478.

75Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates, 29 January 1890, 124 [hereafter Debates].

76Ibid., 126–32.

77Carlos, “Is Canada a British Colony?” Week 2, no. 33 (16 July 1885): 517. Reacting to issues including the Jesuit Estates Act and Riel, Smith declared that French Canadians could never be integrated into Canada, as they held “paramount allegiance to the Church of the Jesuit and to a foreign power”; Smith, “The Equal Rights Movement,” Bystander, n.s., no. 1 (October 1889): 4. Similar statements by Smith can be found throughout the short-lived new series of the Bystander.

78Debates, 29 January 1890, 133. This sentiment was echoed by Peter Mitchell, Independent Liberal member for Northumberland, New Brunswick; Debates, 29 January 1890, 134.

79“The Loyalty Resolution,” Bystander, n.s., no. 6 (March 1890): 172.

80“The Young Liberals and Independence,” Bystander, n.s., no. 6 (March 1890): 177.

81“Canada Has No Future?” Week 7, no. 16 (21 March 1890): 244.

82“Topics – Mr. Mulock’s Motion,” Week 7, no. 9 (31 January 1890): 132. The magazine reiterated this point in the following issue; “Topics – That Loyalty Resolution,” Week 7, no. 10 (7 February 1890): 147.

83John Holgate, “Correspondence – What Is Loyalty to Britain?” Week 7, no. 11 (14 February 1890): 171.

84Debates, 5 February 1896, 1186.

85McNeill’s resolution was reprinted in a pamphlet alongside similar affirmations of loyalty from elsewhere in the empire; Resolutions and Messages of Loyalty from Canada, Australia, and New Zealand (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1896).

86“Mr. McNeill’s Resolution,” Week 13, no. 11 (7 February 1896): 247.

87“Current Thoughts,” Canadian Magazine 6, no. 5 (March 1896): 483.

88Mills, Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 111–31.

89Opposition to “partyism” was a recurring theme in Smith’s unsigned “Current Events” column in the Canadian Monthly and National Review, as well as in the Week.

90Carmen Miller, “Loyalty, Patriotism and Resistance: Canada’s Response to the Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902,” South African Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (1999): 312–23. In the visceral way that war divides, it also brought together Goldwin Smith and George Monro Grant, two erstwhile critics, in common opposition to the conflict.

91Anna Stilz, Liberal Loyalty: Freedom, Obligation, and the State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009), 22.

92Jürgen Habermas, “Citizenship and National Identity,” in The Condition of Citizenship, ed. Bart van Steenbergen (London: Sage, 1994), 20–35.

5. Naturalizing Modern Political Association: Naturalization and Nationality Law Reform

1C.E.W., “A Mistake in Life: A Canadian Story Founded on Facts,” New Dominion Monthly (November 1874): 278–9.

2Clive Parry, Nationality and Citizenship Laws of the Commonwealth and of the Republic of Ireland (London: Stevens and Sons, 1957). Parry’s extensive analysis includes chapters on various parts of the British Empire, including Canada. Other studies of British nationality law provide briefer discussions of British nationality law’s applications in Canada, including J. Mervyn Jones, British Nationality Law and Practice (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1947); Ann Dummett and Andrew Nicol, Subjects, Citizens, Aliens and Others: Nationality and Immigration Law (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1990); and Rieko Karatani, Defining British Citizenship: Empire, Commonwealth and Modern Britain (London: Frank Cass, 2003).

3Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 21.

4Thomas Janoski, The Ironies of Citizenship: Naturalization and Integration in Industrialized Countries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 4–5.

5Veronica Strong-Boag, “‘The Citizenship Debates’: The 1885 Franchise Act,” in Contesting Canadian Citizenship: Historical Readings, ed. Robert Adamoski, Dorothy E. Chunn, and Robert Menzies (Peterborough, ON: Broadview, 2002), 71.

6Helen Irving, Citizenship, Alienage, and the Modern Constitutional State: A Gendered History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 73–4.

