NOTES

A NOTE ON HISTORIES, METHODS AND THEORIES OF WORK

1. Cf. Lourens & Lucassen 1992.

2. Weber 1909, 55–73, 181–2. A powerful summary of the discussion is provided in Ehmer & Lis 2009, 9–10; Lis 2009, 57 and Lis & Soly 2012 (on this influential book, see the debate in TSEG, 11 (2014), 55–174; cf. for classical antiquity: Loomis 1998; Van der Spek 2004; Migeotte 2009, 2–3, 173–8; Von Reden 2010, 8–11; Feinman & Garraty 2010; W.V. Harris 2011, esp. ch. 12; Andreau & Descat 2011, 91–4; Temin 2012; J.M. Hall 2014; Zuiderhoek 2015; Erdkamp 2015; Launaro 2015; J. Lucassen 2014a, 2014b, 2018a and 2018b.

3. Van der Linden 1989, ch. 8.

4. For a marvellous intellectual pedigree of these development phases since Marx, see Van der Linden 1989, 235–60.

5. Chayanov 1966 (cf. Dennison 2011, 12–17); Polanyi 1944, esp. 43–4 (cf. Wagner-Hasel 2003, 148–9).

6. Concisely in Polanyi 1944, 43–4, partly as a critique of Adam Smith. For the debates among anthropologists and archaeologists: Maurer 2006; Feinman & Garraty 2010; Peebles 2010; Haselgrove & Krmnicek 2012.

7. J. Lucassen 2018a. See also W.V. Harris 2011, chs 1, 11 and 12; Lipartito 2016.

8. Van Bavel 2016, 272–3. His approach diverges from the European claim to uniqueness by, among others, the influential Wallerstein: see Feinman & Garraty 2010, 176; J. Lucassen 2018a.

9. Milanovic 2019, 2, 12; De Vito, Schiel & Van Rossum 2020, 6; on the history of market economies: Van der Spek, Van Leeuwen & Van Zanden 2015.

10. Respectively: Kocka 2018; Safley & Rosenband 2019; Harari 2014; Beckert 2015 (‘war capitalism’, 1600–1800/1850); Manning 2020; Lazonick 1990; Piketty 2019; Versieren & De Munck 2019. Of course, most authors are more subtle than suggested here. Cf. Kocka & Van der Linden 2016.

11. De Vries & Van der Woude 1997.

12. For an excellent critique see Chalcraft 2005. A related problem plays a part in the discussion about the extent to which China can or should be called ‘capitalist’. See e.g. Rosefielde & Leightner 2018, esp. 22, 58; Piketty 2019, 606–36; Milanovic 2019, 87–91.

13. Admittedly, Harari 2014 and Manning 2020 do not seem to face this problem.

14. Quoted in D.M. Lewis 2018, 99.

15. Cf. Arendt 1958, 79.

16. A pedigree in J. Lucassen 2006b; Eggebrecht et al. 1980; Castel 1995.

17. Bücher 1919 (5th edn). On him, see Wagner-Hasel 2011; Spittler 2010; and the contributions to Backhaus 2000. Bücher’s achievements, based on extensive reading of secondary literature on the history of work worldwide, available at the time, are all the more remarkable since most recent overviews restrict themselves to (Western) Europe.

18. Veblen 1914; Arendt 1958. See also Tilgher 1977 and Budd 2011.

19. For the development of labour history: Van der Linden & J. Lucassen 1999; Heerma van Voss & Van der Linden 2002; J. Lucassen 2006a and 2018a; Van der Linden 2008; Van der Linden & L. Lucassen 2012; De Vito 2013; Hofmeester & Van der Linden 2018; Bosma & Hofmeester 2018; Eckert & Van der Linden 2018; De Vito, Schiel & Van Rossum 2020. For my earlier, limited endeavours to write a more general history of work, see J. Lucassen 2000 (only Europe), and 2013.

20. By far the most impressive is Lis & Soly 2012 (from classical antiquity), which I lean on extensively. This is followed by Komlosy 2018 (from the 13th century); Simonton & Montenach 2019 (1 vol. on classical antiquity, 1 vol. on the Middle Ages, 4 vols for the later periods); and Cockshott 2019. Shryock & Smail 2011 provide arguments for starting early in history, as do Africanists Ehret 2016 and Suzman 2017 and 2020. For a global economic history: Roy & Riello 2019; for global history: Beckert & Sachsenmaier 2018.

21. Netting 1993, 1; Linares 1997. For a comparable method: M.E. Smith 2012a.

22. Cf. Safley 2019. Segalen 1983 and Thomas 2009 provide good examples.

23. There are a few important exceptions, however: see my concise discussions of the analytical value of the concepts ‘capitalist’ and ‘modern’ (above); the links between anthropology, archaeology and history (ch. 1); the implications of the Neolithic Revolution for inequality (ch. 2); the controversy between ‘modernists’ and ‘primitivists’ (ch. 4); the links between monetization and labour relations (ch. 4); the impact of the Industrial Revolution (ch. 6); and the extension of unfree labour in the last centuries to date (ch. 6).

INTRODUCTION

1. They limit themselves to the period of capitalism since the (late) Middle Ages (cf. Charles Tilly 1981, chs 7–9; Van der Linden 2009). Early examples of a thoughtful attempt to define work and labour: Jevons 1879, 181–227; Jevons 1905, 71–119.

2. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 22–3. Their definition fits well with that used by the ILO; cf. Van der Linden & Lucassen 1999, 8–9; for definition issues and for the difference between work and labour, see also Conze 1972; Sahlins 1972, 81; S.L. Kaplan & Koepp 1986; Pahl 1988; Applebaum 1992; Thomas 1999; Kocka & Offe 2000; McCreery 2000, 3–4; Ehmer, Grebing & Gutschner 2002; Weeks 2011; Budd 2011; Graeber 2019.

3. Cf. also Van der Linden 1997b, 519.

4. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 23–4; for a different take on ‘usable’, see Applebaum 1992; Budd 2011; cf. Ulin 2002.

5. Zürcher 2013.

6. One can search the extensive register of Tilly & Tilly 1998 in vain for concepts such as leisure, vacation/holidays, weekend or pension.

7. This global picture is based on so-called time-budget studies, which represent the amount of time individuals (animals or humans) allocate to mutually exclusive activities; Anderson 1961, 102–7.

8. Anderson 1961, 39.

9. Anderson 1961, 40.

10. Anderson 1961, 42–9; cf. Thomas 1999, 256–7.

11. For the fundamental concept ‘labour relations’ as used in this book: Hofmeester et al. 2015. This is much more encompassing than the mainly modern North American ‘industrial relations’ studies with their emphasis on (collective bargaining) relations between management and unionized workers, see Budd 2011, 1–2.

12. For income pooling according to a ‘work cycle’ see Lucassen 1987 and 2000. For inequality with the household: Bras 2014, also referred to as ‘cooperative conflict’ (Sen 1989). For slaves within the household: Culbertson 2011a; Tenney 2011; Muaze 2016. For separate budgets of husband and wife within the same household in Senegal: Moya 2017. For household ideologies in sinic countries: Rosefielde & Leightner 2018, ch. 9.

13. Also called ‘coping strategies’: Engelen 2002; Kok 2002.

14. Feinman & Garraty 2010.

15. Cf. Netting 1993, esp. 17ff (on Marx and Chayanov), 64 (on needless dichotomies).

16. This is the definition developed in the IISH-Collab on Global Labour Relations 1500–2000. See Hofmeester et al. 2015.

17. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 73–5, 87. See also pp. 350–8.

18. Lourens & Lucassen 1999; Kessler & Lucassen 2013; see also pp. 302–4.

19. Incidentally, this does not exclude cooperation between employer and employee, as explained in esp. pp. 389, 395.

20. Price & Feinman 2012; See also the triangle in K. Davids 2013a (not only state and market but also religion).

21. Manning 2013; Lucassen & Lucassen 2014.

22. De Zwart & Van Zanden 2018.

CHAPTER 1 HUMANS AT WORK, 700,000–12,000 YEARS AGO

1. Gilbreth 1911, 76. For another interesting parallel by Bücher, see Backhaus 2000, 165.

2. I use the expression modern humans (as in Reich 2018), where others speak of Homo sapiens or of ‘anatomically modern humans (AMH)’. Cf. Shryock & Smail 2011, ch. 3; Hatfield 2013, 8–10. Other authors date the first modern humans to 300,000 or 200,000 years ago (cf. Manning 2020, ch. 2), but I do not think this difference has any bearing on the arguments developed here.

3. Hrdy 2009, 205–8.

4. De Waal 2005; Hrdy 2009; Hatfield & Pittman 2013 (including Hatfield 2013). Remarkably, Suzman 2020 does not adopt this line of thought. Diamond 1992: three million years ago, chimpanzees and bonobos went their separate ways (his kind of comparison tacitly implies the improbable assertion that the behaviour of non-human primates has not significantly evolved since then; for a critique see Roebroeks 2010).

5. Hrdy 2009, 116–18.

6. Hrdy 2009, 164–7. She notes that, in the majority of cases, exclusively male hunting is unsuccessful.

7. De Waal 1996; cf. Pagel 2012; Hatfield & Pittman 2013.

8. Milton 1992, 37; De Waal 1996.

9. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004; Suzman 2017 and 2020.

10. Hrdy 2009, 79; Lancy 2015, 123–5.

11. I thank Wil Roebroeks for these insights.

12. Pagel 2012, 6; cf. Hawke 2000; Coxworth et al. 2015.

13. Hrdy 2009, 85–95; cf. Kaare & Woodburn 2004; Aiello 2007, 20; Shryock, Trautmann & Gamble 2011, 39.

14. Morgan 2015; Pagel 2012, 278–80. On the thorny question of how and when language originated: Shryock & Smail 2011; Hatfield & Pittman 2013; Villa & Roebroeks 2014; Manning 2020.

15. Aiello 2007.

16. Aiello 2007, 23; also Mussi 2007 on the Neanderthals.

17. Kaplan et al. 2007; for the period of apprenticeship, see the paragraph ‘Hunting and gathering food in practice’ below.

18. Nunn 2018.

19. E.A. Smith et al. 2010.

20. Hrdy’s hard-to-prove hypothesis that matrilocality is essential for the development of alloparenting (Hrdy 2009, 143–5, 151–2, 171–3, 180–194) is, in my opinion, superfluous here. Cf. Trautmann, Feeley-Harnik & Mitani 2011, 166, 172.

21. Historiographies of prehistory: Barnard 2004; Graeme Barker 2006, 4–17; on the development of the comparative method and the role of anthropology: Kelly 1995, 1–37, 43, 49, 345–8. Cf. Adovasio, Soffer & Page 2007. No matter how many mistakes are made, the comparative method is simply indispensable for a historical analysis such as this book.

22. De Waal 1996 and 2009. He positions himself in line with Pyotr Kropotkin (Mutual Aid, 1902: who ‘had an inkling about it’; and The Conquest of Bread, 1906) and especially Robert Ludlow Trivers, the originator of the theory of reciprocal altruism, an approach related to that of John Rawls. For the opposing traditions of ‘the war of all against all’ (Hobbes; Huxley; Durkheim) versus Rousseau to Kropotkin: R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 1; Kelly 1995, 1; Graeme Barker 2006, 44. Polanyi talks of ‘reciprocity’ with ‘symmetry’ (Polanyi 1944, chs 4–6; Polanyi, Arensberg & Pearson 1957; Dalton 1971).

23. Caveats are well-formulated in Ames 2010, who stresses that humans, also in small-scale societies, have a capacity for inequality and egalitarianism, while conceding that it is possible that they ‘work better and are more likely to persist if prestige competition is repressed’ (37).

24. De Waal 2009, 20–1; cf. Nystrom 2005.

25. Cf. Hatfield 2013, 13–14 (humans profit from a dual inheritance system: genetic and cultural) and Trautmann, Feeley-Harnik & Mitani 2011 (humans’ evolutionary success is based on the characteristics – partly shared with different species of apes – of kinship recognition, incest avoidance, pairbonding and overlapping generations).

26. De Waal 2005, ch. 6; De Waal 2009, ch. 7; cf. Mithen 2003, 506.

27. Pagel 2012.

28. See contributions in Roebroeks 2007 (especially Anwar et al. 2007, 235–40 and Leonard et al. 2007, 35); Roebroeks 2010; Erlandson 2010; Pawley 2010; Shryock & Smail 2011; Langergraber et al. 2012; Hatfield 2013; Villa & Roebroeks 2014; Reich 2018; note his warning on p. xxi: ‘the field is moving too quickly. By the time this book reaches the readers, some advances that it describes will have been superseded or even contradicted’.

29. Pagel 2012, 33–5; Hatfield 2013.

30. M.P. Richards 2007, 231; cf. Binford 2007.

31. Earle, Gamble & Poinar 2011. Cf. Heckenberger & Neves 2009; Bar-Yosef & Wang 2012; Manning 2013 and 2020.

32. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 466–7; cf. Mithen 2003, 10. For population densities: Kelly 1995, 221–32; also Hrdy 2009, 26; De Waal 2009, 23; Klein Goldewijk 2011; Pagel 2012.

33. Reich 2018, see esp. his maps on 88, 156–7, 197, 202.

34. A.B. Smith 2004. Cf. Binford 2007, 196–204; Guthrie 2007, 160; Roebroeks 2010, 31–5. For the great similarities between Neanderthals and modern humans, see Villa & Roebroeks 2014.

35. For other capacities, see Joordens et al. 2014; more on early hominin tools in Suzman 2020, ch. 3.

36. Kelly 1995, ch. 3; Graeme Barker 2006, 60–2.

37. Schrire 2009; cf. Sahlins 1972, 8–9. This type of comparison is now part of the ‘interdependent model’ (Kelly 1995, 24–33), which recognizes different sorts of interdependence among hunter-gatherers and agricultural or horticultural neighbours.

38. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, xiii, 1–3. I will, in general, use this reference for the CEHG, rather than refer to the dozens of CEHG authors by name, unless it concerns important and explicit ideas; cf. Sahlins 1972, 48.

39. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 3; Schrire 2009.

40. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 175–87, 215–19, 231ff.; Dewar & Richard 2012, 505; cf. Suzman 2017 and 2020.

41. Kelly 1995, 24–33; see Rival 2004a for a balanced overview; see also Schrire 2009.

42. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 3–4; cf. Graeme Barker 2006, 42–4.

43. Kelly 1995, 162–203, quotation at 185; cf. Suzman 2017, ch. 3.

44. Sterelny 2013, 315–18.

45. Liebenberg 2006. In the documentary ‘The Great Dance’, these hunting methods were filmed in 1998 and 2001; cf. Suzman 2017, 274 and ch. 12.

46. Kehoe 2004, 37–9; cf. Mithen 2003, 288–91; cf. Graeme Barker 2006, 66–9, 237–8.

47. Shnirelman 2004b, 149; for similar cases cf. also R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 158–9.

48. About the difference between animal (stimulus enhancement) and human learning (social learning, leading to more sophistication and refinement over long periods of time): Pagel 2012, 38–45; cf. Hatfield 2013, 13–19.

49. Binford 2007, 198; cf. Lancy 2015.

50. MacDonald 2007a and 2007b.

51. Scherjon et al. 2015; Suzman 2017 and 2020.

52. Reich 2018, 26–7.

53. Much of the dating of what follows remains controversial. Stiner et al. 2011; Hatfield & Pittman 2013; Manning 2020; Suzman 2020; for China: Bar-Yosef & Wang 2012.

54. Roebroeks 2014; cf. Shryock & Smail 2011; Ehret 2016, 47; Pagel 2012, 59–68 (he attributes this jump to a growing population after 100,000 years of ‘random drift’ that caused small populations to lose information, slowing the pace of cultural evolution; for a critical note see Vaesen et al. 2016; Hatfield & Pittman 2013.

55. Mithen 2003, 31, 518 fn. 7; A.B. Smith 2004; Graeme Barker 2006, 31; Binford 2007, 197–9; Guthrie 2007; Zeder 2012, 172; K. Brown et al. 2012; Germonpré et al. 2014; Ehret 2016, ch. 2; Suzman 2017, ch. 8; Manning 2020.

56. Kelly 1995, 31–2, 117–20; cf. Graeme Barker 2006, 47–9.

57. Mithen 2003, 371–80.

58. Bar-Yosef & Wang 2012, 330.

59. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 327, 329; McConvell 2010, 169ff.; hafted tools are already known from the Neanderthals, see Roebroeks 2010, 31–5.

60. Rival 2004a, 80–1.

61. Shnirelman 2004b, 131. And those who, today, still cling to existence as hunter-gatherers have not stood still either. Think of fishing and the trappers in the northern polar regions who work commercially.

62. E.g. Gurven & Hill 2009.

63. Endicott 2004, 412; cf. Mithen 2003, 131–2; Kelly 1995, 297–301; MacDonald 2007b, 396.

64. Sterelny 2013, 319–23.

65. E.g. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004.

66. Toussaint 2004, 340; the use of fire and the preparation of food started 1.5 million years ago with genus Homo (Leonard et al. 2007, 37–8; cf. Roebroeks 2010, 34).

67. Tonkinson 2004, 344–5.

68. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 337, 350, 354.

69. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 205–9; cf. Suzman 2017 and 2020.

