“The president may already have the votes he needs,” Hannigan told Senator Tewilliger and Josh Franklin, the assistant secretary of defense. “My count shows the treaty will pass by two votes.”
The senator nodded. There was one thing you needed to be able to do in Washington to succeed—count—and Hannigan was a genius at counting.
“Even if we lose this one vote—admittedly it’s a big vote and I’m not ready to give up on it yet,” the senator told the assistant secretary of defense, “but even if we lose it, we’re not going to give up. Korea is the fulcrum of Asia, and it will be for the next ten years. We can’t lower our guard against North Korea.”
“I absolutely agree,” said Franklin. “I was afraid you wouldn’t. I got the impression in New Hampshire that the president was convincing you to change your mind.”
“The president can be very persuasive,” said Tewilliger, “but he hasn’t persuaded me on this.”
“You haven’t made a statement against yet.”
Tewilliger glanced across his office at Hannigan.
“Going public in a speech might actually do more harm than good,” said Hannigan. “Right now, McCarthy isn’t exactly sure what he’s up against. He’s courting the senator, spending time with him rather than with other people who might actually be persuaded.”
Franklin nodded.
“Right before the vote, that’s the time to declare your intentions,” said Hannigan, turning to the senator. They’d actually discussed this several times, but the aide made it seem as if this was a new idea. “When you can have some impact.”
And when the media might actually be paying attention. A speech, a press conference, an appearance on the News Hour and one of the Sunday talk shows—that would all come. But only if he waited until the exact moment when the rest of the world caught up with the issue.
“Do you think the North Korean regime is as weak as people are claiming it is?” Tewilliger asked Franklin, changing the subject.
“I wouldn’t trust that,” said Franklin. “That sort of intelligence seems to go in cycles. Besides, if they are weak, that’s an argument for taking a stronger stand.”
“Invasion?” asked Hannigan.
“If it comes to that.”
“Let’s hope it doesn’t,” said Tewilliger. “I think we can be firm without necessarily going to war.”
“Hopefully,” said Franklin.
“So let’s not give up,” said the senator, getting up from his desk.
“No, of course not.” Franklin got the hint and glanced at his watch. “I better get going. I still have a few more stops to make on the Hill.”
“Keep in touch, Josh,” said Tewilliger, showing him to the door.
“What do you think?” he asked Hannigan after closing the door.
“I think he wants to be defense secretary in a Tewilliger cabinet.”
“Probably.” The senator chuckled. “You don’t think he’s a McCarthy plant, do you?”
“Nah.”
“He was with him in New Hampshire. They seem reasonably close.”
“Franklin goes back to the last administration. I think he’s being honest.”
“Mmmm.”
In Tewilliger’s opinion, McCarthy was easily devious enough to send one of his people out to stalk for opinions, pretending to be opposed to the treaty to find out what he was really thinking. Probably Franklin was truly against the treaty, Tewilliger decided . . . but only probably.
“You know, if the treaty were to be defeated, I doubt anyone would get a better one,” said Hannigan, getting up to go back to his own work.
“Probably not,” conceded the senator. “Fortunately, that’s not really our problem.”
“The future will take care of itself,” said Tewilliger. “Don’t be so pessimistic.”
“I’m not,” said Hannigan, closing the door.