7On the debate about women’s nationality status in Canada, see Philip Girard, “‘If Two Ride a Horse, One Must Ride in Front’: Married Women’s Nationality and the Law in Canada, 1880–1950,” Canadian Historical Review 94, no. 1 (March 2013): 28–54. M. Page Baldwin notes that the issue of women’s nationality rights was an important cause for feminists across the empire; Baldwin, “Subject to Empire: Married Women and the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act,” Journal of British Studies 40, no. 4 (2001): 522–56. On the issue of women’s “derivative citizenship” in the United States, which was a particularly pertinent issue in marriages between British and American nationals, see Candice Lewis Bredbenner, A Nationality of Her Own: Women, Marriage, and the Law of Citizenship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).

8William Pugsley, House of Commons Debates, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session, 4 June 1914, 4824.

9The head tax was gradually raised and led to explicit exclusion in the Immigration Act, 1906. See Ninette Kelley and Michael Trebilcock, The Making of the Mosaic: A History of Canadian Immigration Policy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), 132–56.

10Parry, Nationality and Citizenship Laws, 445.

11Sunera Thobani, Exalted Subjects: Studies in the Making of Race and Nation in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007), 81.

12An Act Respecting Immigration, S.C. 1910, c. 27, s. 2.

13Daniel Gorman, Imperial Citizenship: Empire and the Question of Belonging (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006). Gorman notes that, for thinkers like Richard Jebb, the principle of common imperial naturalization became a foundational claim to imperial citizenship.

14Daniel Gorman, “Wider and Wider Still? Racial Politics, Intra-Imperial Immigration and the Absence of Imperial Citizenship in the British Empire,” Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 3, no. 3 (2002).

15Barry Ferguson, “Before the Citizenship Act: Confronting Canadian Citizenship in the House of Commons, 1900–1947,” in Thinkers and Dreamers: Historical Essays in Honour of Carl Berger, ed. Gerald Friesen and Doug Owram (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 168.

16R. Kenneth Carty and W. Peter Ward, “The Making of Canadian Political Citizenship,” in National Politics and Community in Canada, ed. R. Kenneth Carty and W. Peter Ward (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986), 68.

17Ibid., 69.

18For a comprehensive analysis of Calvin’s Case and the origins of the principle of indelible allegiance, see Polly J. Price, “Natural Law and Birthright Citizenship in Calvin’s Case (1608),” Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities 9, no. 73 (1997): 73–145.

19As Jane Errington has indicated, the subject of naturalization, or the “alien question,” was one of the most controversial political issues in Upper Canada in the 1820s; Errington, The Lion, The Eagle, and Upper Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1987), 166–84. It should be noted that the application of British nationality to individuals in British North America before that point was stipulated by treaty, effectively rendering individuals in British conquered territory subjects of the crown. Though this subject status implied “indelible allegiance” to the crown, the example of the Acadian deportation illustrates how questions of “loyalty” might render this status tenuous.

20Alan Taylor, The Civil War of 1812: American Citizens, British Subjects, Irish Rebels, and Indian Allies (New York: Knopf, 2010), 134–5.

21R. v. McMahon, 26 U.C.R. [1866], 201. Ironically, this statement was not necessarily true, as demonstrated in one of the most infamous trials in Canadian history: Louis Riel’s. Jeremy Ravi Mumford has illustrated that, despite his status as an American citizen, Riel was tried and executed for treason; Mumford, “Why Was Louis Riel, a United States Citizen, Hanged as a Canadian Traitor in 1885?” Canadian Historical Review 88, no. 2 (2007): 237–62.

22United Kingdom, Report of the Royal Commissioners for Inquiring into the Laws of Naturalization and Allegiance (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1869), v.

23“Naturalization in the House of Lords,” Globe, Monday, 21 March 1870, 2.

24“Naturalization,” Canada Law Journal, n.s., 6 (July 1870): 176.

25Canada, Senate, Debates, 4th Parliament, 3rd Session, 28 February 1881, 456.

26This error necessitated the enactment of a federal amendment to recognize the validity of the naturalization of subjects naturalized in Manitoba in the interim period.

