Corrine was on her way downstairs to the National Security meeting when she heard Josh Franklin’s rich baritone echoing in the hallway.
“This is exactly what I warned about,” said the assistant secretary of defense, standing outside the conference room. “They’re going to attack. We should authorize a preemptive strike. That would be my recommendation.”
The small group of aides clustered around Franklin murmured their approval. Corrine said nothing, hoping to pass by and get into the room unnoticed. But Franklin saw her out of the corner of his eye.
“Corrine, how are you?” he asked.
“Very well, Josh. Yourself?”
She wondered if he would mention the cell-phone call she’d “forgotten” to answer after their nondate date and was relieved when he didn’t.
It figured though, didn’t it? One of the few men who actually followed up on a promise to call, and he turned out to be a frog rather than a prince.
“Are you attending the NSC briefing?” Franklin asked.
“The president asked me to be here,” she told him, “simply to monitor possible developments vis a vis the treaty.”
She struggled to get the words out, then wished she’d said something, anything, more graceful. She sounded like a tongue-twisted freshman law student presenting a case citation for the first time.
“Still pushing the treaty, huh? It’s dead now,” declared Franklin. “No one will vote for it. Which is just as well.”
“I’m just monitoring, not advocating.”
“Josh is right.” Christine Tuttle, the deputy national security advisor for Asia, separated herself from the rest of the group. “We have to be aggressive; we have no choice.”
Tuttle turned toward Franklin. Corrine saw something in her expression as their eyes met.
Oh, thought Corrine. Oh.
“Didn’t you write a briefing paper favoring the treaty?” Corrine asked.
“I changed my mind recently,” said Tuttle, just a hint of her annoyance showing through. “Partly because of Josh’s arguments, I must say.”
“He can be very persuasive,” Corrine said, walking toward the room, “but that doesn’t mean he’s right.”
In the president’s absence, the session was chaired by Vice President Edward Wyatt. Wyatt was from the Midwest, and differed from McCarthy in almost every way, from appearance to temperament. Baby-faced and chubby, Wyatt’s main asset to the administration was the fact that he had been governor of Illinois—a post he’d actually inherited when the elected governor died. He continually deferred to National Security Advisor Stephanie Manzi, who introduced the briefers and labored to keep the discussions on point.
The CIA handled the first part of the session. Parnelles had Korean expert Verigo Johnson present satellite photos showing the troop movements in North Korea and their possible implications. Though large and potent, the North Korean Army was rather ponderous; a full-scale mobilization would take several more days, even weeks. Still, there were enough artillery units in place near the border that a devastating attack could be launched at almost any time, with very little warning.
There was one positive note: The nuclear weapons the North had declared were all present at their missile launching station, and no move had been made to prepare them for launch.
“That would require their being reassembled,” added Johnson. “Which would take several days. We’ll have plenty of notice. We can have them targeted and destroyed at the first sign of preparation.”
“We are also monitoring other sites where missiles might have been hidden,” added Parnelles. “As of yet, we’ve seen nothing to cause alarm. But we’re watching.”
“Any reaction from the Chinese?” asked Wyatt.
“So far, they don’t seem to have picked up on anything,” said Parnelles. “The Russians will have seen what we saw via satellite, but there’s been no action out of Moscow. Neither the Australians nor the Brits have made any comment, though I would assume they will take notice shortly.”
The CIA director said there was a fifty-fifty chance of an attack, which, in his opinion, would be launched because Kim Jong-Il was angry over South Korea’s refusal to provide more aid for heating oil.
“We can expect some sort of ultimatum along those lines when the forces are in place,” said Parnelles.
“There’s been no hint about the seriousness of the oil dispute in North Korean propaganda,” said the national security advisor.
“That’s not Kim’s style,” said Parnelles. “He waits until he has everyone’s attention before making his demands.”
Secretary of Defense Larry Stich had his own analysts provide a briefing on what was going on. It paralleled that delivered by the CIA. Their interpretation, however, differed. The military people were not convinced that this was in fact a prelude to an attack. Stich explained that the North Korean units had been used in the past as pawns in internal power struggles.
“I suggest we put our troops on their highest alert, but reserve further action,” said Stich. “And I would suggest we refrain from anything that could be misinterpreted as a prelude to an invasion. Our bombers are on alert in Okinawa already; we can obliterate the North within a few hours. But long-term, that will create an entire range of problems.”
“Amen to that,” said Secretary of State Jackson Steele.
Josh Franklin fidgeted in his seat, and continued to do so as the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff concurred with Stich’s recommendation.
“Josh, did you have a point?” asked Manzi.
Franklin glanced at his boss before speaking. Until the last two or three months, the two men had gotten along very well. Things would probably be different from now on.
So be it.
“Whatever the situation is north of the border,” said Franklin, “whatever their motivation, this gives us an opportunity to deal with North Korea once and for all. If we act quickly, we’ll never have to worry about them again. Strike their nuclear capability, wipe out their artillery at the border, just take them completely down.”
“If we were successful,” said the secretary of state. He ran his ebony fingers through the thick curls of his white hair. “A big if.”
The assistant secretary of defense continued, laying out the case for a preemptive strike in a calm tone, though the action he proposed was anything but. Corrine glanced at Tuttle, wondering if she would come to Franklin’s defense as the others began poking holes in his argument.
She didn’t. Her boss told the group that he agreed with the secretary of defense, and Tuttle sank lower in her seat.
“Are we agreed then?” said Manzi, as the conversation became repetitive. “We go to alert but hold off on aggressive action?”
She looked around the room. “Then that’s the recommendation I’ll take to the president.”
Belatedly, she glanced at the vice president, who nodded.
Corrine took her time packing her things as the meeting broke up. She fell in alongside Parnelles as he walked out of the room.
“Mr. Director,” she said.
“Ms. Alston, how are you?”
“Fine.”
“I’m glad you’re taking an interest in foreign affairs.”
“The president asked me to sit in. In case there was anything of interest regarding the treaty.”
“Yes. He mentioned he would do that. Was there?”
“Not directly. Though if news of this comes out, it won’t help.”
“No. But I would suggest it’s a matter of when, not if.”
Corrine nodded. It wasn’t simply that many people knew about it; now that a decision had been reached on what to do, there was bound to be dissension.
“Any word on Ferg?” she asked.
“I’m afraid not. We think we know now where they stayed during the visit. Park uses a hunting lodge northwest of the city. But the satellite photos show nothing unusual there.”
“Van suggested a mission to North Korea,” said Corrine. “Can we go there?”
“Out of the question.”
“Is it?”
Parnelles stopped, glancing around to make sure they were alone in the hall. His eyeballs seemed to bulge slightly as they moved, before returning to their sockets as he fixed his gaze on her.
“The great problem here, Corrine, is that Mr. Ferguson is entirely expendable. We can’t decide what to do based on the small possibility that we might get him back.”
“I understand that. But—”
“There are no buts,” said Parnelles. “His father was my closest friend. I’ve known Bobby since he was born. Don’t you think I want to save him? Duty comes first. The fires of war, Corrine, they always burn what we love.”
He turned and walked away, a much older man than the one who’d come to the meeting.