70. Ichikawa 2004; see Ehret 2016, 48 for the preference for ‘Batwa’ over ‘Pygmy’.

71. Vidal 2004.

72. This task division is unknown in the northern polar regions: R.B. Lee & Daly 2004,138–9.

73. Respectively, Griffin & Griffin 2004; Ehret 2016, 399; Haas et al. 2020.

74. Peterson 2002.

75. Roosevelt 2004, 88; Haas et al. 2020. For recent similarities in both men and women catching fish: R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 299–301.

76. Villotte & Knüsel 2014.

77. Again, the dating is controversial: Hrdy 2009, 276; Shryock & Smail 2011, 73; Pagel 2012, 258–62; Manning 2020, 68. Whether clothing is the cause or the consequence of humans’ light body hair remains unclear, because both are possible. Also, because smearing the body with fat, sleeping close to each other and burning fires are possible strategies against the cold, as shown for Yámana of Tierra del Fuego, Argentina.

78. Hansell 2008.

79. Scherjon et al. 2015.

80. Adovasio, Soffer & Page 2007, 177–91, 212–15; cf. Shryock & Smail 2011, 73.

81. Tonkinson 2004, 344–5.

82. Sahlins 1972, 10–12, 28–32.

83. Sahlins 1972, 19, 38–9; Roebroeks 2014.

84. Clottes 2002, 6; González-Sainz et al. 2013.

85. Powell, Shennan & Thomas 2009; Vaesen et al. 2016, however, warn against an all-too-easy use of the demographic argument.

86. Manning 2020, 125–7.

87. Feinman & Garraty 2010.

88. Tonkinson 2004, 344–5.

89. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 238.

90. Pandya 2004, 245.

91. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 206; Sahlins 1972 (on Sahlins: Kelly 1995; Suzman 2017 and 2020).

92. Hrdy 2009, 22–3, 26.

93. Kelly 1995, 14–23 (quoting Bruce Winterhalder).

94. Kelly 1995, 20, 346–7.

95. Sahlins 1972, 53; Lancy 2015.

96. Hrdy 2009, 299.

97. Hrdy 2009, 268–9, 298.

98. Eaton & Eaton 2004, 450.

99. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 95; Suzman 2017 and 2020 reports considerably fewer working hours for hunter-gatherers, partially because of his emphasis on men.

100. Lancy 2015, 30, 66–70.

101. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 196.

102. Arcand 2004, 98.

103. Eaton & Eaton 2004, 450, 452.

104. There is a good overview in Kelly 1995, 21; see also Sahlins 1972, 14–24; Eaton & Eaton 2004, 450; R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 95, 196; Suzman 2017 and 2020.

105. Cf. Hrdy 2009, 143–52, 171–94.

106. There were limits to the caring tasks of hunter-gatherers; they simply could not permit themselves to maintain immobile dependents, hence the frequency of infanticide and senilicide: Sahlins 1972; Hrdy 2009.

107. Yetish et al. 2015. Moreover, among hunter-gatherers, the care of (even sleeping) babies continues through the night: Hrdy 2009, 145–7.

108. Sahlins 1972, 19, 23, 35–6.

109. Hrdy 2009, 91.

110. Nystrom 2005, 36; cf. Suzman 2020, 99.

111. I owe this interesting interpretation of social obligations/leisure to Wil Roebroeks.

112. Sahlins 1972, 64.

113. This idea is not new. Lewis Henry Morgan speculatively called the way of life of native Americans ‘communism in living’. This inspired Marx in 1881 and especially Engels in 1884 to coin the term ‘primitive communism’: Graeme Barker 2006, 54–5; Kelly 1995, 29–33; cf. Flannery & Marcus 2012.

114. Rival 2004a, 81–2; Mithen 2003, 126.

115. Dunbar 2007, 97; Anwar et al. 2007, 246–9.

116. Dunbar 2007, 93, 96; cf. Manning 2020; Suzman 2020.

117. Kelly 1995, 209–13, where he explains that ‘the magic numbers 500 and 25’ show more variation than is thought; Mithen 2003, 129, 529, endnote 13.

118. Dunbar 2007, 98–9.

119. Dunbar 2007, 102.

120. Kelly 1995, 10–14, 270–92.

121. Hrdy 2009, 271–2, 286–8; Kelly 1995, 270–2 .

122. De Knijff 2010, 51–2. This matrilocality is not specific to all primates: Langergraber et al. 2012.

123. Hrdy 2009, 143–52, 171–94, for, among others, the contrast between fathers among hunter-gatherers and among farmers; for bridewealth, see Kelly 1995, 277–89.

124. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 5, 27, 32–4; Kelly 1995, 288–92, 302–8; Mithen 2003, 298.

125. Kelly 1995, 277, quoting June Helm.

CHAPTER 2 FARMING AND DIVISION OF LABOUR, 10000–5000 BCE

1. Hoffman 2009; Manning 2020; Suzman 2020.

2. Graeme Barker 2006; Whittle & Cummings 2007; Shryock & Smail 2011.

3. Mithen 2003; Graeme Barker 2006; Stiner et al. 2011; Manning 2020.

4. Stiner et al. 2011, 250–3; cf. Sterelny 2013, 317.

5. Price and Bar-Yosef 2011; Flannery & Marcus 2012; Ehret 2010 and 2016 for the role of linguistics.

6. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 466–7; Graeme Barker 2006, 398–401 is much more cautious.

7. Graeme Barker 2006, ch. 2.

8. Rival 2004a.

9. McConvell 2010, 178; R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 39; A.B. Smith 2004, 388.

10. Zeder 2011; cf. Netting 1993, 28–9.

11. For the following: Graeme Barker 2006; Price & Bar-Yosef 2011; Zeder 2011 and 2012; Whitehouse & Kirleis 2014; Manning 2020; Suzman 2020; cf. Whittle & Cummings 2007; Gifford-Gonzales & Hanotte 2011.

12. Heckenberger & Neves 2009, 253 call this ‘plant and animal management’; in earlier publications it is often called ‘cultural control’.

13. Zeder 2012, 171–81; cf. Gifford-Gonzales & Hanotte 2011.

14. Graeme Barker 2006, 145.

15. Gifford-Gonzales & Hanotte 2011, 3.

16. Price & Bar-Yosef 2011; Zeder 2011 and 2012; H. Xiang et al. 2014; Whitehouse & Kirleis 2014; Shelach-Lavi 2015; Ehret 2016.

17. Zeder 2011.

18. Zeder 2012, 177–8; Diamond 1998, 159, 169.

19. Graeme Barker 2006, 404–5; cf. Anthony 2007, 462–3.

20. Diamond 1998, 97ff.; Ehret 2016 claims much earlier dates for Africa than most other authors.

21. According to Ehret 2016, 35–7, 51–2, they were of African stock.

22. Roosevelt 2004, 89–90; cf. Graeme Barker 2006, ch. 7; Mithen 2003, ch. 2; Prestes Carneiro et al. 2019.

23. Gifford-Gonzales 2013.

24. Reich 2018, 100, 150–1; Ehret 2016.

25. Reich 2018, 96: in Europe it led to the fusion of existing hunter-gatherers with blue eyes, dark skin and dark hair with immigrating farmers with light skin but dark hair and brown eyes. This resulted in northern Europeans with blue eyes, light skin and blond hair.

26. Mithen 2003, ch. 43; Gifford-Gonzales & Hanotte 2011; Gifford-Gonzales 2013.

27. Roullier et al. 2013.

28. On Africa: Gifford-Gonzales & Hanotte 2011; Gifford-Gonzales 2013; Ehret 2016; Fourshey, Gonzales & Saidi 2018.

29. Heckenberger & Neves 2009; cf. Anthony 2007; Manning 2020.

30. Klein Goldewijk 2011.

31. Amin 2005, 112–24, 290–319 (for India c.1870–1880); Hommel 1969, 41–81 (for China c.1900–1920).

32. Hommel 1969, 42–4.

33. Graeme Barker 2006, 356–7, 368.

34. Thomas 1999, 333 (from the Fleta, a treatise written in Latin on the common law of England, c.1290).

35. Anthony 2007, 72.

36. Amin 2005, 291–3, 297.

37. Amin 2005, 292.

38. Amin 2005, 297.

39. Thomas 1999, 335 (translation by Alexander Pope, 1715–1720).

40. J. Lucassen 1987, 52–8; Lambrecht 2019.

41. Khazanov 1994, 19.

42. Zeder 2012, 174.

43. Khazanov 1994, 19–25. He is not talking about modern dairy farming, where the income of fully sedentary farmers is entirely or largely dependent on livestock.

44. Khazanov 1994, 24; cf. Mithen 2003, 77–8; Diamond 1998, ch. 9.

45. Cross 2001.

46. Adovasio, Soffer & Page 2007, 269.

47. Lancy 2015.

48. Diamond 1998, 105, 98.

49. Eaton & Eaton 2004.

50. Lancy 2015, 101.

51. Lancy 2015, 109.

52. Note the caveat in Anthony 2007, 155: domesticated animals can only be raised by people morally and ethically committed to watching their families go hungry rather than letting them eat the breeding stock. Seed grain and breeding stock must be saved, not eaten, or there will be no crop and no calves next year.

53. Eaton & Eaton 2004, 450–1. Cf. Sahlins 1972; Roosevelt 2004, 88–9; Shryock & Smail 2011, 72, 74.

54. Lancy 2015, 31, 85–7, 304–25.

55. Hrdy 2009, 274–5; De Knijff 2010, 49–50; Gronenborn 2007, 80–4; Bentley 2007; cf. Kok 2010, 218–31ff. For the maintenance of matrilocality in the Neolithic Revolution in Thailand: Bentley 2007, 129, fn. 2.

56. Lancy 2015, 141–4.

57. Hayden & Villeneuve 2012, 100–3.

58. Sterelny 2013, 313–15; Henrich, Boyd & Richerson 2012; Lancy 2015, 85–7; cf. Ehret 2010, 138; De Knijff 2010, 49–50.

59. Hrdy 2009, with a nod to Jared Diamond’s ‘great leap forward’ for the innovations 50,000 years ago.

60. Delêtre, McKey & Hodkinson 2011.

61. Bradley 2007; for China, see Shelach-Lavi 2015, 70–86, 97–8.

62. Matthews 2003, 78; cf. Peterson 2002; Graeme Barker 2006.

63. Adovasio, Soffer & Page 2007, 247–9, 268–9; cf. Peterson 2002.

64. Sahlins 1972, 41ff.; Diamond 1998, 10–106; Mithen 2003, 165–6, 495; Hrdy 2009, 299; Lancy 2015, 268–9; this is a major theme of Suzman 2020.

65. Mithen 2003, 58–9, 83–4; K.-C. Chang 1999, 46.

66. In what follows, I refer to households as a unit, fully aware that within this unit there are differences not only in the division of tasks (as we have just seen) but also in power (see, among others, Costin 2001, 275).

67. Costin 2001, 276. Like the dating of agricultural innovations, that of the earliest crafts is now also under discussion, see e.g. Ehret 2016 and Manning 2020.

68. See ch. 3.

69. Bellwood 2013, 148; for Africa: Ehret 2016, 60–1.

70. Graeme Barker 2006, ch. 4. No clear picture emerges for China on this point. Idem, ch. 6; Shelach-Lavi 2015, chs 3 and 4.

71. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 71.

72. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 108–9, 122.

73. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 87; for Europe: Graeme Barker 2006, 357–64; Gronenborn 2007, 77–84; for Africa: Ehret 2016, 57–9.

74. Graeme Barker 2006, 131–2, 159–60.

75. Costin 2001, 286; cf. McCorriston 1997; Ehret 2016; Manning 2020.

76. Hoffman 2009, 146 (he even talks of ‘commercial hunting’); cf. Schrire 2009.

77. Bentley 2007.

78. Ehret 2010, 382–3.

79. R.B. Lee & Daly 2004, 276, 280.

80. Rival 2004a, 81–2.

81. Hayden & Villeneuve 2012, 95–6, 99; cf. Flannery & Marcus 2012; Manning 2020.

82. Borgerhoff Mulder 2009; E.A. Smith et al. 2010. Cattle, however, lend themselves more to appropriation than land: Shryock & Smail 2011, 257.

83. Kelly 1995, 221–32; cf. Ingold 2004, 400.

84. De Waal 2009, 161.

85. Kelly 1995, 203; Graeme Barker 2006, 56–7, 70.

86. Drennan, Peterson & Fox 2010; Feinman 2012.

87. Ehret 2016; Fourshey, Gonzales & Saidi 2018. This contradicts another Africanist, Suzman 2020.

88. Price & Bar-Yosef 2012, 161.

89. Aldenderfer 2012, 78; cf. Hayden & Villeneuve 2012.

90. Aldenderfer 2012, 86.

91. Aldenderfer 2012, 88; cf. Hayden & Villeneuve 2012, 132.

92. Shryock & Smail 2011, 64–5.

93. Mithen 2003, 506.

CHAPTER 3 EMERGING LABOUR RELATIONS, 5000–500 BCE

1. Peterson 2002, 125.

2. For this term: Matthews 2003, ch. 3; Wengrow 2006, 151–3: however, greater societal complexity can go hand in hand with material simplification.

3. Moreover, an evolution from farmers back to hunter-gatherers also occurred sometimes: Diamond 1998, 53–7, 63–5.

4. See the taxonomy of global labour relations as explained in the Introduction.

5. Wengrow 2006, 23–6.

6. Bellwood 2013, chs 6, 7, 9.

7. For the earlier history of maritime navigation related to the original expansion of modern humans, which entailed crossing straits of up to 200 kilometres: Manning 2020.

8. Bellwood 2013, 146–8.

9. Reich 2018, 199–204; cf. Ehret 2016; Manning 2020.

10. Wengrow 2006, 148–50; Gifford-Gonzales 2013.

11. Bellwood 2013, chs 6, 8, 9.

12. Bellwood 2013, 131, 147.

13. Bellwood 2013, 143, 150.

14. For Europe: De Grooth 2005; G. Cooney 2007, 558–61; cf. Bentley 2007, 125 ff.; Gronenborn 2007, 77–9.

15. Killick & Fenn 2012, 562; in Africa, the use of copper and iron took place in a more egalitarian setting (Ehret 2016).

16. Killick & Fenn 2012, 563; cf. Anthony 2007.

17. Killick & Fenn 2012, 567 (quotation); E.W. Herbert 1984 and 1993.

18. Nash 2005.

19. Anthony 2007, 200–24.

20. Anthony 2007, 127, 174–7, 321–7; for Egypt-Sudan cf. Wengrow 2006, 17–19, 25; Romer 2012, 8–10.

21. Anthony 2007, 222 (quotation). For the latest theory about the origin and distribution of Indo-European languages: Reich 2018; Manning 2020.

22. Regarding lactose tolerance: Khazanov 1994, 96; Pagel 2012, 263–4; De Knijff 2010.

23. The following after Anthony 2007, 67, 72, 277–9, 382–405, 425.

24. Khazanov 1994, xxxi–iii, 15ff., 122 (‘The non-autarky, in many cases I would even say the anti-autarky of their economy’).

25. For the following: Khazanov 1994, 44–59, 65–9, 89–122.

26. Khazanov 1994, 99; cf. Diamond 1998, 390–1; Mithen 2003, ch. 51.

27. Khazanov 1994, 55. The poet was Julian Tuwim (1894–1953).

28. Wengrow 2006, 59–71.

29. Khazanov 1994, 63–5, 106–11; Wengrow 2006; Ehret 2016.

30. Khazanov 1994, 59–63, 102–6; Atabaki 2013.

31. Khazanov 1994, 123, 152; Atabaki 2013, 165; cf. Wengrow 2006, 63–5 for a critique of the primitivization of pastoralism.

32. Khazanov 1994, 126–7; 143–4 (patrilineal descent also prevails among nomads, but may have been preceded by matrilineal descent, which still exists among the Tuareg).

33. Khazanov 1994, 130ff.

34. Anthony 2007, 321–2.

35. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 250.

36. I.J.N. Thorpe 2005; Parker Pearson 2005; cf. Pagel 2012, 88–98.

37. The following after Reich 2018, who has been inspired greatly by Marija Gimbutas.

38. Reich 2018, 98–114, 234–41.

39. Reich 2018, 237–41; cf. Seaford 2020.

40. Diamond 1998, 277, 286; cf. Hayden & Villeneuve 2012, 129; for competition between groups of hunter-gatherers forced to compete as a result of the changing climate and environment: Keeley 2014.

41. Keeley 2014, 30.

42. Khazanov 1994, 160–2, 181, 278–82.

43. Cf. Hårde 2005; cf. Fontijn 2005, 152; Kristiansen 2012; Hrdy 2009, 29–30, 169, 274; De Waal 2009, 22–4.

44. Diamond 1998, 141–2.

45. Leick 2002, xvii, 48; Matthews 2003, 109–10; Mithen 2003; K.-C. Chang 1999; R.P. Wright 2010; Beaujard 2019.

46. Leick 2002, 43–8, 77–8; Matthews 2003, 98–9; Wengrow 2006, 36–8, 76–83, 135–7; R.P. Wright 2010, 160–6, 183–7, 222–3.