27Library and Archives Canada [hereafter LAC], Department of Justice fonds, RG 13, vol. 55, file 1882–1712, N.W. Peterson to Minister of Justice, 21 November 1882; vol. 57, file 1883–1290, J.P. Whitney to Deputy Minister of Justice, 4 August 1883; vol. 57, file 1883–1261, S. Gibson to Deputy Minister of Justice, 30 July 1883; vol. 57, file 1883–978, L.R. Harrison to Deputy Minister of Justice, 5 June 1883; vol. 58, file 1883–1444, telegraph from Motherly and Gamon, 10 September 1883; vol. 63, file 1885–924, J.A. Van Wart to Deputy Minister of Justice, 5 September 1885.

28Alfred Howell, “Expatriation,” Canadian Law Times 3, no. 12 (October 1883): 463.

29Thomas Hodgins, “The Law of Allegiance in Canada,” Canadian Law Times 1, no. 1 (January 1881): 2. Notably, this article was written before the Canadian Naturalization Act, 1881 was passed; Hodgins seems to have erroneously believed the principle of allegiance he described to be in force in Canada at that point.

30Alfred Howell, Naturalization and Nationality in Canada; Expatriation and Repatriation of British Subjects [...] (Toronto: Carswell, 1884), 7. Howell cited the case Carlisle v. United States (1873) in his description of American allegiance.

31[Frank Munro], Under Which Flag? The Great Question for Canada; Also a Brief Consideration of Imperial Federation and a View of Naturalization as an Immorality (Providence: Rhode Island News, 1893), 3–4.

32Ibid., 29. The term “denaturalization” has since come to denote the state’s revocation of a person’s citizenship, which was not officially made possible in law until 1914, as the final section of this chapter will describe.

33Ibid., 31 (emphasis in original).

34Goldwin Smith, “The Political History of Canada,” Nineteenth Century 20, no. 113 (July 1886): 31.

35A.V. Dicey, “A Common Citizenship for the English Race,” Contemporary Review 71 (1897), 457–576.

36For a comprehensive overview of this rise, see Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law, 1870–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

37Alexander Cockburn, Nationality: Or the Law Related to Subjects and Aliens (London: William Ridgway, 1869); John Cutler, Naturalization, as Amended by the Naturalization Acts, 1870 (London: Butterworths, 1871); Francis Piggott, Nationality (London: William Clowes and Sons, 1907).

38Andreas Fahrmeir, Citizenship: The Rise and Fall of a Modern Concept (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007).

39Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates, 4th Parliament, 3rd Session, vol. 2, 14 March 1881, 1371 [hereafter, House of Commons, Debates]. Unsurprisingly, Arthur Bunster was an early and leading proponent in creating a head tax for Chinese residents in British Columbia; Patricia Roy, A White Man’s Province: British Columbia Politicians and Chinese and Japanese Immigrants, 1858–1914 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1989), 10.

40Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men’s Countries and the International Challenge of Racial Equality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). As Lake and Reynolds note, the enactment of naturalization laws in different parts of the world was an important element of enforcing the “colour line.”

41Robert Craig Brown, “Full Partnership in the Fortunes and in the Future of the Nation,” in Ethnicity and Citizenship: The Canadian Case, ed. Jean Laponce and William Safran (London: Frank Cass, 1996), 12.

42Re Webster et al., 7 C.L.J. [1871], 39.

43Parry, Nationality and Citizenship Laws, 444.

44House of Commons, Debates, 4th Parliament, 3rd Session, vol. 2, 14 March 1881, 1371.

45Quoted in George Stewart, Canada Under the Administration of the Earl of Dufferin (Toronto: Rose-Belford, 1878), 528.

46John Dyck, Working Papers of the East Reserve Village Histories 1874–1910 (Steinbach, MB: Hanover Steinbach Historical Society, 1990), 18.

47Ens, Adolf. Subjects or Citizens? The Mennonite Experience in Canada, 1870–1925 (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1994), 39.

48LAC, Department of Agriculture fonds, RG17, vol. 74, file 7180, Order in Council, 7 November 1872.

49Howell, Naturalization and Nationality in Canada, 3.

50Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration (Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 1902), 351–4.

51House of Commons, Debates, 9th Parliament, 3rd Session, vol. 3, 3 July 1903, 5875.

52Ibid., 5876.

53This practice was part of what Adam M. McKeown describes as a long-standing effort to restrict the free migration of Asian people; McKeown, Melancholy Order: Asian Migration and the Globalization of Borders (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008).

