“We Never Saw Him Hesitate,” September 28, 1973

Beatriz Allende

Beatriz Allende was the daughter of President Salvador Allende. She fled Chile after the coup and lived in Cuba where after years of torment she took her own life in 1977. In this speech, given in 1973 just days after the coup, she addresses a Cuban audience.

I am not here to deliver a speech. I am simply here to tell this people who have always shown us so much solidarity about the last hours we experienced at La Moneda Palace on the morning of September 11.

I am here to tell you about the attitudes and the lines of action and thought of comrade President Salvador Allende when confronted with the attack of the treacherous and fascist military.

The Cuban people, of course, know the truth, but in many other countries the campaign of lies staged by the fascist junta, backed by agencies of US imperialism, tries to draw a curtain over the events which took place at La Moneda, President Allende’s battle trench.

I am here to confirm for you that the president of Chile fought with weapons in hand to the end; that he defended to the last breath the mandate his people had given him—a mandate for the Chilean Revolution, a mandate for socialism.

President Salvador Allende fell under enemy fire as a soldier of the revolution, without yielding at any time, with complete confidence, with the optimism of someone who knows the people of Chile will overcome any setback and will fight without truce until full and final victory. He died with unwavering confidence in the people’s strength, fully aware of the historic meaning of his position—defending with his life the cause of the workers and the poor of his country.

Both Cuba and Fidel were in his words and in his heart in those difficult moments. We witnessed, until his death, the loyalty and deep affection binding him to the Cuban

Both Cuba and Fidel were in his words and in his heart in those difficult moments. We witnessed, until his death, the loyalty and deep affection binding him to the Cuban people, the Cuban Revolution and Fidel Castro.

We lived on constant guard for almost the entire month before the September 11 coup. There wasn’t a day without rumors about a military uprising or a coup d’état. That morning of Tuesday, September 11, we received disturbing news and learned that President Allende had gone to the palace in the early hours. We went there without yet realizing the importance of what was taking place.

It was only while on the way to La Moneda, when several times we had to avoid the Carabineros’ barriers that were blocking the way in an openly hostile manner, that we understood the seriousness of the situation. We were able to reach La Moneda at approximately 8:50 a.m. There was the usual Carabinero guard inside, whose duty it was to protect the palace. Nevertheless, before entering the building, we had seen Carabineros in the vicinity who were surrendering or joining the coup.

At La Moneda we immediately confirmed that it was a full coup d’état, with the participation of the three branches of the armed forces and the Carabineros.

Inside the building, preparations for combat were under way.

The president was flanked by a larger than usual group of his personal guard, who had taken up combat positions. The few heavy weapons had been distributed. In addition, there was a group of men from the Investigations Service who had always worked in coordination with the personal guard.

Also present was a group of ministers, undersecretaries, former ministers, technicians and radio and news journalists, as well as doctors, nurses, and the La Moneda administrative staff—those who didn’t want to leave and had decided instead to fight at Allende’s side. Finally, the closest members of his own staff were there, 11 of them women.

I saw him for the first time that day when I handed over to him one of the many telephone calls coming in. He was serene, calmly listening to the different reports brought in and giving orders and answers that left no room for disagreement. He had already personally inspected—he would inspect them on several other occasions—the combat positions, correcting the firing angle of several comrades.

Soon the infantry fire, the tank and artillery attack on the Presidential Palace by the coup forces would begin. Our comrades fired back.

We learned that early that day the military golpistas had already repeatedly urged the president to give up, but he always refused, bluntly and irrevocably, to accept their ultimatums.

We never saw him hesitate. On the contrary, he continuously reaffirmed his decision to fight to the end without surrendering to the treasonous military, whom he already called by their true names: fascists.

I also learned that he had received visits that morning and would continue to receive calls from the parties of Popular Unity and the Movement of the Revolutionary Left, expressing their decision to fight.

One of the traitorous generals, by the name of Baeza, called him on several occasions. I also learned that the coup forces had offered him a plane, which would take him, his family and members of his staff anywhere he wanted. The president replied that traitorous generals such as themselves were incapable of knowing what an honorable man was, and dismissed them angrily, using very strong language.

The president was taking measures to engage in a long battle. He moved continuously from one place to another. He asked for a check of the most sheltered places to protect the fighters from future air raids. He kept informed as to the food and water supply.