47. Leick 2002, 22–3, 69.

48. Leick 2002, 52; cf. Van de Mieroop 2007, 55–9.

49. This concept gained prominence via Karl Polanyi (1886–1964): Polanyi 1944, chs 4–6; Polanyi, Arensberg & Pearson 1957; Dalton 1971. What Polanyi calls ‘redistribution’ with ‘centricity’ was called ‘Leiturgie’ by Max Weber: Weber 1909, 80–91, 181, and Weber 1976, 153, 211, 818.

50. Schmandt-Besserat 1992; cf. Van de Mieroop 2007, 28–35.

51. Schmandt-Besserat 1992, 150–3, 161–3, 189.

52. Schmandt-Besserat 1992, 179–83.

53. Leick 2002, 137.

54. Anthony 2007, 283–4; cf. Van de Mieroop 2007, 202–3, 220–2.

55. R.P. Wright 2010, 205–6; more hesitant: Kenoyer 2008; Wade 2017; cf. Seaford 2020, 18.

56. Shelach-Lavi 2015, esp. chs 7 and 8; cf. contributions in Underhill 2013. Traditional claims for an earlier state ‘Xia’ (e.g. K.-C. Chang 1999) cannot be archaeologically substantiated.

57. Liu, Zhai & Chen 2013.

58. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 131–2, 155–6, 188, 224; He 2013; Xu 2013.

59. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 156; He 2013, 266; Liu, Zhai & Chen 2013, 286. Note that not all regions mentioned shared the same language (Bellwood 2013).

60. Cf. the definition of empires by Sinopoli 2001, 441–4: ‘large states with heterogeneous ethnic and cultural composition . . . A primary goal and/or consequence of imperial incorporation is the extraction of wealth, in the form of subsistence and other resources (including human labour)’. My emphasis.

61. Wengrow 2006, chs 2–5; cf. Beaujard 2019.

62. Leick 2002, 52–3, 76–80, 158–60.

63. Van de Mieroop 2007, 78–84.

64. Van de Mieroop 2007, 233–6; Fernández-Armesto & Smail 2011, 144.

65. Kelder 2010; Fischer 2007 (though Garlan 1995, 3–35 emphasizes the slave character of this society); cf. Garcia-Ventura 2018; for similar polities much later in Africa, cf. Monroe 2013.

66. Leick 2002, 145.

67. Leick 2002, ch. 4; Van de Mieroop 2007, 64–73; Matthews 2003, chs 4–5 offer arguments about why, a thousand years earlier, Uruk might be a candidate for this honour; cf. Van der Spek 2008, 33–9. Van de Mieroop 2007, 45, 51 speaks of the Early Dynastic Period (2900–2350) of politically divided city-states.

68. Van de Mieroop 2007, 143–8, 182–3, 230–3; cf. Anthony 2007; Shelach-Lavi 2015, 257.

69. Leick 2002, 95; cf. Van de Mieroop 2007, 231.

70. Rotman 2009, 19, 26, 211 (‘Servi autem ex eo appellati sunt, quod imperatores captivos vendere iubent ac per hoc servare nec occidere solent’).

71. Parker Pearson & Thorpe 2005; T. Taylor 2005, 232 turns matters on their head by assuming that, in prehistory, forced labour existed ‘in the same way as access to drinking and water is assumed’.

72. Van de Mieroop 2007, 233; cf. Gelb 1972; Culbertson 2011a and 2011b; Tenney 2011; Kleber 2018; D.M. Lewis 2018; Beaujard 2019.

73. Leick 2002, 187. According to Asher-Greve 1997, militarization could also have had a very different effect: an emphasis on the differences between men and women.

74. Jursa 2010; Van de Mieroop 2007; Matthews 2003, 182–8; Oka & Kusimba 2008. Trade is much older in origin, and archaeological findings suggest that it already occurred in the earliest stages of human prehistory when groups of hunters and food gatherers exchanged rare goods without much interaction and sometimes even without physical contact (for ‘silent barter’, see Wicks 1992, 12).

75. Barber 1994, ch. 7.

76. Leick 2002, 124–5. The earliest example of (forced?) silver payments that she gives occurred c.2250 (Ibid., 99). See also Heymans 2018.

77. Adams 2006, 158–67.

78. Van de Mieroop 2007, 93–4, 115.

79. Scheidel 2009, 438–40. Compared with Ancient Egypt, this is quite favourable.

80. Leick 2002, 203, 205; Matthews 2003, 120–2; Van de Mieroop 2007, 94–103.

81. Leick 2002, 164 (without a more precise date).

82. Dandamaev 2009; Jursa 2010; Van der Spek 1998 and 2008; cf. Pirngruber 2012, 20–6.

83. Dandamaev 2009; Jursa 2010; Van der Spek et al. 2018. For money without coins: Heymans 2018.

84. Jursa 2010, 261–3, 680. There is no mention of moulding and firing bricks in this source, but I infer as much from production figures for the manual shaping of bricks in later times (cf. Lourens & Lucassen 1999; Kessler & Lucassen 2013; W.P. Campbell 2003, 30–7).

85. Jursa 2010, 662–3.

86. The following primarily based on Romer 2012 and 2017, whose spelling of personal names I also generally follow; cf. Donadoni 1997; Wengrow 2006; Wilkinson 2010.

87. Romer 2012, 70; cf. Brewer 2007; K.M. Cooney 2007, 162.

88. Brewer 2007; Bleiberg 2007; Moreno García 2008; cf. K.M. Cooney 2007, who talks of a ‘mixed economy’.

89. Wengrow 2006, esp. 33–40, 263–8.

90. Wengrow 2006, 158–64; Romer 2012, 64–71.

91. Romer 2012, 169; Bleiberg 2007, 182.

92. Romer 2012, ch. 6; on p. 114 he is critical of Wengrow 2006.

93. Moreno García 2008.

94. Kelder 2010; cf. Moreno García 2008; Hayden & Villeneuve 2012.

95. Fernández-Armesto & Smail 2011, 144; Romer 2017, 133–9.

96. al-Nubi 1997; Spalinger 2007; K.M. Cooney 2007, 164; Moreno García 2008, 119, fn. 59.

97. Kelder 2010, 117ff.

98. Romer 2012, xxxv; Romer 2017, 134.

99. Kelder 2010, 63–4, 82–3 (the exchange of precious goods by messengers could also include elite military forces and seaworthy sailors; cf. Leick 2002, 95, 99).

100. Moreno García 2008, 110, 144.

101. Brewer 2007, 145; cf. Katary 2007.

102. Caminos 1997, 16–17.

103. Ockinga 2007, 253–4.

104. Romer 2012, 325–7.

105. Moreno García 2008, 118; cf. Brewer 2007, 134; on women’s labour: Feucht 1997; Stevens & Eccleston 2007.

106. Romer 2012, 276–85, 309–13, 319–20, 357, 363, 381; on harbour and maritime work: Romer 2017, 259–72, 478–80, 379–414.

107. Romer 2012, 192; Romer 2017, 135–6.

108. Exell & Naunton 2007, 94–7; K.M. Cooney 2007, 168–73.

109. K.M. Cooney 2007, 171.

110. K.M. Cooney 2007, 170; Valbelle 1997, 39–40 and 44; cf. this with the much smaller quantities that were left over for farmers.

111. Romer 2017, 497.

112. Loprieno 1997.

113. Moreno García 2008, 123–42. For debt bondage, see 118, 136; cf. Romer 2017, 492.

114. Von Reden 2007; Bleiberg 2007, 181–3; Moreno García 2008, 112–14, 146–9; Romer 2017, 136–7; Heymans 2018.

115. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 196–7, 217–20, 242–6; cf. Yuan 2013; Jing et al. 2013.

116. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 222–3.

117. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 255, cf. also 224–5. Note that the workforce of prisoners of war as slaves is apparently not considered; cf. Yuan 2013; Jing et al. 2013.

118. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 226, 269–305.

CHAPTER 4 WORKING FOR THE MARKET, 500 BCE–1500 CE

1. Kirch 2010; Pagel 2012, 36–7; Roullier et al. 2013; Reich 2018, 199–204.

2. This also meant the possibility of bartering over long distances and thus even the return to a sort of gatherer existence on certain islands, such as Yap, with its intriguing monetary system. See Gillilland 1975.

3. Khazanov 1994, 41–4, 111–15.

4. J. Lucassen 2007a (introduction), 2014b, 2018a; Mooring, Van Leeuwen & Van der Spek 2018; cf. Maurer 2006; Haselgrove & Krmnicek 2012; J.M Hall 2014, 275–81; Seaford 2020. Kuroda 2020 provides the best introduction to monetary history.

5. Seaford 2020 (quotation on 61; italics in original); cf. Kuroda 2020, 41, 145, 202–3.

6. Haselgrove & Krmnicek 2012; cf. Aubet 2001, 138–43; Leick 2002, 99, 125; Kuroda 2020. Heymans 2018 points to small fractions in hoards of ‘hacksilber’ but not to a relation with wage payments. Nevertheless, Jursa 2010 is convinced about this link.

7. P. Spufford 2008.

8. H.S. Kim 2001 and 2002.

9. Cohen 1992, xiv, 22 (fn. 92); Garlan 1995, 77; Schaps 2004, 156; J.M Hall 2014, 277 (smallest Athenian silver coin, C5th, weighing 0.044 grams or 1/16 obol, or 1/48 standard daily ‘minimum wage’); D.M. Lewis 2018, 40, 43. Cf. Jursa 2010 for low-weight silver chips in Mesopotamia’s long 6th century BCE.

10. J. Lucassen 2007a, Introduction (after Garlan 1995; Cohen 2002; Burke 1992).

11. Loomis 1998, 257; Trevett 2001, 25; Ashton 2001, 92–4.

12. J. Lucassen 2007a, Introduction, 23.

13. After Gabrielsen 1994, ch. 5.

14. Gabrielsen 1994, 124.

15. Von Reden 2007 and 2010. Slavery remained of secondary importance, also under the Ptolemies, certainly in the productive sector (131–6). For the Roman period: Howgego 1992; Van Heesch 2007; Verboven 2009.

16. Von Reden 2007, ch. 2, 303–4.

17. Von Reden 2007, 60–5 (the annual salt tax for men was 1.5 drachm [= 9 obols = 72 chalkoi] and for women 1 drachm).

18. Von Reden 2007, 81 (60 per cent of the population in a large stretch of Middle Egypt were cultivators; 40 per cent were part-time farmers).

19. Von Reden 2007, 148.

20. Von Reden 2007, 138 (quotations), 147–8. Faced with the dramatic fall in wages and income in the longer term (Scheidel 2010, 453; cf. Brewer 2007, 144) Von Reden 2010, ch. 6 emphasizes the price stability and a high degree of internal market integration in the 3rd century BCE in contrast to more intense fluctuations of prices in the 2nd (Ibid., 154).

21. Rowlandson 2001; Harper 2015; Erdkamp 2015.

22. Rathbone 1991; cf. Bagnall 1993.

23. Launaro 2015, 177.

24. Witzel 2006, 460–2.

25. Thapar 2002; Chakrabarti 2006 (at the same time there was also unfree labour).

26. Bopearachchi 2015, I, 82–92. Indian sigloi have a lower silver content than the Persian sigloi (which are a completely different type), cf. J. Lucassen 2007a, 28–9; Bhandare 2006; Shrimali 2019.

27. Kautilya 1992; cf. Chakrabarti 2006; Jha 2018.

28. Bhandare 2006, 97.

29. H.P. Ray 2006; Majumdar 2015; for trade in the Indian Ocean: Seland 2014; Mathew 2015; Boussac, Salles & Yon 2018.

30. See Wang 2004, 9–16; J. Lucassen 2007a, 29–32; Scheidel 2009, 137–43; Haselgrove & Krmnicek 2012, 239–40; Thierry 1997 and 2015; B. Yang 2019.

31. Thierry 2015.

32. The monetary function of cowries in China often causes misunderstanding, inducing authors to date the monetary usage of cowries far too early (e.g. Harari 2014, 197–8). Cowries found in early Shang graves, however, had no monetary functions, as suggested by Yuan 2013, 337. See Jing et al. 2013; Shelach-Lavi 2015; B. Yang 2019.

33. Pines et al. 2014, 320 (fn. 8 to ch. 6 by Robin D.S.Yates): prior to 221 BCE, ‘if one was poor and could not pay the fine, one could pay it off by working for the government at six cash per day if you received food, or at eight if you did not’. By implication, a daily ration could be procured for one-quarter of the wage, which contradicts Scheidel’s assertion (2009, p. 182) that the Qin conscripts did not receive cash wages.

34. Thierry 2015, 442.

35. Pines in Pines et al. 2014, 234.

36. Pines et al. 2014; cf. Falkenhausen 2006; Shelach-Lavi 2015, ch. 11.

37. Cf. Barbieri-Low 2007, 7–9.

38. Pines et al., 2014, 19–28; cf. Falkenhausen 2006, 417.

39. Shelach-Lavi in Pines et al. 2014, 131.

40. Pines et al. 2014, 27 (Introduction), 223 (chapter by Robin D.S. Yates), 310 fn. 18 (chapter by Gideon Shelach-Lavi); Barbieri-Low 2007, 10, 212ff.

41. For comparisons with the collapse of the Maya Empire: Shelach-Lavi 2015, 121, 132–3, 308.

42. Shelach-Lavi 2015, 137–8; M.E. Lewis 2015, 286–94.

43. Wang 2007, 67.

44. Scheidel 2009, 11, 199.

45. Scheidel 2009, 4, 19, 76; M.E. Lewis 2015, 286–94.

46. Barbieri-Low 2007, 43 (translation Burton Watson).

47. Thomas 2009, 533–4 (translation Arthur Waley 1919).

48. Barbieri-Low 2007, 254, 256.

49. Barbieri-Low 2007, 26–9; cf. Lis & Soly 2012; for artisans in later periods of Chinese history: see Moll-Murata 2018.

50. Barbieri-Low 2007, 27.

51. Barbieri-Low 2007, 18.

52. Banaji 2016, 14 prefers to characterize the (late) Roman economy as ‘proto-modern’, rather than ‘pre-capitalist’. See my discussion of the terms ‘modern’ and ‘capitalist’ in the Introduction.

53. Lis & Soly 2012, in which existing theories (e.g. Arendt 1958, ch. 3) about the contempt that the Greeks supposedly had for work are turned upside down; Budd 2011; Hofmeester 2018; for China, see Barbieri-Low 2007, 36–66.

54. Lis & Soly 2012, 28.

55. Lis & Soly 2012, 48–51.

56. E.M. Harris 2002, 70–3; Vélissaroupolos-Karakostas 2002, 134–5; Kyrtatas 2002, 144–5; D.M. Lewis 2018.

57. Schaps 2004, 153–74 (quotation on p. 153); J.M. Hall 2014, 214–21, 262–8, who, remarkably, characterizes sharecroppers, wage labourers and debt bondsmen before 500 BCE as ‘various classes of unfree status’ (p. 219).

58. Cohen 1992, 61 (the preference for daily payments in Athens may have had to do with ‘social values inhibit[ing] citizens from working on a continuing basis under another person’s control’), 70–3.

59. Gallant 1991; D.M. Lewis 2018 (who sometimes disagrees strongly with colleagues, e.g. Garlan 1995; Andreau & Descat 2011); Zurbach 2014.

60. Gallant 1991, 134 (strictly speaking this quotation pertains to rowers, but it is fully consistent with what he says about mercenaries later on in the text).

61. Van Heesch 2007; Verboven 2009.

62. Mainly after D.M. Lewis 2018; cf. Garnsey 1998; Temin 2012; Erdkamp 2015; Launaro 2015.

63. Cf. Hrdy 2009, 275; Ehret 2010, 131–5; Rotman 2009, 57, 198.

64. Kolchin 1987, 53; cf. D.M. Lewis 2018, 281, fn. 45.

65. Cf. W.V. Harris 2011, 38.

66. Andreau & Descat 2011, 88.

67. Andreau & Descat 2011, 82–91, 107–8, 149–56.

68. Verboven 2011; Garnsey 1998, 77–87, 154–62, see esp. 86; Launaro 2015, 177; Erdkamp 2015, 31–2; Banaji 2016.

69. Rihll 1996; Andreau & Descat 2011; D.M. Lewis 2018.

70. For this date, see Van Dommelen 2012. The colonization had already begun in small numbers earlier, in the 10th century. Like most authors, Rihll 1996 puts the high point in the 8th–6th century.

71. Rihll 1996, 111; D.M. Lewis 2018.

72. Garlan 1995, 71–3; Rihll 1996; Schaps 2004; Jameson 2002, 171.

73. Garlan 1995, 40, 61.

74. Andreau & Descat 2011, 120–8.

75. Andreau & Descat 2011, 46–65. For the Roman slave trade, see also W.V. Harris 2011, ch. 3.

76. Schiavone 2013; cf. Andreau & Descat 2011, 141–9; W.V. Harris 2011, 286. For slave revolts in the Greek world, see D.M. Lewis 2018.

77. Schiavone 2013, 97–103; Gregory of Nyssa (4th century CE) was the classical author who went furthest in the direction of a plea for abolition, but even he did not call for actual abolition: Andreau & Descat 2011, 136, 169.