54Lieut.-Col. Coffin, “Our New Provinces: British Columbia,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 3, no. 5 (May 1873): 369.

55“Gordon’s ‘Mountain and Prairie,’” Canadian Monthly and National Review 5, no. 3 (September 1880): 227–8; “The Chinese Question,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 7, no. 2 (August 1881): 207–11. Grant, a Presbyterian minister and idealist thinker, often spoke of the underlying unity of humanity, though this view was relatively unique among his imperialist contemporaries.

56K.T. Takahashi, The Anti-Japanese Petition: Appeal in Protest Against a Threatened Persecution (Montreal: Gazette Printing Co., 1897), 3.

57Ibid., 3, 4.

58LAC, Secretary of State fonds, RG6, vol. 94, file 340.

59Canada v. Malsufuro, 13 B.C.R. [1908], 417–18.

60Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration, 283.

61Canada v. Malsufuro, 13 B.C.R. [1908], 420.

62As Patricia E. Roy has noted, Judge Grant explicitly desired to “keep British Columbia for the Anglo-Saxon race and the Empire”; Roy, The Oriental Question: Consolidating a White Man’s Province, 1914–41 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), 33.

63Re Fukuichi Aho, 9 W.L.R. [1909], 652.

64Cunningham v. Homma, A.C. [1903], 151 was an appeal to the Privy Council, which ruled that naturalization did not confer the right to the franchise; Quong Wing v. The King, 49 S.C.R. [1914], 44 was a Supreme Court of Canada decision, which ruled that, even if naturalized, a “Chinaman” could not employ white women. On these cases, see Constance Backhouse, “The White Woman’s Labor Laws: Anti-Chinese Racism in Early Twentieth Century Canada,” Law and History Review 14 no. 2 (1996): 315–68; and James W. St. G. Walker, “Race,” Rights and the Law in the Supreme Court of Canada: Historical Case Studies (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1997), 51–121.

65Re Cabulak, 19 W.L.R. [1911], 171.

66LAC, Secretary of State fonds, RG6, vol. 126, file 140, A.B. Aylesworth to R.W. Scott, 28 December 1906.

67LAC, Department of Justice fonds, RG13, vol. 148, file 1907–1383, J.G. Forbes to A.B. Aylesworth, 14 November 1907; letter to D.M.J., 16 November 1907.

68Lex, “Naturalization of Aliens,” Canada Law Journal 22, no. 6 (15 March 1886): 110. The correspondent appended a checklist of naturalization requirements and fees “to assist my brethren in the profession.”

69House of Commons, Debates, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session, 22 May 1914, 4145.

70Ibid., 4133.

71Bennett’s claim about an American civics test as a requirement of naturalization was not accurate; however, Rogers Smith notes that the Gilded Age in the United States was marked by a strengthening of ascriptive or racialized ideas of American citizenship, fostered in part by civic education programs; Smith, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), 347–409.

72Marilyn Lake, “From Mississippi to Melbourne via Natal: The Invention of the Literacy Test as a Technology of Racial Exclusion,” in Connected Worlds: History in Transnational Perspective, ed. Ann Curthoys and Marilyn Lake (Canberra: ANU Press, 2005), 209–29.

73The language requirement was part of the uniform imperial legislation, although the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914 only permitted English as a language for naturalization within the United Kingdom. English and French would not be legally recognized as Canada’s “official” languages until 1969.

74Frank Carvell, House of Commons, Debates, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session, 30 May 1914, 4540.

75House of Commons, Debates, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session, 4 June 1914, 4808.

76An Act Respecting British Nationality, Naturalization, and Aliens, S.C. 1914, c. 44, s. 7. Matthew J. Gibney observes that this power of “denaturalization,” which came into effect in Canada and the British Empire after 1914, disrupts the framework of liberalizing citizenship regimes; Gibney, “‘A Very Transcendental Power’: Denaturalization and the Liberalisation of Citizenship in the United Kingdom,” Political Studies 61, no. (2013): 637–55. On the power of denaturalization in the United States, which was enacted in 1906, see Patrick Weil, The Sovereign Citizen: Denaturalization and the Origins of the American Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013).

