On 12 February the 170th Tank Brigade was moved (closer to the front) into the corps reserve and concentrated in the area around Sarszentmiklos (Sarbogard); it stayed in reserve for four days. The situation was quiet. We continued to put our gear into order, repairing damaged and faulty tanks, and investigating possible action plans. On the 17th the comcor ordered the brigade to march towards Felso–Solgathaz, and by the 18th the forces were stationed as follows: the HQ and attached regiments were in Solgathaz; the 1st Tank Battalion and the tommy-gunners’ battalion were in Felso–Solgathaz; and the 2nd and the 3rd battalions (without tanks) stayed in Adony. That morning Major-General Govorunenko65 and LieutenantGeneral Remizov – commander of the Armoured and Motorized Forces of the Front – accompanied by the operations group, arrived.
The brigade Chief-of-Staff, Colonel Belozerov, was doing district reconnaissance and then listening to advice from the combats and battalion Chiefs-of-Staff regarding the possible course of action. The Motorized Rifles Battalion Chief-of-Staff – a young female about 29 years old, called Dremlyuga – was involved. The combrig asked her: ‘So, lady, what’s your decision?’
‘Comrade colonel, I think—’
But at that moment the combrig couldn’t refrain from mimicking her thin little voice: ‘What did you decide, sweetheart?’
Everyone burst out laughing. At the same moment a German motorcyclist darted out in front of us from a side road. He stopped and stood rigid, staring at us – likewise, we paused, astounded! He came to his senses faster than we did, spinning round on one wheel and then dashing off. We were in the process of unholstering our weapons, but it was to no avail – he was already gone. Of course, an outpost was set up immediately, and it was soon after that that Major-General Govorunenko and LieutenantGeneral Remizov had arrived.
This was to be my second encounter with the comcor – the first time had occurred after the Jassy–Kishinev operation, when he had been travelling on his way to the brigade HQ and had come across our company’s position. I was called up and introduced as ‘the company commander Senior Lieutenant Bryukhov’. He looked at me for quite some time, and then asked: ‘Where’s the brigade HQ?’ I showed it to him on the map. Later the guys told me that he had spoken with the combat and asked: ‘What kind of kindergartener is in charge over there?!’ The combat had replied: ‘Comrade general, he’s going to be a battalion commander soon. He’s a real gutsy bloke and has been in action since Prokhorovka.’
This time round the generals were quite tipsy after breakfast and so in good spirits. We told the comcor about the episode which had just taken place, and he gave Belozerov a tough time: ‘How could you leave the place without a guard post? What the hell were you thinking?! Do you think we are on some road in the back of beyond where you used to live?!’ The man was fond of saying scathing and sarcastic things.
Belozerov later drew the reconnaissance session to a close. ‘Comrade general, we are finished. Decisions have been made. Would you like to talk to the commanders? Generals are not frequent visitors here.’
‘Okay, let’s do that. Let’s see what kind of knowledge they’ve got. How about you?’ he pointed at the commander of the Motorized Rifle Battalion – a handsome bloke, Captain Moskovichenko, who had recently arrived from a short course at the academy. ‘Tell me about the organizational structure of a motorcycle battalion.’
The guy didn’t say anything – of course he didn’t know much about its organization! I would be stumped if I was asked such a question as well.
‘You don’t know?’
He blushed, turned pale but still didn’t say anything: he was overwhelmed in the presence of two generals. Remizov turned to Govorunenko.
‘Listen, Govorunenko, if he’s taken prisoner and asked about the organization of a motorcycle battalion, he could be tortured but will still say nothing. They will burn him with irons and drive needles under his fingernails, but he’ll stay silent and say nothing. He will be mumbling from pain, but what can he say? He knows nothing! They will put him up against a wall and shoot him, and then they will say: “What a steadfast Communist he was. He held out under torture, and wasn’t even scared of being shot.”’ But the reality was that he actually knew nothing!
I have to say that no one was laughing at all this, as we were all aware that we might have found ourselves in the same situation.