78. Schiavone 2013, 41–4, 59–61, 116–17.

79. Schiavone 2013, 27–8, 68–9 (quotation on p. 69), 74; Andreau & Descat 2011, 144.

80. Andreau & Descat 2011, 14, 41–52; Harper 2011, 38–60; see also W.V. Harris 2011, 61. For Athens c.400 BCE and 350–310, Garlan 1995, 61–6, 72–3 comes up with double this, which can be explained by the much shorter periods, in which there was massive supply due to wars. For free labour in Athens, see Migeotte 2009, 93.

81. Harper 2011, 67–91, this in contrast to W.V. Harris 2011, 62–75, 88–103.

82. Harper 2011, 59–60: ‘The top 1.365 percent of Roman society thus owned the bottom 5 percent of Roman society.’ For the main sexual function of slaves, see Idem, ch. 6.

83. Harper 2011, 150–1, 157–8, 162–79; cf. Rotman 2009, 114–16; J. Lucassen 2013, annex 1.

84. Andreau & Descat 2011, 158.

85. On the other hand, parents were allowed to rent out the labour of their children for 25 years: Andreau & Descat 2011, 162; cf. H. Barker 2019 for a critical view on the supposedly mitigating impact of Christianity, which she calls ‘the narrative of Christian amelioration’.

86. Sharma 2014.

87. Stillman 1973.

88. I will not discuss other caste societies, as documented e.g. for Africa (Ehret 2016, 218–26) and the Pacific, esp. Hawaii (Flannery & Marcus 2012, 332–48); Barbieri-Low 2007, 56–63: 300 BCE–200 CE Chinese artisans were not caste-bound to their profession as they seemed to enjoy at least some possibility of upward social mobility.

89. Jha 2018, 2020. Unless otherwise stated, I follow his interpretation, which is heavily inspired by Damodar Dharmanand Kosambi and R.S. Sharma. Cf. Thapar 2002; H.P. Ray 2003; Boivin 2005; Chakravarti 2006; Parasher-Sen 2006; Witzel 2006; Stein 2010; Olivelle & Davis 2018. Seaford 2020, 213–16 dates the full blossoming of the caste system too early. For the latest dating of the immigration movements to India, see Reich 2018, ch. 6.

90. Klass 2020, 21–5.

91. Kautilya 1992, 33–53, 69, 88–9, 446–55; cf. Thapar 2002, 62–8, 122–5, 154.

92. Jha 2018; cf. Witzel 2006, 482–3; Olivelle & Davis 2018. The Manu law book was accepted much later, at the end of the eighteenth century, by the English as the Hindus’ sacred laws – shastras – of choice.

93. Fernández-Armesto & Smail 2011, 145.

94. Jha 2018, 160.

95. Jha 2018, 59–60.

96. Jha 2018, 161–2.

97. See also Witzel 2006.

98. Cf. Thapar 2002, 164–73; H.P. Ray 2003, esp. 245ff.; Falk 2006; Parasher-Sen 2006, 441–4; Witzel 2006.

99. H.P. Ray 2003, 165–87; Kearny 2004, 31–55; Tomber 2008; on guilds: Subbarayalu 2015 (cf. Verboven 2011 for Rome).

100. Jain 1995, 136–8; S.R. Goyal 1995; Sharma 2014. See also Wicks 1992, ch. 3; Shankar Goyal 1998; Thapar 2002, 460–1. Shrimali 2002 convincingly refutes the main arguments of Deyell 1990 (which received much acclaim: Subrahmanyam 1994, 11–15); cf. Deyell 2017; Shrimali 2019.

101. So far, the oldest dates for strong group endogamy that geneticists have found are between 2,000 and 3,000 years ago for a Vysya group in Andhra Pradesh (Reich 2018, 144) and between 1,000 and 1,500 years ago for a Patel group in Gujarat (Pemberton et al. 2012); cf. Chaubey et al. 2006; Bittles 2005. This could be consistent with my dating of the simultaneous breakthrough of castes and demonetization, if we accept that endogamy has spread through society in a top-down manner.

102. For objections to this analogy, see Stein 2010, 106–8.

103. And with that, up to the 12th century, also political-economic texts such as the Arthashastra, see Pollock 2005, 63–4 (cf. Kautilya 1992, 823). For more continuity in the south: H.P. Ray 2006.

104. Jha 2018, 128, 159; H.P. Ray 2003, 224.

105. Jha 2018, 130–1 (quotation), 155; Stein 2010, 87–90; Falk 2006, 147–53; Jamison 2006; cf. Kautilya 1992, 69–70 for women’s labour in his time: spinning and weaving for wages; prostitution (in state brothels); live-in servants; and slaves. Shrimali 2019, 186 cites the price of 50 karshapana for an outcaste or shudra woman maid servant at the beginning of our era.

106. Jamison 2006, 204–9.

107. Thapar 2002, 462–6; Jha 2018, 130, 153 (quotation), 161; Sharma 2014; Habib 2004.

108. J. Lucassen 2005, 430–2; M.E. Lewis 2015; Deng 2015; Guanglin 2015.

109. Deng 2015, 326 (quoting Eric Jones). He compares the Song in this respect with the late Qing. It is striking that exactly in both periods, and almost exclusively at that time, multiples of coins were made, thus leading twice to brief periods of a multi-denominational currency system in China.

110. Deng 2015, 326; cf. M.E. Lewis 2015, 302.

111. For demonetization in Ethiopia after c. 650 CE, see Ehret 2016, 201–7, 283.

112. Banaji 2016; Rio 2020.

113. Rotman 2009, 176, 179 (quotation).

114. Rotman 2009, 32, 41, 121; cf. Rio 2020, 136–41, 225–30; H. Barker 2019.

115. Rotman 2009, 173–6.

116. According to T. Taylor 2005, these slaves included a significant number of sex slaves, exploited during their transportation and following their onward sale. The words used by the Arab chroniclers (such as the important Ibn Fadlan, who travelled from Baghdad to Kazan on the Volga in the 920s) for slave-girl and slave-boy, jariyeh and ghulam, both had clear sexual connotations; cf. H. Barker 2019.

117. Rotman 2009, 159.

118. Rotman 2009, 57–81; cf. Ott 2015; T. Taylor 2005, 229–30.

119. Zürcher 2013; Chatterjee & Eaton 2006; H. Barker 2019.

120. J. Lucassen 2007a, 38–9, after Laiou 2002, in which C. Morrison 2002; C. Morrison & Cheynet 2002. Also Rotman 2009, 95–107, 198–200.

121. Rotman 2009, 33–4, 36, 44.

122. Heidemann 2010, 53–4.

123. Shatzmiller 1994, 38–40; Shatzmiller 2007, 150; cf. Heidemann 2015, parts discussed in more detail in Heidemann 1998, 2006, 2007, 2009a, 2009b, 2010, 2011.

124. Kennedy 2015, 401; Van Bavel 2016, 84–5.

125. Gordon 2011, 73–4; cf. Toledano 2011. NB. White is the colour of mourning.

126. Shatzmiller 2007, 98–9, 159–60.

127. Kennedy 2015, 391–7; cf. Hofmeester 2018.

128. Heidemann 2006.

129. Nasr 1985; Udovitch 1961; J. Lucassen 2013.

130. Cf. Kennedy 2015, 390ff.

131. Sebeta 1997, 535; for Greece: Barber 1994, 273–83; for (Jews in) the Islamic world: Hofmeester 2011, 146; H. Barker 2019.

132. Shatzmiller 1994 and 2007 (quotation on p. 101).

133. Shatzmiller 2007, 129.

134. Hofmeester 2011, 151.

135. Russell 1972; Verhulst 1999; Buringh 2011, 71–5, 78, 290. For the Roman Empire: Scheidel 2009, 11.

136. J. Lucassen 2007a, 40, heavily inspired by Bloch 1954, 11–33 and P. Spufford 1988.

137. Epstein 1991, 28–38.

138. Hodges & Cherry 1983, 141.

139. For a characteristic of this, see De Hingh 2000.

140. Buringh 2011, 432; Rio 2020.

141. Slicher van Bath 1963a; Rio 2020, 135 demonstrates that household slavery ‘is more likely to have yielded hard-line practices of unfreedom’.

142. Slicher van Bath 1963a, 49; Slicher van Bath 1963b and 1963c.

143. Buringh 2011, 77–94.

144. Buringh 2011, 81.

145. Buringh 2011, 347.

146. See Wyatt 2011 and Rio 2020. They point out that, after antiquity, slavery (especially of women) did not disappear from Europe – and it was certainly not abolished – and neither did the enslavement of prisoners of war. See also pp. 157–9.

147. McKitterick 2008, 104; cf. Harper 2011, 497–509.

148. Rio 2020, 33.

149. Arnoux 2012; Toledano 2011; H. Barker 2019.

150. J. Lucassen 2014b; Deyell’s (1990) suggestion that low-value coins filled the gap left by the disappearing silver coins in the era c. 500–1000 CE is unconvincing. See Shrimali 2002 and 2019. Although it is difficult to date the expansion of cowries as small change in Bengal, their presence has certainly been well documented there since the 14th century (B. Yang 2019) and in Orissa and Bihar until the 19th century.

151. Thapar 2002, 344–5; H.P. Ray 1986, 82–9; Fletcher 2012. For manuscript production in India, see Buringh 2011, 104–5, 150–1, 156–7.

152. Thapar 2002, chs 9–10.

153. Wicks 1992; Coe 2003; Lieberman 2003; Scheidel 2015a; see B. Yang 2019 for cowries as money from 1300.

154. Scheidel 2015a; Monson & Scheidel 2015; For a more nuanced approach: Barbieri-Low 2007, 254–6.

155. For a kaleidoscopic overview, see Mann 2006.

156. Cf. Feinman & Garraty 2010. See also Maurer 2006 (who characterizes Polanyi’s work as ‘a compendium of exotica coupled with a morality tale about the world that “we” have lost’) and Peebles 2010.

157. Feinman & Garraty 2010, 175. For the Maya, see also Pines et al. 2014, among others, p. 308 (notes). See Diamond 1998, 53–63.

158. Scheidel 2015a, 2. For the history of work and labour relations, early information on Africa remains sparse compared to America, see Kusimba 2008; Monroe 2013; Ehret 2016.

159. M.E. Smith 2012b, 31; Joyce 2010, 51–3, 66–83; Kolata 2013, 123.

160. Lau 2013.

161. Joyce 2010.

162. Joyce 2010, 111.

163. Joyce 2010, 116, 142.

164. Joyce 2010, 147–8.

165. Mainly based on D’Altroy 2002 and 2015; Kolata 2013; cf. La Lone 1982 and 2000; Morris 2008. For earlier civilizations: Kolata 1993; Lau 2013.

166. D’Altroy 2015, 31; D’Altroy 2002, ch. 9.

167. Kolata 2013, 139–45.

168. D’Altroy 2002, ch. 9, esp. 207: ‘the general principle was to be generous with those who capitulated’. For alternatives in several pre-Inca warring polities, see Lau 2013, ch. 4.

169. Quoted by Kolata 2013, 101–2.

170. D’Altroy 2002 and 2015; Kolata 1993, 205–42 argues that the Andean Tiwanaku civilization (c. 500–1000 CE) shared many characteristics with the Inca in terms of the social organization of agricultural production.

171. D’Altroy 2002, chs 8–9; D’Altroy 2015, 49, 54; Morris 2008, 310–2; Gil Montero 2011; Kolata 2013, 92–6, 110.

172. Earle & Smith 2012, 277–8.

173. Morris 2008, 309–10; D’Altroy 2002, ch. 7; Kolata 2013, ch. 5.

174. D’Altroy 2002, 176, cf. also 286.

175. Classical period 250–800/1000 CE, capital at Tikal; later capitals at Chichén Itzá c. 800/850–1100/1200 and Mayapán c. 1100/1200–1441.

176. Demarest 2004; M.E. Smith 2012a, 14–15; Canuto et al. 2018.

177. Andrews 1993, 54; Canuto et al. 2018. Demarest 2004 is very reluctant to draw such conclusions.

178. Fletcher 2012; Pyburn 2008 (heavily inspired by Netting 1993 and Stone, Netting & Stone 1990).

179. Andrews 1993, 49–52.

180. Andrews 1993, 48–9; Canuto et al. 2018 estimate the total population of the Central Maya Lowland around 700/800 CE at some 10 million, i.e. some 100 per km²; cf. Demarest 2004.

181. Andrews 1993, 59 (quoting W. L. Rathje).

182. M.E. Smith 2012b and 2015; for continuities with earlier periods see Hirth 2008.

183. See M.E. Smith 2012b, 69; see Earle & Smith 2012.

184. M.E. Smith 2012b, 77.

185. Earle & Smith 2012, 240–1, contrasting the territorial Inca state with staple finance strategies of state funding and little commercialization and the hegemonic Aztec state with wealth finance strategies and strong commercialization; cf. Kolata 2013 for a different use of hegemony.

186. Sinopoli 2001, 456; Joyce 2010, 50 remarks that this ‘enhanced the demand for and value of female labour and put women at the forefront of resistance to requests for increased tribute’; Beckert 2015, 15.

187. M.E. Smith 2012b, 81.

188. M.E. Smith 2012b, 94–107 (all luxury craftsmen and a number of utilitarian craftsmen – some of them organized in a kind of guild – lived in the cities).

189. Earle & Smith 2012, 264.

190. M.E. Smith 2012b, 111, 116–19, 125, 170; Giraldez 2012, 152.

191. Giraldez 2012, 154.

192. M.E. Smith 2012b, 126.

193. M.E. Smith 2012b, 134 for quotations.

194. M.E. Smith 2012b, 52, 61, 130–4, 142–3, 154, 161–3, 321; M.E. Smith 2015, 73, 102–4.

195. Kessler 2012; see Chapter 5.

196. Giraldez, 2012, 154 and in personal communication, however, questions why, in 1518, porters and other native labourers would have asked for wages to be paid out by the Spaniards in cacao beans unless they had previous knowledge of this practice.

197. M.E. Smith 2012b, 134, 136, 145–6.

198. M.E. Smith 2012b, 112, 116, 125, 141–2, 161, 212, 214, 225; D’Altroy 2002, 172 (many more victims than during Inca human sacrifices, whose victims were mainly Inca youngsters); Berdan 2014,190–1.

199. M.E. Smith 2012b, 154, 161, 210, 222–5; cf. Joyce 2010, 50, 62.

200. Wade 2017.

201. Guanglin 2015.

202. Slicher van Bath 1963a, 1963b and 1963c; Arnoux 2012.

203. Bloch 1967, 176–82, quotation 182; Arnoux 2012. He also stresses the redistributive effects of the tithes, enabling not only an income for the clergy but also the survival of the village poor and disabled; Beck, Bernardi & Feller 2014.

204. Scammell 1981, 40–7.

205. Kuroda 2020, ch. 6.

206. Hoffmann 2001.

207. Lis & Soly 1979, 1–8, 14–16; cf. Arnoux 2012.

208. Buringh 2011, 74, 290–1, confirmed by increased book production, which, of course, now also occurred commercially, beyond the monasteries; Idem 348–58, 427–40.

209. Guha 2001; Lardinois 2002; Krishnan 2014.

210. Chandra 2014; Grewal 2014; Hussain 2003.

211. Moosvi 2011.

212. Kolff 1990, 10, 18–19 (quotation on p. 18), 58. A Jolaha, or weaver, was considered the lowest caste, while Shekh stood for scholarship and religious functions in the community. For unfree labour: Levi 2002; Hussain 2014, 114–16.

213. J. Lucassen 2014b, 30 (after Deyell 1990); cf. Kulke & Rothermund 1990, 168–81; Subrahmanyam 1994; Habib 1994 (quotation about women on p. 103); J.F. Richards 1994.

214. Hussain 2003, esp. ch. 8; cf. Wicks 1992, ch. 3; Beckert 2015 for cotton.

215. Hussain 2003, 260.

216. Wicks 1992, 104; B. Yang 2019 for cowrie currency.

217. K. Hall 1994; Thapar 2002, ch. 11, for wage work, esp. p. 378; Ramaswamy 2004, 2011.

218. Sinopoli & Morrison 1995; Sinopoli 2001; K.D. Morrison & Sinopoli 2006; cf. Appadurai 1974.

219. Sinopoli & Morrison 1995, 91.

220. Sinopoli & Morrison 1995; Kulke & Rothermund 1990, 193–6 agree with Burton Stein’s critique of the characterization of Vijayanagar as an example of ‘military feudalism’.

221. Chandra 2014; K. Davids & Lucassen 1995; Shatzmiller 1994, 55–68; Van Bavel 2016.

222. For attempts to measure and compare these levels, see De Matos & Lucassen 2019; De Zwart & Lucassen 2020.

223. Van Zanden 2008; Van der Spek, Van Leeuwen & Van Zanden 2015.

224. Lis & Soly 1979, ch. 2; Cohn 2007; Van Nederveen Meerkerk 2008; Riello & Roy 2009; Beckert 2015; Van Bavel 2016.

225. Lis & Soly 1994; Harvey 1975, 38–9.

226. Prak & Wallis 2020.

227. Prak 2013; cf. K. Davids 2013b; Harvey 1975; Erlande-Brandenburg 1995, 80–85; Ramaswamy 2004.

228. Harvey 1975, 8–18 (quotation on pp. 8 and 9); Victor 2019.

229. Harvey 1975, ch. 3 (quotation on p. 48); Victor 2019.

230. Zürcher 2013.

231. Scammell 1981, 132; Ágoston 2005; J. Lucassen 2012a and b.

232. Harvey 1975, 71; Erlande-Brandenburg 1995.

233. Van Zanden 2008, 337, 351.

234. Van Zanden 2008, 337, 349.

235. Van Zanden, De Moor & Carmichael 2019; however, Segalen 1983 suggests that Western Europe was less deviant from e.g. India.