77On the voyage of the Komagata Maru, see Hugh J.M. Johnston, The Voyage of the Komagata Maru: The Sikh Challenge to Canada’s Colour Bar (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2014); Renisa Mawani, “Sovereignties in Dispute: The Komagata Maru and Spectral Indigeneities, 1914,” in Legal Histories of the British Empire: Laws, Engagements and Legacies, ed. Shaunnagh Dorsett and John McLaren (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014), 107–23. For a first-hand account from a passenger, see Baba Gurdit Singh, Voyage of the Komagata Maru, or India’s Slavery Abroad (1928; reissue, Chandigarh: Unistar and Punjab Centre for Migration Studies, 2007).

78House of Commons, Debates, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session, 22 May 1914, 4130.

79Rodolphe Lemieux, House of Commons, Debates, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session, 30 May 1914, 4555.

80William Cockshutt, House of Commons, Debates, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session, 30 May 1914, 4533.

81D.A. Chalmers, “Editor’s Page: An Epoch-Making Opportunity for Anglo-Saxons,” Westminster Hall Magazine and Farthest West Review 5, no. 6 (July 1914): 3–4.

82“British Citizenship,” Canadian Law Times 31, no. 9 (September 1911): 681.

83Re Thirty-Nine Hindus, 19 D.L.R. [1913], 192.

84Re Munshi Singh, 29 W.L.R. [1914], 51.

85Parry, Nationality and Citizenship Laws, 529. This legislation built on an existing framework of exclusionary immigration laws, as Alison Bashford describes in “Immigration Restriction: Rethinking Period and Place from Settler Colonies to Postcolonial Nations,” Journal of Global History 9, no. 1 (2014): 26–48.

86Sukanya Banerjee, Becoming Imperial Citizens: Indians in the Late-Victorian Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010).

87British Parliamentary Papers, Report of the Interdepartmental Naturalization Committee, Cd. 5273, 140.

88Ibid., 141, 142.

89Roden Kingsmill, “Men without a Country,” Busy Man’s Magazine 19, no. 5 (March 1910): 20.

90N.W. Hoyles, “Naturalization of Aliens,” Canadian Law Times 25 (April 1905): 181.

91An Act Respecting Naturalization and Aliens, S.C. 1881, c. 13, s. 17.

92Howell, Naturalization and Nationality in Canada, 120–1.

93E.B. Sargant, ed., British Citizenship: A Discussion Initiated by E.B. Sargant (London: Longmans, Green, 1912), 15.

94J.G. Reiner, Men without a Country: An Appeal to the Statesmen of Canada (Wellesley, ON: s.n., 1911), 8. Reiner pressed his MP, William Lyon Mackenzie King, on the matter, prompting King to write to Laurier: “I have been astonished to find of what possible significance this matter may become to the many thousands who have come from other lands to settle in this country.” LAC, Laurier fonds, MG 26, vol. 316, page 168718.

95Kingsmill, “Men without a Country,” 21.

96Ibid.

97Ibid., 22.

98LAC, John A. Macdonald fonds, MG26-A, “Political Papers, Correspondence” files, volume 441, page 218903, letter from E.W. Rathburn to John A. Macdonald, 21 April 1887.

99William Norris, “Practical Principles of Canadian Nationalism,” Canadian Monthly and National Review 13, no. 4 (April 1878), 353. Norris later reiterated this point, with greater force, complaining that “Canada can only make a denizen.” Norris, “The Colonist Organ’s Attack on Freedom of Discussion,” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 7 (August 1881): 167–70.

100Granville C. Cunningham, “Federation, Annexation, or Independence?” Rose-Belford’s Canadian Monthly and National Review 4 (March 1880): 247.

101Canada, Sessional Papers, 2nd Parliament, 1st Session (1873), vol. 6, no. 6, paper 66, 3–4.

102LAC, John A. Macdonald fonds, MG26-A, “Political Papers, Correspondence” files, volume 354, page 115164, memorandum from John O’Connor, 9 December 1879. O’Connor, the president of the Privy Council, included the text of Klotz’s submission in his confidential memorandum to cabinet.