He ordered the medical group to have the surgery ward ready to care for the wounded. He told one comrade to gather the women together and take them to a safe place. He ordered the destruction of documents that might jeopardize other revolutionaries, even personal documents. He sent three comrades, two of them women, out on a mission to help the future resistance.

We then learned that the Carabineros in charge of protecting the palace had joined the fascist junta.

I was able to talk to the president alone for a moment. He repeated that he would fight to the end; that it was perfectly obvious to him what was going to happen, but that he was going to take measures so that the battle could be carried out in the best possible manner. It was going to be difficult, under adverse conditions. He added, however, that he was aware this was the only position he could take as a revolutionary and as the constitutional president defending the authority which the people had given him. By not surrendering or giving in, he would expose all the fascist and traitorous military.

He was worried about the other women who were in the palace and about his other daughter, Isabel. He wanted all of them to leave the palace and for us to take care of our mother, because there was fighting at Tomás Moro, and she was there.

Then he told me that, in a way, the fact that this moment had arrived had unburdened his shoulders. In this way, he said, things were cleared up and he was freed of the situation which had disturbed him lately: that while being the president of a people’s government, the armed forces, under cover of the so-called Arms Control Act, were at the same time repressing and abusing the workers, and breaking into factories. He had told me this on other occasions.

He was in extraordinary spirits and eager to engage in battle.

His remarks reflected a coolheaded view of events, and the course that the revolutionary struggle would necessarily take. He said that the important thing was future political leadership, guaranteeing a united leadership for all revolutionary forces, because the workers would need a united political leadership. That is why he didn’t want useless sacrifices. Efforts had to be made to obtain a united political leadership to head the resistance that would begin that very day, and clear-sighted political leadership would be needed for this.

He told the same thing to the ministers and other members of his staff whom he gathered in the Toesca Room. He reiterated his determination to defend presidential authority even at the cost of his life, and thanked them for their cooperation during the past three years. The men who were armed were ordered to go back to their places of battle, and the unarmed ones were to go with the president to help convince the women to leave La Moneda, and then do so themselves, because he didn’t want useless sacrifices when the important thing would be the organization and leadership of the working class...

The women and other comrades spent the last moments near the surgery ward and in a small underground room where paper was stored. The president went there with his olive green military helmet. He was carrying an AK automatic rifle that had been a gift from Fidel, with the inscription, “To my comrade-in-arms.”

We would soon be bombed. The planes were flying over at very low altitudes. Very firmly, he ordered us to leave the palace immediately, with no more delays. He spoke to each of us individually, explaining why we would be more useful outside, and our revolutionary commitment to be fulfilled.

He again said that the important thing was organization, unity and political leadership for his people.

He reproached me for being there when I was pregnant, that my duty was to go to the comrades of the Cuban Embassy. He told me he had felt the provocations and attacks against the Cuban Embassy during the last few months as if they were attacks on him personally. He thought they might be provoked that day and that there might be fighting, and that is why I should be with them.

He took us to the exit on Morandé Street. There, he called for a halt in the firing and organized a military jeep so the women could get out without any problems. A few minutes before that, he had considered the possibility that we would be held as hostages again to demand his surrender. But he said if this happened then he would not hesitate; that to the contrary, it would be one more piece of evidence to show the people of Chile and the world how far fascism’s treachery and shame could go and that for him it would be one more reason for fighting.

That is how we left him just before the bombing, fighting with a small group of revolutionaries and one of the women who had hidden in order to stay behind to fight with them. Comrades, this is the image I retain of the president. Dear Cuban brothers and sisters, this is the image I would like to leave in your hearts and minds.

This image rises over this plaza with revolutionary pride, where only a few months ago he raised his deeply moved voice to express to you the solidarity and gratitude of our country, our workers, our children, women and old people.

At this rally of solidarity with Chile, I want to repeat what he asked me to tell you. In La Moneda in the midst of battle, he said, “Tell Fidel I will do my duty. Tell him we must have the best possible united political leadership for the people of Chile.” He said this day marked the beginning of a long resistance, and that Cuba and all revolutionaries would have to aid us in it.

“The battle until death against fascism has started, and it will end the day we have the free, sovereign and socialist Chile for which you fought and gave your life.”

Today, from this, the first free territory in the Americas, we can tell comrade Allende: your people will not surrender, your people will not fold the flag of revolution; the battle until death against fascism has started, and it will end the day we have the free, sovereign and socialist Chile for which you fought and gave your life.