236. Van Zanden, De Moor & Carmichael 2019, 24, 27, 39, 42, 46, 53, 56, 233–43.

237. Van Zanden 2008 (quotation on p. 348); Van Zanden, De Moor & Carmichael 2019.

238. Buringh 2011; for a later period, see M. Spufford 1995.

239. Jackson 1989, esp. 627–8; cf. K. Davids 1994.

240. Blockmans 1980, 845–6; cf. Beck, Bernardi & Feller 2014.

241. Lis & Soly 1979, 48–52; Harvey 1975, 39–40; Cohn 2007; Humphries & Weisdorf 2019. This is also one of the earliest examples for Europe that states and not cities (to whom the economic and labour policy had been left until then) became involved with this issue. Cf. Brady 1991, 137; Prak 2018.

242. Cohn 2007; Dumolyn 2017.

243. Slicher van Bath 1963a, 189–94; Lis & Soly 1979, 52 also mention the Languedoc, the Rhineland, Spain, Bohemia and Scandinavia.

244. Slicher van Bath 1963a, 192; cf. Arnoux 2012, chs 6–7.

245. See also 5b and also 6c and 7b; for Qin China: Pines et al. 2014; cf. for earlier periods: Verboven 2011; Subbarayalu 2015.

246. J. Lucassen, De Moor & Van Zanden 2008.

247. Harvey 1975, 24; Lis, Lucassen & Soly 1994.

248. Sonenscher 1989; Lis & Soly 1994; Knotter 2018, ch. 1.

249. Hussain 2003, 264–5; Mazumdar 1969.

250. We might add the matrilineal smaller polities in tropical Africa (increasingly patrilineal and unequal after 500/1000 CE, see also p. 71; the Sahel also changed under the influence of trans-Saharan contacts from c. 1000, see Ehret 2016 and Green 2019); and maybe at a local rural level the Indian jajmani system.

CHAPTER 5 GLOBALIZATION OF LABOUR RELATIONS, 1500–1800

1. Abu-Lughod 1989; Vogel 2013; Deng 2011; Van Dyke 2005; Kirch 2010; Roullier et al. 2013; De Zwart & Van Zanden 2018; Manning 2020.

2. Kuroda 2020.

3. De Vries 1994, 2008, 2013. For a recent, though not very impressive, critique: Safley 2019.

4. K. Davids & Lucassen 1995; Van Bavel 2016.

5. Sugihara 2013. In my opinion, De Vries 2013, 80 overstates the differences between Western Europe and Asia.

6. Sugihara 2013, 20–1.

7. Sugihara 2013, 59.

8. Sugihara 2013, 25. So, there was only space for reclamation, see L. Lucassen, Saito & Shimada 2014, 372–4: In 1600–1750 the total acreage of arable land increased by 40 per cent, most of it before 1690, by converting riverbeds, bays, coastland and marshes into paddy fields, where the Champa variety of rice (imported from China, despite it being unpalatable for most Japanese) could withstand waterlogged conditions very well.

9. Sugihara 2013, 27, 202; Matsuura 2016.

10. Sugihara 2013, 26 (NB. 1 tan ~ ¼ acre); cf. Beckert 2015.

11. Nagata 2005, 6.

12. L. Lucassen, Saito & Shimada 2014, 385–7.

13. Nagata 2005. For the Ie: Fauve-Chamoux & Ochiai 1998.

14. Nagata 2005, 141.

15. Izawa 2013, 19; cf. also Shimada 2006, 45–56, 94–101, 143–9, Nagase-Reimer 2013 and various contributions to N. Kim & Nagase-Reimer 2013 and Nagase-Reimer 2016. NB. There appears to be a problem with these numbers of workers. Imai 2016,12–14, writes that the Besshi mine in 1713 (which then accounted for ¼ of the national production) had no more than 2,825 workers (incl. 600 charcoal makers), although she adds (p. 13, fn. 2) that for two locations we do not know how many people worked there.

16. Mathias 2013, 303.

17. Kuroda 2020, 34.

18. Pomeranz 2013; cf. Kuroda 2020. Cf. Huang 1990.

19. Li Bozhong 2003, 142–7.

20. Li Bozhong 2003, 173.

21. Kuroda 2020, 32–4.

22. Von Glahn 2003; Li Bozhong 2003; Deng 2011 and 2015; Guanglin 2015.

23. Huang 1990, chs 3 and 8.

24. Moll-Murata 2018, chs 7–8; Moll-Murata 2008a, ch. 3.3; K. Davids 2013a, ch. 2; Van Zanden 2013.

25. Moll-Murata 2018, 250–3; K. Davids 2013a, 70–1; Van Zanden 2013 disagrees with this.

26. This is a much larger share of the population than the top of the intellectual pyramid, consisting of the literati, who were the product of a meritocratic exam system that was, in principle, open to everyone wanting to obtain a job and, with the help of diplomas, subsequently forge a career in the civil service (Moll-Murata 2018, 256–9).

27. K. Davids 2013a, 120; for nuances, see also K. Davids 2013b.

28. K. Davids, 2013a, 138–42.

29. Moll-Murata 2018, 222–4, 277–8.

30. Shiuh-Feng 2016.

31. This can be seen from a combination of tables in Shiuh-Feng 2016, 115–17 and Lin 2015, 163–4, 169–70.

32. Vogel 2013, ch. 3.

33. Y. Yang 2013.

34. Shiuh-Feng 2016, 89–94; cf. Kuroda 2020.

35. Cf. Giersch 2001 for a nuanced picture of the encounters between Han Chinese and others.

36. Dieball & Rosner 2013; Lan 2013; Shiuh-Feng 2016. A small part of this copper went to mint houses in Yunnan itself.

37. That is low when compared to sailing ships at sea, see J. Lucassen & Unger 2011.

38. N. Kim 2013, 182.

39. Wang et al. 2005 and Moll-Murata, Jianze & Vogel 2005, esp. Vogel 2005.

40. Wang et al. 2005, 5.

41. Vogel 2005; Burger 2005; Lin 2015; Jin & Vogel 2015.

42. Moll-Murata 2008b, 2013; Pomeranz 2013.

43. Pomeranz 2013, 118–19; Moll-Murata 2018, 271–2. According to Birge 2003, 240, the position of women deteriorated from the Yuan dynasty: ‘From Ming times on, daughters rarely received land as part of their dowry . . . and widow chastity became the litmus test of family and community virtue’.

44. Pomeranz 2013, 119.

45. They therefore resemble most larger and large traders, who, often based on family connections, organized themselves in various cities outside of the guilds and maintained mutual contacts, see Gelderblom 2013.

46. Moll-Murata 2013, 257.

47. Y. Yang 2013, 99ff.

48. Vogel 2005.

49. Vogel 2005, 411.

50. Moll-Murata 2015, 276.

51. Vanina 2004; Moosvi 2011; Mukherjee 2013; Beckert 2015; For wages, De Zwart & Lucassen 2020; De Matos & Lucassen 2019.

52. Parthasarathi 2001 and 2011; Riello & Roy 2009; I. Ray 2011; also Sukumar Bhattacharya 1969, 172ff.

53. Mukherjee 2013, ch. 3; Pearson 1994, 51ff.; for China: K. Davids 2013a, 125ff.

54. R. Datta 2000; For the late 18th and 19th centuries: Van Schendel 1992, 3–8; Buchanan 1986a and 1986b; Amin 2005, 211–19, 289–346, 332–6.

55. On saltpetre, see Jacobs 2000, 96–100; Buchanan 1986a, 549–55; Colebrooke 1884, 110–15; Sukumar Bhattacharya 1969, 141–5; For indigo: Van Santen 2001; Van Schendel 2012.

56. Roy 2013, 113: Only impoverished farmers or land workers from far away were hired out as factory labourers. They probably had enough time spare. In any case, as late as the 1940s, the average working year for males in India was only 182 days; cf. Pomeranz 2000, 212–15, 146–8.

57. Caland 1929, 74. Cf. Van Santen 2001. Mobility across caste lines was nevertheless possible, as stressed by authors from Colebrooke 1884, 104–7 to Vanina 2004, ch. 4 (esp. 125) and Parthasarathi 2011, 59–60. My strong impression is that these are exceptions that will confirm the rule and the norm of occupational endogamy.

58. I am grateful to Ed van der Vlist for this translation from Old Dutch.

59. R.K. Gupta 1984, 150–60; Sukumar Bhattacharya 1969, 173–84. For the cotton workers of South India: Parthasarathi 2001 and 2011.

60. Cf. R. Datta 2000, 185–213 and 294–304.

61. For South India, Parthasarathi 2001, 13 suggests that it was still possible that cotton weavers with small families hired labourers (‘coolies’) to prepare the yarn bought at the market with part of their advance. Cf. Wendt 2009.

62. R.K. Gupta 1984, 212, fn. 50. Cf. Parthasarathi 2001, 11–14, 29–32, 119–20; Subramanian 2009; and Ramaswamy 2014.

63. R. Datta 2000; cf. Parthasarathi 2011; Beckert 2015.

64. Wendt 2009, 211 (quotation), 212. For an even stronger distribution of activities among castes in western India, see Subramanian 2009, 257–60.

65. Amin 2005, 360: Fable XI, first published in Hindi in 1873. Note the similarities with the seventeenth-century poem ‘The wife of the Gujar or Cowherd’ (Raghavan 2017, 98). A French version is at least as old as 1240 (Arnoux 2012, 286–7: he points to the Sanskrit Panchatantra as the probable original). For women see also Moosvi 2011.

66. Das Gupta 1998. Although her empirical evidence does not apply to the current period and variations in family structure existed within India (Parthasarathi 2011, 73–5), I still assume that I can use her observations here.

67. Das Gupta 1998, 446–7.

68. Das Gupta 1998, 451–3.

69. Das Gupta 1998, all quotations from 450–9.

70. Denault 2009.

71. Roy 2013.

72. Van Rossum 2014; for the groupwise closed migration of weavers, see Ramaswamy 2014.

73. J. Lucassen 2012a and 2012b; for firm and factory size, see Pollard 1965 and Huberman 1996.

74. Bellenoit 2017; cf. Sugihara 2013, 29–30: ‘It is also possible that the East Asian core regions might have valued mass literacy more than the South Asian counterpart.’ Cf. Studer 2015, 33.

75. Van Zanden 2013, 326–8, 339–40. NB. The peak of manuscript production in the Arabic world was in the period 800–1200, so also much earlier; see also Buringh 2011.

76. Slicher van Bath 1963b and 1963c; Muldrew 2011 for England.

77. Bieleman 1992; cf. De Vries 1974; J. Lucassen 1987.

78. De Vries 1974, 136–7.

79. Muldrew 2011, 19.

80. J. Lucassen 1987. For a recent overview of seasonal migrations since 1500: Lucassen & Lucassen 2014.

81. J. Lucassen 1987, 117 (original December–January 1812/1813); cf. Lambrecht 2019.

82. J. Lucassen 1987, 118.

83. Kessler & Lucassen 2013.

84. J. Lucassen 1987, 96.

85. Ebeling & Mager 1997.

86. De Vries 1994, 2008, 2013. For a good discussion of this concept: Muldrew 2011, 14–17.

87. Ogilvie & Cerman 1996; Ebeling & Mager 1997; Beckert 2015.

88. Fontana, Panciera & Riello 2010, 277–85; cf. Belfanti 1996.

89. Van Nederveen Meerkerk 2007; see also Van Nederveen Meerkerk 2006, 2008 and 2010.

90. Van Nederveen Meerkerk 2007, 289–90.

91. Vandenbroeke 1996, 104–5.

92. M. Spufford 1984, 110–34 and 2000; cf. Muldrew 2011, esp. ch. 4; Thomas 2009, ch. 4; Humphries & Weisdorf 2019 show the income effects for England.

93. Holderness 1976, 86–92; Hudson 1996.

94. Based on Lancy 2015, 17 (more childcare); De Moor & Van Zanden 2006, ch. 5. and Van Zanden, De Moor & Carmichael 2019; for household strategy within and outside of patriarchal households, see Cashmere 1996; Bourke 1994.

95. Holderness 1976, 86–92; Hudson 1996; M. Spufford 1984 and 2000.

96. Snell 1985, ch. 6; cf. Van Nederveen Meerkerk 2007; Lis & Soly 1997.

97. Quotations from Hudson 1996, 64 and 65. King 1997 (a study about the West Riding of Yorkshire) points out that the families were very close and continued to be during this process. Women married young, on average at the age of 22, while their husbands were at most one or two years older. Parents were therefore still alive in most cases and assisted when necessary (mothers weaned their children early, which indicates that productive work took priority). In sum, he outlines a close-knit proto-industrial village community.

98. Snell 1985 83–4; cf. Muldrew 2011, 18–28; J. Lucassen 1987, 264–7.

99. For guilds outside Europe see Prak 2018, ch. 11.

100. Prak 2018; Prak & Wallis 2020.

101. K. Davids & Lucassen 1995, Introduction; Lucassen & Lucassen 2010, 19–32; cf. De Vries 1984; Prak 2018.

102. Lucassen & Lucassen 2010, 32. Here, I ignore the push factors, such as the frequent misery of war that mainly occurred in the countryside.

103. Prak 2008; Bok 1994; De Vries & Van der Woude 1997, 342–3.

104. Reininghaus 2000; Van der Linden & Price 2000; Prak, Lis, Lucassen & Soly 2006; J. Lucassen, De Moor & Van Zanden 2008; Epstein & Prak 2008; Teulings 2019; Prak & Wallis 2020.

105. Epstein & Prak 2008; K. Davids 2013b.

106. Mokyr 2015.

107. Prak & Wallis 2020; cf. K. Davids 2013a, 138: ‘After catching up with China in the circulation of technical information in script and print, Europe went through a set of further changes that were unmatched in the Ming or Qing Empires.’

108. Sheilagh Ogilvie (2007) has an especially keen eye for the negative sides of the guilds; cf. Sarasúa 1997. Most recently this has been critically discussed in Prak & Wallis 2020.

109. Schmidt 2009; Van Nederveen Meerkerk 2006 and 2010.

110. Knotter 2018, ch. 1.

111. Dobson 1980; Barret & Gurgand 1980; Truant 1994; Reith 2008.

112. De Moor, Lucassen & Van Zanden 2008; Prak 2018, ch. 11.

113. J. Lucassen 1995, 382–3; cf. Carlson 1994, 94–5.

114. Boter 2016.

115. Hay & Craven 2004; Pesante 2009; Deakin & Wilkinson 2005.

116. Steinfeld 1991; Humphries & Weisdorf 2019; for forms of unfreedom in Scotland: Whatley 1995a and 1995b.

117. Steinfeld 1991, 98; cf. Pesante 2009, G.R. Rubin 2000.

118. J. Lucassen 1995, 398.

119. Hay & Craven 2004, 116. For the inferior position of farm servants in Germany before 1918: Biernacki 1995, 309.

120. Lucassen & Lucassen 2010. Unfortunately, no estimates are available for South and South East Asia.

121. Lucassen & Lucassen 2014, Introduction, 44–5.

122. Furthermore, in order to encourage speed, supplies were abolished, see Rieksen 2020; Zürcher 2013.

123. J. Lucassen & Unger 2011.

124. Van Lottum, Lucassen & Heerma van Voss 2011; Van Rossum 2014.

125. Van Lottum, Lucassen & Heerma van Voss 2011, 332–3.

126. Van Rossum 2014, 79–80, 95–7.

127. Van Rossum 2014, 80–8.

128. Van Rossum 2014, 281–7.

129. Rediker 1987, 2014; Van Rossum 2014; Jaffer 2015.

130. Thomas 1999, 256–7 (translated from Middle English by Brian Stone).

131. Cross 2001, 502; Humphries & Weisdorf 2019; for attempts to control labour time already in the medieval textile industries, see Stabel 2014; for other sectors: Victor 2019, 134, 145; Versieren & De Munck 2019, 80–1.

132. Cross 2001, 502.

133. De Vries & Van der Woude 1997, 615–17; Noordegraaf 1985, 58–9.

134. Prak 2018; Teulings 2019.

135. Muldrew 2011; on stimulants in early modern Europe, see also Roessingh 1976, 73–98.

136. C.A. Davids 1980; Rieksen 2020.

137. Sarasúa 1997.

138. Barret & Gurgand 1980, 196; cf. Amelang 2009.

139. More 1995, 243.

140. Looijesteijn 2009 and 2011.

141. Thompson 1968, 24–6; Skipp 1978, 105–7; Thomas 1999, 535.

142. Thomas 1999, 145–6.

143. The impetus was given by Pomeranz 2000; Parthasarathi 2011; Vries 2013. For a discussion about that book, see TSEG 12 (2015); Studer 2015; more recently, see many authors (including Pomeranz himself) in Roy & Riello 2019.