Then Govorunenko said: ‘Guys, listen to me – you are all young chaps, so do study and learn the drill manual. And if you need help, call me at the brigade HQ. I’ll talk to you any time with pleasure, and help you and explain any regulations which are unclear to you. You can ask me any questions. I will answer anything – unless it’s about astronomy – but I will answer all other questions.’
I stood there, thinking: ‘What a corps commander! He knows everything!’ (I was to see him as a completely different man after the war, but will tell that story later.)
According to the plan of the commander of the 3rd Ukrainian Front66 the troops were to exhaust the enemy through robust defence, then monitor the conditions for a switch to attack and begin a resolute offensive towards Vienna.
The plan was set to start on 3 March, and meticulous and intense preparations began. The men worked in the field day and night: foot soldiers dug trenches, caponieres for the tanks, armoured vehicles and motor cars, communication paths and artillery emplacements.
Early in the morning of 6 March an order came to make the troops combat-ready by 8.00 a.m. and be prepared to repulse an enemy attack. At 10.00 a.m. the morning calm was broken by the thunder of artillery, and dense dark-grey clouds rose into the air along the whole of the front line. Enemy shells were tearing apart the Hungarian earth. Enemy aircraft flew over: they intensified their fire-power and bombed our first and second lines of defence. We’d been expecting and preparing for the German advance – but now it was happening we worried about what kind of shape the oncoming battle would take, though our well-prepared and deep defences instilled hope and confidence in us.
The enemy was delivering the main strike west of Seregelyes towards Szekszard – upon the divisions of the first echelon of the 26th Army. By the end of the second day of their advance the enemy had managed to drive a 4-kilometre-wide wedge into our defence lines – and our troops had taken to flight. The combrig was ordered to form a block detachment to stop this and take charge of all retreating units. Colonel Chunikhin arrived at our observation post and charged Captain Klaustin with this task. The combat ordered me to raise a machine-gun group out of reserve crews, tommy-gunners and radio-operators. Rybakov was appointed as the commanding officer of the group. He protested: ‘Why me again? Am I the chief cook and bottlewasher? Shouldn’t you charge one of your deputies with this job instead – it’s going to be easier for them to stop and detain the retreating men, when there are officers amongst them. I am only a starshina.’ There was certainly logic to what he was saying, but Klaustin knew Rybakov well: he fit this role well – he was resolute, nasty and determined. That was why the combat said firmly and decisively: ‘Lesha, you have to! Stop your quibbling and carry out the order!’
We gathered all those men without tanks. Rybakov moved ahead of the battalion with these men. The spring of 1945 had begun unusually early: these were amazingly warm days without a single cloud in the sky. At the end of the day the first retreating group appeared in front of the brigade – troops from a mortar regiment, led by a regiment commander with the rank of major. Suddenly, as if from out of the ground, the brutish Lesha Rybakov appeared in his leather jacket, girded with an officer’s belt, and wearing his tankman’s helmet. A dozen hefty blokes with tommy-guns at the ready, all in tanker’s overalls and helmets, stood by him.
‘Halt! Drop to the ground, you f—kers!’ Rybakov bellowed.
Seeing such an enraged and determined man with a pistol in his hand, the major was taken aback. His shoulders slumped and he started trying to report timidly and irresolutely. ‘Comrade lieutenant-colonel—’ he began, obviously reckoning that only an officer with a rank higher than his own would stop him.
‘C-o-l-o-n-e-l!’ Rybakov hissed, spitefully.
‘Comrade colonel—’
‘General!’ Rybakov spat out through clenched teeth.
‘Comrade general, permission to report,’ the major started again but Rybakov cut him short and barked: ‘Drop down!’ The major and the staff officers carried out the order without protest. This calmed Rybakov down, and the pathetic looks of these retreating men further pacified him. He got them to get back up and ordered them to man fire emplacements, having showed them where they were on the map.
‘Is that clear?’ the starshina asked.
‘Yes, comrade general.’
‘Carry on!’
‘Yes, sir!’ With a sense of relief and having recovered from fright and his disgrace, the major saluted and darted away to carry out the order, happy that he had gotten off lightly.