103“Naturalization,” The Nation 1, no. 24 (10 September 1874): 284.

104Canada, Parliament, Senate, Debates, 4th Parliament, 3rd Session, 28 February 1881, 455 [hereafter, Senate, Debates].

105Senate, Debates, 4th Parliament, 3rd Session, 3 March 1881, 482.

106These conventions formally recognized the naturalization process of each jurisdiction, meaning, for example, that the German government would recognize naturalization in Britain of a German citizen to be expatriation of German citizenship.

107Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Journals, 1st Parliament, 2nd Session, 1873, 147. For correspondence, see LAC, Department of Agriculture fonds, RG17, vol. 93, file 9099, “Naturalization in the Colonies.”

108LAC, Department of Justice fonds, RG 13, vol. 2244, file 1883–1952, Lord Ampthill to Earl Granville, 6 October 1883; Ampthill added that it would be very unlikely that the German government would agree to recognize a three-year residency requirement, as it was trying to quell emigration. Justice Minister Alexander Campbell communicated this point to the government, stating that it was not worth pursuing the matter unless Canada would amend its naturalization law to require a five-year residency; A. Campbell to Governor in Council, 25 June 1884.

109Thomas Mulvey, “Confidential Memorandum for the Secretary of State, 12 February 1912,” in Imperial Naturalization: Copies of Imperial Naturalization Acts, Canadian Naturalization Acts, Minutes of Colonial and Imperial Conferences and of Documents Submitted Thereat (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1912), xxii.

110Maurice Ollivier, ed., The Colonial and Imperial Conferences from 1887 to 1937 (Ottawa: Queen’s Printer, 1954), vol. 1, 223.

111Ibid., vol. 2, 134. The resolution ensured that each dominion would maintain the ability to differentiate between classes of British subjects.

112Parry, Nationality and Citizenship Laws, 448.

113John S. Ewart, The Kingdom of Canada, Imperial Federation, the Colonial Conferences, the Alaska Boundary and Other Essays (Toronto: Morang, 1908), 12. On Ewart’s constitutional thought and its relation to Canadian nationalism, see Peter Price, “Fashioning a Constitution Narrative: John S. Ewart and the Development of a ‘Canadian Constitution,’” Canadian Historical Review 9, no. 3 (September 2012): 359–81.

114John S. Ewart, “Naturalization,” Canadian Law Times 31, no. 11 (November 1911): 841.

115Mulvey, “Confidential Memorandum for the Secretary of State,” xv, xxi.

116Meera Nair, “The Copyright Act of 1889: A Canadian Declaration of Independence,” Canadian Historical Review 90, no. 1 (2009): 1–28.

117Bradley Miller, “‘A Carnival of Crime on Our Border’: International Law, Imperial Power, and Extradition in Canada, 1865–1883,” Canadian Historical Review 90, no. 4 (December 2009): 643.

118The distinction was enforced by the creation of the category of “Canadian national” in the 1921 Canadian Nationals Act and later by the introduction of “Canadian citizenship” as a complement to (rather than replacement of) British subjecthood in the 1947 Citizenship Act.

119For select examples, see Senate, Debates, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session, June 1914, Finlay McNaughton Young, 744; Hewitt Bostock, 753; James Kirkpatrick Kerr, 760.

120“British Citizenship,” Canadian Law Times 31, no. 9 (September 1911): 684.

Conclusion: “No Merely Passive Spectator”: Canada in a Modern World

1Goldwin Smith to Briton Rivière, 1 August 1909, in A Selection from Goldwin Smith’s Correspondence, ed. Arnold Haultain (London: T. Werner Laurie, 1910), 518.

2“Past and Future,” Dominion Illustrated 5, no. 105 (5 July 1890): 3.

3Maclean’s originally appeared as Business Magazine before changing its name later that year to Busy Man’s Magazine and to Maclean’s in 1911. Conversely, the more philosophical or broad questions that appeared in nineteenth-century magazines became central to university-based periodicals, notable Queen’s Quarterly (1893) and University of Toronto Quarterly (1895).

4Reference re Secession of Quebec, 2 S.C.R. [1998], 217, sec. 43.

5Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates, 9 February 1865, 124.