144. Of course, these are not the only factors. Much of the debate concerns, e.g. the availability of coal. For a reasonably complete overview, see Goldstone 2015, 19 in his review of Vries 2013. One of the factors in his list is labour, described as ‘abundance/scarcity, intensity/industriousness, wages, and quality or human capital’. For an interesting comparative discussion of the human capital factor, see Prak 2018.

145. Including otherwise excellent studies like Humphries & Weisdorf 2019, 2883; Prak & Wallis 2020, 309, 315. Prak 2018 is much more cautious.

146. Goldstone 2015; Beckert 2015.

147. O’Brien & Deng 2015.

148. De Zwart & Lucassen 2020.

149. R. Datta 2000, chs 5–6. Mukherjee 2013 provides a more favourable picture of the grain trade.

150. Verlinden 1991; Walvin 2006; H. Barker 2019; Rio 2020.

151. Phillips 1991; Hofmeester & Lucassen 2020.

152. Verlinden 1955, 1977, 1991; Phillips 1991; Walvin 2006; Eltis & Richardson 2010; Ehret 2016; Green 2019.

153. H. Barker 2019; cf. Verlinden 1991, 71; Scammell 1981, 106–8; Green 2019; see B. Yang 2019 for the simultaneous exports of Maldivian cowries via the Mediterranean to sub-Saharan Africa.

154. Blumenthal 2009; for black as a racial category see also H. Barker 2019.

155. Berthe 1991; McCreery 2000; cf. Semo 1993; M.E. Smith 2012a.

156. McCreery 2000, 94.

157. M.E. Smith 2012a; cf. Allen, Murphy & Schneider 2012.

158. McCreery 2000, 22–6; cf. Berthe 1991.

159. M.E. Smith 2012a, 291–2.

160. The term repartimiento forzoso is from Berthe 1991, 104.

161. McCreery 2000, 39.

162. McCreery 2000, 49.

163. Barragán Romano 2016, 2018; cf. Cole 1985; McCreery 2000, 31–3, 41–3; Mangan 2005; Gil Montero 2011.

164. Cole 1985, 1; according to Barragán Romano 2016 and 2018, mita in Quechua and Aymara means to work by turns.

165. Gil Montero 2011, 309.

166. Cole 1985, 24; cf. Mangan 2005, 26–7.

167. Barragán Romano 2018.

168. Here, I combine the arguments of Gil Montero 2011 and Barragán Romano 2018.

169. Mangan 2005.

170. E.g. among the Timucua in what is now northern Florida and southern Georgia, see Milanich 1996, 134–6, 173–6.

171. Milanich 1996, 190–5.

172. Milanich 1996, 137, 160–6; Hemming 1984.

173. Saeger 2000; cf. Hemming 1984, 538.

174. Saeger 2000, 138–40.

175. Saeger 2000, 65–76.

176. The following based on Hemming 1984; cf. Kars 2020 for the Guyanas.

177. Hemming 1984, 506.

178. Hemming 1984, 517.

179. Allen, Murphy & Schneider 2012, 887. To this were added the plagues of debt peonage (peonaje) and the truck system (the obligation to buy goods from the shop of the employer or one of his relatives), but especially after the colonial period, see McCreery 2000, 64–5; Semo 1993, 156–7.

180. McCreery 2000, 63, 65–7; Semo 1993, 88–9.

181. McCreery 2000, 56–60; Hemming 1984, 536–9.

182. McCreery 2000, ch. 3.

183. Berthe 1991; cf. H. Klein 1986.

184. McCreery 2000, 25–7.

185. Muaze 2016 for domestic slavery in Brazil. African slaves also became important in Peru as a consequence of the increased wealth after Potosí. They were shipped via Cartagena (now Colombia) and Portobelo (now Panama), transported across the Isthmus, and then shipped to Callao, the entry port of Lima, see H. Klein 1986, 28–35; cf. Green 2019.

186. Moya Pons 2007, 16, 22–5, 57–63, 71–2; McCreery 2000, 48–54; cf. Bosma 2019.

187. McCreery 2000, 53.

188. Moya Pons 2007, 39–47, 57–63; Emmer 2000; Ribeiro da Silva 2012; Meuwese 2012.

189. Moya Pons 2007, 50–74, 86–94.

190. Galenson 1981 and 1989.

191. Tomlins 2004, 120; Bailyn 1988.

192. Tomlins 2004, 122.

193. Moya Pons 2007, 68; cf. Galenson 1986.

194. Moya Pons 2007, 67; H. Klein 1999, 32–46; Galenson 1989.

195. Austin 2013, 203 (quotation); higher density estimates in Green 2019; Ehret 2016. For the use of metal tools in Africa, see also E.W. Herbert 1984, 1993; Schmidt 1997.

196. Thomaz 2014; Ehret 2016.

197. Austin 2013, 203.

198. E.W. Herbert 1984; Austin 2013; Thomaz 2014; Ehret 2016; Green 2019. For seasonality in Africa: Hurston 2018.

199. Manning 1990; H. Klein 1999; Lovejoy 2000, 2005 and 2011; Walvin 2006; Eltis & Richardson 2010; Toledano 2011; Green 2019.

200. For slavery in classical antiquity, when black Africans were not preferred over other slaves, see pp. 134–42. The demand for slaves, also from Africa, increased substantially during the Abbasid Caliphate in Iraq (Van Bavel 2016, 68–71; Gordon 2011).

201. Lovejoy 2011, 43.

202. Lovejoy 2005, 19–33; Green 2019.

203. E.W. Herbert 1984, 113–23; Hogendorn & Johnson 1986; Beckert 2015; Green 2019; B. Yang 2019; Kuroda 2020.

204. Eltis & Richardson 2010, 23. These figures are still changing a bit due to new research. See Candido 2013; Paesie 2010; Van Rossum & Fatah-Black 2012.

205. Paesie 2016; for Asia cf. Van Rossum 2015b, 19–20, 36.

206. Eltis & Richardson 2010, 5; Lovejoy 2005, 15; cf. Toledano 2011.

207. Manning 1990, 171.

208. Green 2019; cf. D.M. Lewis 2018, 271.

209. Eltis & Richardson 2010, 136–53; see also Candido 2013, also for Lusophone and Luso-African involvement in taking captives.

210. Hurston 2018. I used the excellent Dutch–English edition 2019, 94–8, 108.

211. Eltis & Richardson 2010, 159–66. For the prices, see H. Klein 1999, 110.

212. Manning 1990.

213. Van Bavel 2016, 68–70. Cf. Gordon 2011.

214. Manning 1990, 170–1; H. Klein 1999, 126–7.

215. Manning 1990, 97–8, 113–23, 130–3; Lovejoy 2005, 3, 81–152, 355–84.

216. Cf. Candido 2013, 171–5.

217. Lovejoy 2000, 109.

218. Lovejoy 2005, 17–19.

219. Thomaz 2014, 77–80, 84–7.

220. Lovejoy 2005, including a discussion of murgu (the payment made by slaves to their masters for the right to do wage work on their own account) and wuri (a proportional payment to their masters for the right to trade on the basis of one tenth of a day’s earnings): see 206–26.

221. Quoted in E.W. Herbert 1993, 222–3.

222. Green 2019.

223. Vink 2003; Van Rossum 2014, 2015a, 2015b, 2021a, 2021b; Mbeki & Van Rossum 2016; Brandon, Frykman & Røge 2019; Van Rossum et al. 2020; Van Rossum & Tosun 2021.

224. Singha 1998, 154–8; Chatterjee 1999, esp. ch. 1; Chatterjee & Eaton 2006; Levi 2002, 278–9; G. Campbell 2011 and 2012; Clarence-Smith 2015; G. Campbell & Stanziani 2015; Van Rossum et al. 2020; Van Rossum 2021b.

225. Saradamoni 1973; Reid 1998, 129–36; Reid 1999, 181–216; Vink 2003, 149–51, 156–7.

226. Kolff 1990, 10–15; Levi 2002; Stanziani 2014; G. Campbell 2011, 54–61. Peaks occurred in 200 BCE–200 CE, 800–1300 and 1780–1910, and he estimates that, over 2,000 years, total numbers (including 1.5 million from Eastern Africa in the 19th century) far exceeded the 12 million involved in the transatlantic slave trade. We must add to this the probably even more important overland trade in ‘Hindu India and the Confucian Far East’; see the 8–9 million slaves counted in India for 1841.

227. Levi 2002, 281.

228. Levi 2002, 280; Kolff 1990, 11.

229. Levi 2002, 287.

230. Stanziani 2014, 88; cf. Toledano 2011; H. Barker 2019.

231. Kolchin 1987; Dennison 2011; Stanziani 2014.

232. Stanziani 2014, 61–72.

233. Stanziani 2014, 85.

234. Slicher van Bath 1963a, 280–2, 330; Kolchin 1987, 152; Dennison 2011, 35–6. The same applied to crops such as peas, hemp and linseed.

235. Gentes 2008, 26.

236. Stanziani 2014, 55–6.

237. Kolchin 1987, 69, 151.

238. Kolchin 1987, 27, 39; Stanziani 2014, 120–1. NB. Clerical property was secularized in Russia in 1764 and in the Ukraine in 1785.

239. Kolchin 1987, 57, 62, 73 (quotation).

240. Kolchin 1987, 217.

241. Kolchin 1987, 73–5, 108, 212–17; Dennison 2011, 62–7, 87–92.

242. Kolchin 1987, 200–7; Dennison 2011, 93–131; Budd 2011, 22 for religious implications.

243. Kolchin 1987, esp. chs 5 and 6; Dennison 2011, 42–3.

244. Kolchin 1987, 249–50. The ‘old cross’ refers to the dissenting movement of Old Believers.

245. Kolchin 1987, 334–43.

246. Kolchin 1987, 74 (quotation), 108, 224.

247. Dennison 2011, 230.

248. Dennison 2011, 149–80.

249. Dennison 2011, 132–48; some better-off serfs could even buy serfs, of course – as with land and property – only with the permission of the lord. As a rule, this practice was aimed at finding a substitute military conscript for the army (Dennison 2011, 169–71).

250. Kolchin 1987, 335–40; Gorshkov 2000; Moon 2002; Dennison 2011, 166, 171–8.

251. Stanziani 2014, 56; Kolchin 1987, 28–30, 279. In Siberia, in 1678, there were no privately held serfs, and in 1719 only 3.4 per cent of its population were privately held, the others being state serfs, see Kivelson 2007.

252. Kivelson 2007; Boeck 2007; Znamenski 2007; Gentes 2008.

253. Kivelson 2007, 35.

254. Gentes 2008, 101–3; cf. Whatley 1995a and 1995b for the status of Scottish miners.

255. Gentes 2008, 48–57.

256. Gentes 2008, 50.

257. Gentes 2008, 57.

258. Boeck 2007; Kessler 2014; Sunderland 2014.

259. Zürcher 2013; Kolchin 1987, 282–3.

260. Dennison & Ogilvie 2007.

CHAPTER 6 CONVERGING LABOUR RELATIONS, 1800 TO NOW

1. No other topic has been debated more extensively in economic and social history, e.g. Pollard 1965; Lazonick 1990; Huberman 1996; Voth 2000; Rider & Thompson 2000; MacRaild & Martin 2000; Berg 2005; Allen 2009; Van Zanden 2009; Horn, Rosenband & Smith 2010; E. Griffin 2010; Stearns 2015; Greif, Kiesling & Nye 2015; Beckert 2015; Roy & Riello 2019.

2. Pomeranz 2000, 63–8; Deane 1969; Berg 2005; Broadberry, Fremdling & Solar 2010. The figure for spinning comes from Deane 1969, 87.

3. K. Davids & Lucassen 1995.

4. Mokyr 2002; K. Davids 2013a and 2013b; cf. Prak & Wallis 2020.

5. Meisenzahl 2015, 330.

6. Kessler & Lucassen 2013.

7. Magnusson 2009; Broadberry, Fremdling & Solar 2010; Beckert 2015; Wong 2016.

8. J. Lucassen 2021.

9. Berg 2005. Cf. Schloss 1898, 1902 (on Schloss: W. Brown & Trevor 2014); Pollard 1965; Jacoby 1985; Lazonick 1990; Huberman 1996.

10. Berg 2005, 204. NB. This text is not meant to be cynical.

11. Lazonick 1990; Huberman 1996.

12. Knotter 2018, 22–3; cf. Pollard 1965, 51ff; Jacoby 1985; Lazonick 1990; Huberman 1996.

13. Berg 2005, 198.

14. E. Griffin 2010, 160; Humphries & Weisdorf 2019.

15. Cf. Jones 2015, 404.

16. Meissner, Philpott & Philpott 1975. We can distinguish work where talking and singing was impossible (not only in heavy industry, but also where concentrated cerebral work was required) from that where it was possible and that where talking is necessary (think of hairdressing or retail work).

17. Berg 2005, 192, 253–4, 282–3; cf. Kessler & Lucassen 2013, 285–6.

18. Geary 1981; J. Lucassen 2006c; Horn 2010; Beckert 2015.

19. Here, I closely follow Kessler & Lucassen 2013, 262–3. Cf. Pollard 1965; Shlomowitz 1979; Lourens & Lucassen 1999; J. Lucassen 2013 and 2021; Berg 2005; for subcontracting under conditions of limited freedom: Whatley 1995a and 1995b.

20. Lourens & Lucassen 2015, 2017; cf. Versieren & De Munck 2019.

21. Lourens & Lucassen 2015 and 2017, 23 (quoting On Work and Wages, 3rd edn, 1872).

22. Kessler & Lucassen 2013; cf. Pollard 1965, Lazonick 1990.

23. F.W. Taylor 1911, 72; cf. Kuromiya 1991. Taylor had been a gang boss himself, see Kanigel 2005, 147, 162–7 (quotation on 163).

24. Piketty 2019, ch. 6.

25. Kolchin 1987, 7, 37, 245–6; cf. for Africa: Lovejoy 2005, 207–26.

26. Van der Linden 2011a; Brass & Van der Linden 1997; cf. Hurston 2018, and the various chapters in these two volumes.

27. Verlinden 1977, 1020–46. For Portugal: Boxer 1969, 265–6 and Godinho 1992, 19–20; for the Portuguese Empire in western Africa: Kloosterboer 1960, 67–78; Green 2019.

28. Toledano 2011; Erdem 1996; Hofmeester & Lucassen 2020; cf. Nieboer 1910, 136–7.

29. On pre-European and European slave transports from and to Madagascar: Dewar & Richard 2012, 506–7. On the effects on the Americas: Heuman & Burnard 2011, chs 6–8; on Africa: Pallaver 2014; Green 2019.

30. Saradamoni 1974; Baak 1997; Singh 2014.

31. Beckert 2015; Piketty 2019, chs 6 and 15; Greenhouse 2019.

32. On the Dutch East Indies, see Baay 2015; Van Rossum 2015a, 2015b; Van Rossum & Tosun 2021. For the long train: Kloosterboer 1960; for Ethiopia: Fernyhough 2010.

33. Blum 1978; Kolchin 1987, esp. Epilogue; Burds 1991; and especially Dennison 2011, 231–3.

34. Espada Lima 2009.

35. Quoted in Van der Linden 2011b, 29.

36. Blackburn 1988 and 2011.

37. Kars 2020; cf. Dewulf 2018; see also the Palmares revolt (p. 275). It is important to realize that protests of slaves are lacking in regions where slavery was intimately connected with caste hierarchy, as in Kerala: Saradamoni 1974.

38. Blackburn 1988, 144. Later in the century, the Cuban labour movement played a similar role, see Casanovas 1997.

39. Blackburn 1988, 440–1.

40. Blackburn 1988, 443.

41. Blackburn 1988, 444.

42. Eckert 2011, 351; Seibert 2011.

43. For the following: Zimmermann 2011.

44. Zimmermann 2011, 470; cf. Zilfi 2010, esp. 220–6 for opposition from the ‘ulema’.

45. Van der Linden & Rodríguez García 2016. For Korea, see Miller 2007. For compulsory cultivation in the Dutch East Indies, see Breman 1989 and Van Rossum 2021a. Generally, military conscription as such is not considered an infringement of the principle of free labour, but it can become so under certain circumstances (especially if very lengthy, say over three years).

46. Piketty 2019, 290–1.

47. Zimmermann 2011, 481, 488; Bales 2005, 40–68 on international agreements against slavery.

48. Breuker & Van Gardingen 2018.

49. Bade 2000, 232–45, 287–92; Roth 1997; Westerhoff 2012.

50. U. Herbert 1990, ch. 4.

51. U. Herbert 1990; For Japan, see e.g. Palmer 2016; for the defeated Kuomintang soldiers in China: Cheng & Selden 1994, 648. According to Kay & Miles 1992, some post-war ‘European Volunteer Workers’ in Britain, e.g. those from the Baltic states, looked suspiciously like unfree labourers.

52. The following after Kössler 1997; Van der Linden 1997a; Piketty 2019, ch. 12.

53. Roth 1997.

54. Homburg 1987; Patel 2005.

55. Mason 1966; For similarities between Germany and Japan in WWII, see Boldorf & Okazaki 2015.

56. Cheng & Selden 1994; Shen 2014; J. Li 2016; Piketty 2019, ch. 12; cf. Netting 1993, 109ff., 232ff.

57. Cheng & Selden 1994, 660.

58. Cheng & Selden 1994. For the famine caused by the Great Leap Forward, see Dikötter 2010.

59. Frankopan 2019, 103–6.

60. On Korea: Breuker & Van Gardingen 2018.

61. Eltis 2011, 139; cf. Budd 2011, ch. 2; Van der Linden & Rodríguez García 2016; Kotiswaran 2017.

62. Kotiswaran 2017.

63. Kennan 1891, vol. I, 255; vol. II, 458.

64. Coldham 1992; Bailyn 1988; E. Richards 1996. For later vagrancy laws, see McCreery 1997.

65. Pierre 1991. Other colonial powers had similar penal colonies, like the Netherlands at Boven-Digoel (New Guinea) from 1926 to 1942.

66. Santiago-Valles 2016, 89–90; Piketty 2019, 581–2.

67. Pizzolato 2016. For the long-term negative effects of black slavery in the US: Angelo 1997; Krissman 1997; cf. Hurston 2018; and in Brazil (esp. debt bondage in Amazonas): Bales 1999 and 2005.

68. Molfenter 2016; Breman 1996; Olsen 1997; Baak 1997; Bales 1999; G. Campbell & Stanziani 2015.

69. Drèze & Sen 2013; Piketty 2019, 345–61.

70. Quotation in Van der Linden 2016, 321; Singh 2014.

71. For Ghana, see Akurang-Parry 2010; for NGOs continuing the tradition of the abolitionists, see Bales 2005.

72. Costello et al. 2015.

73. Cheng & Selden 1994, 652.

74. Ehmer 1996, 65.

75. Stone, Netting & Stone 1990; Netting 1993; Blum 1978; Vanhaute & Cottyn 2017.

76. Vanhaute & Cottyn 2017, 3; cf. Segalen 1983.

77. Netting 1993, 3.

78. Netting 1993, 34–41; cf. for France: Segalen 1983.

79. Netting 1993, 35.

80. Netting 1993, 31–2.

81. This may be less obvious than it seems, as cultural norms regularly prevent women from doing productive work, e.g. among the neighbouring Muslim Hausa (Stone, Netting & Stone 1990, 11).

82. Netting 1993, 73; Stone, Netting & Stone 1990.

83. Ulin 2002.

84. Netting (1993, 321) predicted: ‘But densely settled areas of traditionally intensive production, like the great irrigated areas of Asia, will remain smallholder bastions, and zones of increasing population pressure in Africa and Latin America may move gradually in the same direction.’; cf. Vanhaute 2021.

85. Barringer 2005. See also Crossick 1997b, 1–15.

86. He was also the man behind Hommel 1969 (orig. 1937) and an inspiration for Henry Ford’s Museum of American Innovation in Detroit, which, incidentally, also glorified the Industrial Revolution.

87. Cf. contributions to Crossick 1997a; Haupt 2002; De Moor, Lucassen & Van Zanden 2008.

88. Bourillon 1997, 229.

89. Booth 1904, 57–8.

90. Booth 1904, 113–14.

91. Booth 1904, 117–18.

92. Booth 1904, 119. For the sweating industry also Schloss 1898 (who was one of Booth’s collaborators); cf. W. Brown & Trevor 2014.

93. Piketty 2019, 591–5, 771–2, 789.

94. Hagen & Barrett 2007, based on research among the Shuar in Ecuador.

95. Sarasúa 1997.

96. These are the main variables presented in De Moor & Van Zanden (2006) to explain the historical differences in ‘girl power’. For other variables, see, among others, Brinton 2001.

97. Lancy 2015, 155; cf. Segalen 1983 for female farm work.

98. Berg 2005, ch. 7; E. Griffin 2010, ch. 5; for Japan, see Tsurumi 1990.

99. Berg 2005, 137; Sinha, Varma & Jha 2019; Sinha & Varma 2019.

100. Davies 1977, 1–8; cf. Segalen 1983 for France.

101. Boter 2017, 80–81.

102. E.g. MacRaild & Martin 2000, 26–7; Boter 2017; Van der Vleuten 2016.

103. De Moor & Van Zanden 2006, 45–7; Heald 2019.

104. Wulff 1987; Tonioli & Piva 1988.

105. Siegelbaum 1988, 217–223.

106. Daniel 1989, 42–4.

107. Lancy 2015; Segalen 1983, ch. 7 and Conclusion.

108. Boter 2017; cf. Brinton 2001; Van der Vleuten 2016.

109. Goldin 2006, 5; Heald 2019.

110. Goldin 2006, 3–8.

111. The oil states form an important exception, not because many of them are Islamic, but because of the large incomes of their citizens, see Ross 2008.

112. Hrdy 2009, 167. NB. This is not a new phenomenon: in England in 1574–1821, over a quarter of households were headed by a single person; widows accounted for 12.9 per cent of households (Berg 2005, 157). Cf. Hahn 2002.

113. Hrdy 2009, 171.

114. L.T. Chang 2009, 51–3. For a male counterpart, see Pun & Lu 2010. Also Chow & Xu 2001; S. Li & Sato 2006.

115. See the special edition of The Economist, 26 November 2011.

116. The Economist, 7 July 2018.

117. Atabaki 2013 (quotation on 168).

118. Vanhaute & Cottyn 2017, 3: 96 per cent of agriculturalists today are smallholders and 85 per cent of those in the Global South work less than 2 hectares.

119. Voth 2000.

120. J. Lucassen 2012b; Broughton 2005.

121. Jacoby 1985; Kanigel 2005; Wood & Wood 2003; Suzman 2020, ch. 13.

122. Wood & Wood 2003, 441, 629 (as expressed in 1910 by Louis Dembitz Brandeis and in 1911 by Edward Mott Woolley); cf. Lazonick 1990.

123. Kanigel 2005, 520–1.

124. Gilbreth 1911, quotations on resp. 83 and 92–3.

125. Gilbreth 1911, 62–3, 71–2.

126. Graham 1999; Englander 2003, 234–5; Heald 2019, ch. 9. For corporate welfare, in which employers saw themselves as ‘corporate fathers’, their welfare workers as ‘corporate mothers’, who took care of the employees as ‘corporate children’, see Mandell 2002.

127. Kanigel 2005, 486–550; Schneider 2003. For the influence of plantation slave management on these later developments, see Van der Linden 2010.

128. Kanigel 2005, 525; cf. Siegelbaum 1988, 1–2.

129. Gilbreth 1911; Jacoby 1985.

130. Kohli 2000, 378 (figures for 1980, 1985, 1990 and 1995); Lazonick 1990.

131. Zijdeman 2010; Netting 1993, esp. 76–7.

132. Biernacki 1995, 105–21, quotations at resp. 106 and 111 (cf. also 359: ‘the assumption that they took charge of a loom to manage it for a profit, as if they were petty commodity producers’); Budd 2011, 50–2.

133. Biernacki 1995, 367, 375–6.

134. J. Lucassen 2006d.

135. J. Lucassen 2007b, 77–9.

136. Biernacki 1995, 134–40.

137. Biernacki 1995, 425–31 (quotation on 426).

138. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 74; Van der Linden & Lucassen 2001; Budd 2011; For England see Pollard 1965. For a popular management application focusing on commitment: Amabile & Kramer 2011; for historically determined, cultural differences: Alam 1985.

139. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 74.

140. Turrell 1987, 149–63, quotation on 158. For a different view on the wage levels, see 170–1.

141. J. Lucassen 2001, 13–14; Tilly & Tilly 1998, 205.

142. J. Lucassen 2001, 13–14; Van der Linden 2008, 180–1, 185–6; Meyer 2019.

143. Ohler 2015.

144. De Waal 2009, 38–9, 211.

145. Gilbreth 1911, 48–9; cf. McNeill 1995 about the effect of dance and exercise as emotional means of communication.

146. Siegelbaum 1988; Benvenuti 1989; cf. G.R. Barker 1955.

147. Siegelbaum 1988, 71–2.

148. Siegelbaum 1988, 172.

149. Siegelbaum 1988, 182, 230–1.

150. Benvenuti 1989, 46.

151. Gilbreth 1911, 15–16; for an explanation of these two bricklaying methods, see 78.

152. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 217–27.

153. Wierling 1987.

154. Zürcher 2013. Think also of the closed compounds in Kimberley (Turrell 1987) and of the dormitories in the silk industry in Japan (Tsurumi 1990).

155. Siegelbaum 1988, 204–5; Brass & Van der Linden 1997, 354.

156. Lucassen & Lucassen 2014, pp. 31ff., in which cross-cultural migration rates (CCMRs: 14–16) are used to compare the different parts of Eurasia. This study does not provide similar data for the other continents; Manning 2020.

157. Kotiswaran 2017; Röschenthaler & Jedlowski 2017.

158. L.T. Chang 2009. Quotations from 9–10.

CHAPTER 7 THE CHANGING SIGNIFICANCE OF WORK, 1800 TO NOW

1. Lancy 2015; Van der Vleuten 2016; Heywood 2018.

2. Adam Smith 1812, 535. Cf. the comment by the editor J.R. McCulloch on 803–4 (notes 218–19) and Schumpeter 1972, 629–31. More generally, see Lis & Soly 2012.

3. Van Zanden et al. 2014.

4. Cited in Lancy 2015, 269. I have shortened the text slightly, but not essentially.

5. Cunningham 1995; Cunningham and Viazzo 1996; Cunningham 2000; Rahikainen 2004; Goose and Honeyman 2012; Heywood 2018.

6. Van der Vleuten 2016; B. van Leeuwen & Van Leeuwen-Li 2014.

7. Lancy 2015, 282, 384–93.

8. Huynh, D’Costa & Lee-Koo 2015.

9. Goose & Honeyman 2012, 18.

10. B. van Leeuwen & Van Leeuwen-Li 2014; for the impact of different types of colonization, see B. Gupta 2018.

11. Goose & Honeyman 2012, 4–5.

12. B. van Leeuwen & Van Leeuwen-Li 2014; Drèze & Sen 2013.

13. Pimlott 1976, 81, 145–6; cf. Bailey 1978; Suzman 2020.

14. Cross 1988 and 1989; Hennock 2007; Huberman & Minns 2007.

15. Karsten 1990 also offers a good past history; Heerma van Voss 1994.

16. As quoted in the editorial introduction to Lafargue 1969, 78.

17. Huberman & Minns 2007; cf. Ehmer 2009a; McBee 2019.

18. In the 19th century, Zulus in South Africa feared being outside at dark (Atkins 1993, 91–2).

19. Piketty 2019, 515–16.

20. Yamauchi et al. 2017; Suzman 2020, ch. 14 (also for other countries).

21. J. Lucassen 2000, 8–9.

22. Pearson 1994, 51–58. Numbers have been fluctuating in recent decades due to logistical problems, and the previous impressive increase seems not to have continued.

23. Pearson 1994, 37–8.

24. Pearson 1994, 134–5, 149–50.

25. If we assume, firstly, that the effect of the increase in pilgrims and of the shortening of the duration cancel each other out and, subsequently, that, around 1600, the average working life of a pilgrim was 35 years, then that meant an absence for him (or her) of 5 months or 125 working days. This equates to an average of four working days per year. For the total Muslim population that meant less than one day per year.

26. Antonopoulos & Hirway 2010.

27. Zijdeman & Ribeiro da Silva 2014.

28. Ehmer 2009a and 2009b; Hennock 2007, chs 10–11 and 191–192: in the German case, the Law of 1889 combined provisions for old age and invalidity, and the sums spent on invalidity greatly surpassed those spent on pensioners over 75 in good health.

29. Ehmer 2009a, 132.

30. M.H.D. van Leeuwen 2016, 220–1; Hu & Manning 2010.

31. Wylie 1884, 53–4.

32. Lafargue 1969, 123, 136. In the same pamphlet, he also condemned migratory cooperative subcontracting because such workers, whether Auvergnians in France, Scots in England, Galicians in Spain, Pomeranians in Germany or Chinese in Asia – ‘races for which work is an organic necessity’ – were stupid toilers ‘that love work for work’s sake’; cf. Arendt 1958, 87–90.

33. Quoted from the Dutch translation in J. Lucassen 2013, 32.

34. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 114.

35. Burnett 1994, quotations on 189 and 295–6; cf. the more abstract S. Li & Sato 2006; Ehlert 2016.

36. Although this theme is elaborated here for wage workers c. 1850, it is much broader, see e.g. most recently, Brandon, Frykman & Røge 2019. Cf. also Lis, Lucassen & Soly 1994; A. Bhattacharya 2017.

37. Hirschman 1970; Huberman & Minns 2007; Jacoby 1985; Lazonick 1990, chs 4–6; Huberman 1996 (also on a local level).

38. Rose 2012, 301; for the following also T. Wright 1867.

39. Lourens & Lucassen 2015 and 2017. See De Waal 2009 on solidarity, but also Rosenblatt 2006; for fair and equal remuneration and competition among primates, see De Waal 2009, 185–6, 195–7, 229ff.

40. J. Lucassen 2000, 43–55. On careers, see Mitch, Brown & Van Leeuwen 2004; on intermediation, see Wadauer, Buchner & Mejstrik 2015.

41. Scholliers 1996, 110–15.

42. Tilly & Tilly 1998; Wadauer, Buchner & Mejstrik 2015.

43. Truant 1994; Haupt 2002.

44. For labour arrangements for Indian IT-specialists abroad, infamously known as ‘body shopping’: B. Xiang 2007.

45. Ramaswami 2007, quotation on 208.

46. For examples from the maritime sphere, see Van Rossum 2014. Think also of the (lack of) agency of women in the framework of the #MeToo debate.

47. L.T. Chang 2009, 58–9. Cf. Chow & Xu 2001; S. Li & Sato 2006.

48. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 216–27. Think also of the excessive overwork in Japan as discussed earlier (p. 370).

49. Löbker 2018, 70; cf. De Gier 2016.

50. Bouwens et al. 2018 (quotation on 48); cf. Hennock 2007, 339–40. For conflicting views on Tata’s social policies since the 1870s, cf. the more traditional Laila 1981 with the more critical Mamkoottam 1982; S.B. Datta 1986; Bahl 1995.

51. With thanks to Dr Chris Teulings for his suggestion regarding the following passage. Cf. Milanovic 2019, 25; cf. Suzman 2020, 352–9.

52. Piketty 2019, 421–2, 533; Milanovic 2019.

53. Jacoby 1985, 32, 137.

54. For the following, see Lucassen & Lucassen 2014. Also J. Lucassen 2000, 26–40, 65–7; Manning 2013 and 2020.

55. Stanziani 2008 and 2009a; Dennison 2011. For freedmen in Brazil: Espada Lima 2009.

56. Of course, such forms may also be used by individuals (e.g. the abscondment of slaves), as well as by permanent organizations, in particular strikes, but also e.g. petitions. Atkins 1993 offers a nice combination of the different forms in nineteenth-century South Africa. Brandon, Frykman & Røge 2019 offers an excellent overview of all forms of action by free and unfree labourers and everybody in between.

57. Rediker 1987 and cf. the mariners pp. 238–40.

58. For violence and sabotage, see Van der Linden 2008, 174–5, 181–2; for collective exit, see 175–8. For collective exit in the form of the uytgang, see Dekker 1990, 387–91; for go-slow or ca’canny see pp. 351, 384.

59. J. Lucassen 2006c, 545–51.

60. J. Lucassen 2007b, 70.

61. J. Lucassen 2007b, 74.

62. Van der Linden 2008, 175, 197; Biernacki 1995, 438–41.

63. Van der Linden 2008, 175, 211, 253; Heerma van Voss 2002; cf. M.B. Smith 2012, 393–4, 397.

64. Van der Linden 2008, 211–15.

65. Van der Linden 2008, 215.

66. Van der Linden 2008, 179–207.

67. Quoted in Van der Linden 2008, 190.

68. Van der Linden 2008, 298–312.

69. Chen 2010; Pun & Lu 2010; K. Chang & Cooke 2015; cf. L.T. Chang 2009.

70. Although proper labour conflict statistics are unavailable for China, note the rise of labour disputes in arbitration from 135,000 in 2000 to 314,000 in 2005, involving 801,042 employees in 2003 (Pun & Lu 2010, 509).

71. Chen 2010, 114. Dormitories are necessary given the hukou system that severely hampers the settlement of rural migrants in cities, see Shen 2014.

72. For the survival of guilds or some of their functions in Germany (as compared to Great Britain, Northern Italy and France), see Biernacki 1995, ch. 6. Also Van der Linden 2008, 224.

73. Van der Linden 2008, 84–90; cf. Moya 2017.

74. Quoted in Van der Linden 2008, 85.

75. M.H.D. van Leeuwen 2016; Van der Linden 2008, 91–4, 109–31.

76. Van der Linden 2008, 151–69.

77. The expression was coined by Lenger 1991. For continuities with the pre-industrial period, see Epstein & Prak 2008, Introduction.

78. Boch 1989; J. Lucassen 2006b and 2006c; Christensen 2010; Knotter 2018 (esp. ch. 3); for the Islamic world, see also R. Klein 2000.

79. J. Lucassen 2006c, 528–33, quotation on 531.

80. Huberman 1996; Christensen 2010. This craft control model frustrated the adoption of the American managerial alternative in the UK (Lazonick 1990).

81. Van der Linden 2008, 220; Knotter 2018.

82. Biernacki 1995, ch. 9; Huberman 1996; cf. Van der Linden & Rojahn 1990.

83. Biernacki 1995, 423–5; Van der Linden 2008, 226–7; Heerma van Voss, Pasture & De Maeyer 2005; W. Thorpe 1989; Van der Linden & Thorpe 1990.

84. Christensen 2010, 765.

85. The German Social Democratic Party (SPD) accepted ‘capitalism with a human face’ at its congress at Bad Godesberg in 1959, see Reinhardt 2014.

86. Van der Linden 2008, 225, 232–3, 251; see also Biernacki 1995, 286–7 for closed shops for apprentices.

87. Van der Linden 2008, 227–32, 240; cf. Jacoby 1985; Lazonick 1990. Money may also be extorted from both employers and workers by third parties, so-called racketeers who try to interfere in the negotiating process. Such practices could also corrupt and compromise trade unions (Witwer 2009; Greenhouse 2019).

88. Shin 2017, 632. Damages: management threatened strikers that they would each have to pay for damages caused by what it called an illegal strike. More generally, see C.-S. Lee 2016 for the important role of trade unions more recently.

89. See Van der Linden 2008, 254–7 on the positive and negative implications; also Deakin & Wilkinson 2005.

90. Piketty 2019, chs 11 and 17.

91. Sabyasachi Bhattacharya & Lucassen 2005. For the shipbuilding industry, see Fahimuddin Pasha 2017; for brick making, see J. Lucassen 2006c; for trade unions in South Asia, see Candland 2001.

92. Cf. Benner 2002 and 2003.

93. Van der Linden 2008, 247–57; Greenhouse 2019.

94. Perchard 2019, 78.

95. Cf. August 2019; Tilly & Tilly 1998, ch. 9; Penninx & Roosblad 2000; Pizzolato 2004; Marino, Roosblad & Penninx 2017.

96. For example, on the US textile industry, see Blewitt 2010, 552, 555. In the American South, work, labour markets and trade unions were racially segregated (Van der Linden & Lucassen 1995; Greenhouse 2019). The active membership of African Americans, especially during the Second World War, and their experiences in Europe during and after the war, contributed to a slow change; see also Heald 2019 for trade unions feeling threatened by female labour force participation during the world wars.

97. Quoted in Van der Linden 2008, 245–6.

98. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 246–50; for the US: Jacoby 1985; Greenhouse 2019.

99. Knotter 2018; Greenhouse 2019.

100. For India, see also Tharoor 2018, 190–1 and Van der Linden 2008, 223.

101. Tilly & Tilly 1998, 249–53; cf. Jacoby 1985; Montgomery 1987 and 1993; Lazonick 1990;Van der Linden & Lucassen 1995; Blewitt 2010; Greenhouse 2019; Jaffe 2021 describes a number of new bottom-up initiatives for unionization in the US.

102. Van der Linden 2008, ch. 12; cf. Van Holthoon & Van der Linden 1988; Knotter 2018.

103. Van der Linden 2008, 264.

104. Weill 1987; cf. Van Holthoon & Van der Linden 1988; Van der Linden & Lucassen 1995.

105. Van der Linden 2008, 263.

106. Cross 1988 and 1989; Heerma van Voss 1988.

107. Steinmetz 2000; Van der Linden & Price 2000. Cf. Tomka 2004; Frank 2010; Fineman & Fineman 2018.

108. Deakin & Wilkinson 2005, xi–xxiii provide a thorough overview of regulations still valid in this respect for England and Wales (not including Scotland with its separate case law, see G.R. Rubin 2000, 292–3), listing 249 cases between 1598 and 2004, and 103 statutes, of which 21 for 1349–1597 and 82 for 1598–2002. Similar listings in Fineman & Fineman 2018, 392–8.

109. Piketty 2014 and 2019. Naturally, there is a lively debate about the numerical substantiation of his work. As far as I can see, however, this has no consequences for the way I draw from this milestone study. Additionally, Segal 2020 points to growing inequality from ‘entitlements over labour’ by top income groups that can afford to buy the labour of others for their personal consumption, especially domestic servants of all kinds – a return to the pre-war years, I would suggest.

110. Simitis 2000, 189.

111. The following is based on Piketty 2019, 528–47.

112. Lazonick 1990, 284ff.

113. For the English enclosures, see inter alia Snell 1985. For landlords and their tenants, for usury and credits, see Steinmetz 2000, chs 13–20.

114. Simitis 2000, 186–7; Hennock 2007; cf. Rimlinger 1971; Van der Linden 1996; M.H.D. van Leeuwen 2016.

115. Olszak 2000, 141–2.

116. Simitis 2000, 191.

117. Simitis 2000, 181–2. Cf. Zietlow 2018, 67–8.

118. Steinfeld 2001, 11–12; cf. Steinfeld 2009; Frank 2010.

119. Cottereau 2000, 208–12.

120. Johnson 2000; White 2016.

121. Lis & Soly 2012, 499, 504–6; Delsalle 1993; Steinfeld 2001, 243–6; Cottereau 2000, 208–12; also Horn 2010.

122. Simitis 2000, 186.

123. Thompson 1968; Pelling 1976; Dobson 1980, 121–2; Rule 1988; G.R. Rubin 2000; Hay 2004; Frank 2010.

124. Olszak 2000, 145.

125. Van Wezel Stone 2000; Zietlow 2018; Greenhouse 2019.

126. Steinfeld 2001, 246–9 for the colonies and 253–314 for the US.

127. Piketty 2019, 367–8.

128. Van der Linden & Price 2000.

129. Garon 2000; Shieh 2000.

130. For private and state poor relief, see Hennock 2007, chs 1–2; for minimum wages: Piketty 2019, 530–3.

131. Hennock 2007.

132. Kocka 1980, 1981; Bichler 1997; Veraghtert & Widdershoven 2002; Hennock 2007; M.H.D. van Leeuwen 2016.

133. Hennock 2007, chs 16–17.

134. Hennock 2007, 295. For the agricultural labourers, he advocated ‘three acres [1.2 hectares] and a cow’ in 1885.

135. Hennock 2007, 320 (therefore also labelled proto-corporatism).

136. Hennock 2007, 328. For later developments, see M.H.D. van Leeuwen 2016; Ehlert 2016. For China, see S. Li & Sato 2006.

137. Steinfeld 2009; Greenhouse 2019.

138. Hennock 2007, 287.

139. Tsurumi 1990, 94; this contributed to the later phenomenon of the ‘salary man’ (see above).

140. Eichengreen & Hatton 1988, 5; Burnett 1994.

141. Tomlinson 1987, 6; Sloman 2019.

142. Fitzgerald 1988.

143. Lins 1923, 825.

144. Renwick 2017; also Rimlinger 1971.

145. Tonioli & Piva 1988, 241.

146. Tomlinson 1987, 106; Sloman 2019 demonstrates that this was by no means a one-man-show.

147. I will refrain from describing the competition with the fascist, nationalist and other corporatist models, because this covers a much shorter period. In the key model countries, the corporatist experiment existed only for one or two decades. Only Franco in Spain and particularly Salazar’s Estado Novo in Portugal lasted longer. This country is also important because of its colonial policies. Besides, Japan competed with the welfare pretensions in the European colonies, e.g. with the Dutch in Indonesia.

148. M.B. Smith 2012, 2015a & 2015b; McAuley 1991; also Rimlinger 1971; Madison 1968; Cook 1993; Tomka 2004; Piketty 2019, 578–606; Milanovic 2019.

149. McAuley 1991, 195. Cf. Article 12 of the 1936 Constitution: ‘the man who will not work, shall not eat’, which sounds like the apostle Paul in 2 Thessalonians 3 (Kloosterboer 1960, 174).

150. M.B. Smith 2012; Cook 1993.

151. McAuley 1991, 193, 204; M.B. Smith 2012, 395–7.

152. McAuley 1991, 197.

153. McAuley 1991, 203–4. According to his reconstruction of the ‘real expenditure out of social consumption funds (SCF)’; Cook 1993. For other communist countries: Tomka 2004; Candland & Sil 2001.

154. Kessler 2008. Besides, until the late 1970s, only a quarter of persons of pensionable age received old age pensions, and the sums were extremely low. McAuley 1991, 205–6; cf. M.B. Smith 2012, 392, 397–8.

155. M.B. Smith 2012, 389.

156. M.B. Smith 2012, 394–7; Tomka 2004.

157. C.-S. Lee 2016. A more extensive comparison (but only for the period 1945–1980) can be found in Haggard & Kaufman 2008.

158. Song 2009. Cf. Van der Linden & Price 2000.

159. Chow & Xu 2001; S. Li & Sato 2006; Dillon 2015; Frankopan 2019.

160. Tomlinson 1987, 163–5 for this and following quotations; Piketty 2019; For Britain, Sloman 2019, for the Netherlands, Heijne & Noten 2020.

161. Goodman 1960, esp. 59–63. He distinguishes three statuses in American society: the Poor, the Organization and the Independents.

162. Piketty 2019, 531; Milanovic 2019.

163. Albert 1993. Cf. Candland & Sil 2001; Fellman et al. 2008; Piketty 2019.

164. Piketty 2014 and 2019; cf. Greer et al. 2017; Williams 2019; Sloman 2019.

165. The key figures in Piketty 2019, 21–3, 260–1, 419–23, 492–3, 525–7.

166. Piketty 2019, chs 14 and 15, quotations on 755. The ‘classist cleavages’ 1950–1980 have been exchanged for ‘identitarian cleavages’ 1990–2000 (958); Milanovic 2019, 56–66.

167. McBee 2019, 166–72 is also very clear about more and more work and thus the fact that there has been no increase in wealth since the 1970s.

OUTLOOK

1. The terminology is Polanyi’s. This classification in Baldwin 2019.

2. J. Lucassen 2013, 25–31; Feinman 2012; Standing 2016; Piketty 2014 and 2019; Williams 2019; Sloman 2019; Heijne & Noten 2020; Manning 2020.

3. Ford 2017; Frankopan 2019.

4. Williams 2019, 111, 115. And the ILO appears to watch on helplessly.

5. In particular, scenarios of major military conflicts up to and including a third world war, but perhaps more importantly, of climate change (Manning 2020). People contribute to this not only as consumers but also as producers, which has consequences for the labour movement (Fitzpatrick 2017).

6. Van Bavel 2016; cf. Piketty 2019, 546–7.Van der Linden 2008 and Stanziani 2019 emphasize the exceptional nature of free wage labour in comparison with unfree labour relations in global history since 1500.

7. Piketty 2014 and 2019. For a similar argument, which emerged at roughly the same time, but which caused much less of a stir, see Luzkow 2015. See also Lawlor, Kersley & Steed 2009; Trappenburg, Scholten & Jansen 2014; Ford 2017; Jensen & Van Kersbergen 2017.

8. Piketty 2014 and 2019; Standing 2016. Add to this the phenomenon of food banks in rich countries, whose need has become more evident than ever during the coronavirus pandemic.

9. Although the analysis of Manning 2020 concurs with that of Piketty 2019 in many respects, Manning elaborates in more detail about the environmental challenges (Piketty 2019, 235, also 254–5). Cf. also the tenor of Drèze & Sen 2013.

10. Van der Spek, Van Leeuwen & Van Zanden 2015; Piketty 2019; Milanovich 2019 (although all are critical with respect to current developments).

11. For this position see inter alia Sloman 2019; Budd 2011, 38–9 for historical roots. An early example is Wells 1914, ch. 3 (‘Off the Chain’), in which he praises all forms of global migratory labour as the pinnacle of the new, totally free working person and which could also contribute to world peace.

12. Baldwin 2019 (clearly more optimistic than Ford 2017 and certainly more positive than Harari 2014 in this regard); Cockshott 2019 (under the condition of automation within a socialist planned economy).

13. Harari 2014, 388–91, 436–7.

14. K. Davids & Lucassen 1995; cf. Lazonick 1990; Van der Spek, Van Leeuwen & Van Zanden 2015.

15. Sloman 2019, 17; for an average of tax receipts spending in Germany, France, the UK and Sweden, see Piketty 2019, 428, 458–60, 530, and for low incomes and transfers in the US, 526–30. For the Netherlands, see Heijne & Noten 2020.

16. Sloman 2019, 206–7.

17. Remember that producers have a structural need for consumers of goods and services, including medical services and many kinds of communication, as nicely exemplified by the reversal of accepted macro-economic wisdom in the Global North during the coronavirus pandemic by guaranteeing jobless incomes from tax money.

18. Piketty 2019, 929–53. Cf. Drèze and Sen 2013, and Tharoor 2018 for the ideological backgrounds of anti-egalitarian Hindu nationalism.

19. Ahuja 2019.

20. Piketty 2019; G. Campbell 2012; Green 2019; Greenhouse 2019. In the end, only solutions such as Manning 2020 proposes may offer solace.

21. Piketty 2019, 649–55. He demonstrates that the Middle East is ‘the pinnacle of global inequality’.

22. In my estimation, it is possible, purely economically, to maintain for decades a minority of, say, 5 to 10 per cent of under-consuming Untermenschen, but not of a quarter or more of the population. Here, I assume states – the majority – who produce for an important domestic market, like Nazi Germany. States with a dominant export sector can, of course, afford even more apartheid; think of Apartheid South Africa and the Gulf States, but also of the Antebellum South.

23. Piketty 2019, 352–7, 360–1. Do not forget here their individual strategies, such as e.g. migration.

24. Perhaps the redistributive theocracy is not as obsolete as we think, if we consider the neoliberal redistribution that seduces the impoverished white workers and independent producers in some countries to vote for anti-union and racist candidates and political parties.

25. Heijne & Noten 2020, 70.

26. Heijne & Noten 2020, 78.

27. Weil 2014, 2; cf. Guendelsberger 2019; Greenhouse 2019; Jaffe 2021; and the sweating phenomenon (see pp. 329–31).

28. Ford 2017; Baldwin 2019; Garcia-Murillo & MacInnes 2019; cf. Benner 2002 and 2003; Suzman 2020, ch. 15.

29. Quotation in Sloman 2019, 69; Brynjolfsson & McAfee 2014; Livingston 2016.

30. Ford 2017, 167.

31. Cf. Deakin & Wilkinson 2005.

32. I am aware that this goes against the idea of ‘anti-work politics’ (Weeks 2011).

33. Arendt 1958, 107–8 (perhaps superfluously, the final sentence should not be interpreted as Christian self-sacrifice, but as a direct physical satisfaction resulting from the performance of an accomplishment).

34. Sennett 2008, 8, 287, 289.

35. Quoted by McBee 2019, 157; cf. Clark et al. 2018 for the importance of relationships at work (and at school), of work that is more than a negation of joblessness and of parity through work; also Thomas 2009, esp. chs 3 and 4; Budd 2011, chs 6, 7 and 9.

36. B.A. Rubin 2012; cf. Harari 2014, 437–44. On the excesses in Japan and the recent ‘workism’ of millennials, see pp. 338–41, 370, 410. Suzman 2017 and 2020 considers this boundless desire to work (ultimately going back to the Neolithic Revolution), together with consumerism, to be the major problem of our era; cf. also Graeber 2019. Jaffe 2021 warns against the risk that the neoliberal system is the sole profiteer of our ‘devotion to our jobs’ as it ‘keeps us exploited, exhausted and alone’ as the subtitle of her book screams out loudly.

37. De Waal 2009, 221 (he refers to the financial crisis of 2008).

38. Petriglieri 2020, in which he refers to the ideas of the psychotherapist William F. Cornell.

39. See Manning 2020, 249–56. Trappenburg, Scholten & Jansen 2014, for example, have also observed a slow return of ‘decent wages’, which, in their opinion, is a form of ‘remoralization’ in the direction of the so-called Tinbergen Norm. This is traditionally (but without any clear evidence) attributed to the Dutch Nobel laureate for economics in 1967. This standard sets the ideal difference between a minimum and a maximum wage inside organizations or enterprises at 1:5, depending on education, effort, responsibility and drudgery.

40. Piketty 2019, 593–4.

41. Van der Spek, Van Leeuwen & Van Zanden 2015.

42. The current society, incidentally, has more caste characteristics than one might be inclined to think. In particular, the comparatively high pay of certain occupational groups, such as professionals (and senior managers), can be explained by this rather than by long and expensive education, as is usually the case. Just ask yourself why that education should necessarily be so expensive. The reason is hidden in the mechanism itself. See also Piketty 2019, 540–51.

43. I do not see something like this being repeated on a global scale in the near future, but with the most modern means of communication it cannot be entirely ruled out.

44. This can, of course, go very well with the application of other standards elsewhere, see L. Lucassen 2021.

45. Some only think of catastrophes, such as Scheidel 2017; for an implicit critique, see Piketty 2019, 959. For an extremely cynical variant, see Joseph Goebbels’ comment on the allied bombing raids in 1944: ‘The bomb terror spares the dwellings of neither rich nor poor; before the labor offices of total war, the last class barriers have had to come down.’ (Mason 1966, 141).

46. Piketty 2019, 241–6, 645–59, 862–965. In a more general sense, he calls this the ‘border question’.

47. Hence the provocative title by Milanovic 2019: Capitalism, Alone: The Future of the System that Rules the World.