Starshina Rybakov continued stopping individuals, groups and whole infantry units. He would set tasks for them and direct them into trenches previously dug by the brigade’s troops. The retreating men were unaware that a simple starshina – a battalion staff aide-de-camp – was stopping them and giving them orders.
Next morning rumours about ‘General Rybakov’ spread. When the mortar regiment commander found out that he had been stopped by a starshina he made himself scarce whenever Rybakov was around. And Colonel Chunikhin, whenever he came across Rybakov, would recall these events and say, laughing: ‘Well, Lesha, you’re one hell of a guy! You sorted out those “commanders” pretty well!’ Rybakov would get angry and wasn’t happy at all with this praise.
The morning of 8 March was quiet. Both sides were hanging around in expectation. Each side hoped the start of the forthcoming nightmare would be delayed, so when the howling of the enemy mortar rockets suddenly started, a great weight fell on our hearts. Huge clouds of smoke rose behind Seregelyes, followed by a harrowing cannonade. The murderous barrage tore into the brigade’s defence sector for fifteen minutes; tanks and infantry crawled out under its cover and went on the attack. Enemy aircraft swiftly followed. It seemed to me that the enemy were advancing more reluctantly – not as confidently as before. Nonetheless, our battalions got ready for action.
During the prolonged fighting in Hungary we had learnt something of the enemy tactics. After short, intense aircraft and artillery bombardment, Tiger tanks would move forward in small groups. Assault guns would follow 500–600 metres behind them, neutralising our anti-tank weapons. The flanks would be covered by units of lighter tanks and small numbers of infantry in armoured vehicles. Heavy tanks would avoid frontal attacks and tended to look for junctions and flanks, trying to bypass company- and battalion-held defensive strongpoints. The Germans would leave their neutralization to the artillery and infantry, and did their best to penetrate as far as possible into our defence lines, to strike us in the rear and to capture the most important positions in the depths of our defences.
The Germans were following these rules now, attacking our brigade positions. We knew these tactics well and reckoned that they wouldn’t be too efficient under the current circumstances.
The commander of the battalion of SU-100 SPGs, which had been sent to reinforce the brigade the day before, frequently asked the combrig for permission to open fire, based on the long range of his 100mm cannons. Cautiously Chunikhin was keeping his eye on the enemy’s movements and kept replying: ‘Hold on!’ Our tanks held fire as well. Only when the enemy had reached a distance of 500 metres did our combat give the signal to open fire. All tanks, SPGs and anti-tank guns started firing intensely. Our aircraft flew over at that point too. A hugely fierce and deadly battle began.
The German tanks, sticking to their tactics, were using the unevenness of the terrain to look for junctions and weak points in our positions, weaving about the battlefield and slowly nearing our lines. By the middle of the day the first enemy attack had been successfully fended off. Having lost two tanks and three armoured vehicles, the enemy pulled back and continued to fire from cover. During the second half of the day the Germans attacked from Seregelyes using a battalion force supported by eight tanks, but we also managed to repulse this attack. What’s more, we beat off both attacks without significant losses, which was very encouraging. At night our ammo stocks were replenished and field kitchens were set up; the men managed to grab a bit of rest. The brigade scouts reported no changes in the enemy battle order.
On 9 March the enemy regrouped and in the morning attacked towards Korcsma and Hill 126, with a force of two battalions supported by tanks. The gritty engagement lasted for about three hours without a break. Having lost a tank and two armoured vehicles, again the enemy returned to their starting lines. The enemy was obviously dazed and was looking for any chance to break through our positions. They quickly regrouped again and attacked Hill 128. We fended off this frontal attack but the enemy outflanked the hill via a hollow and attacked us from the west. The company situated at the first strongpoint faltered and then retreated – the enemy captured the hill. The Germans kept bringing reserves into the battle, concentrating them in the area of Sorocen–Sarisad. We moved our reserves up as well: the 2nd Tank Battalion received ten tanks and took up defensive positions to the left of our battalion on the Hill 126–Schendorf line.
In the morning of 10 March, after an hour and a half of artillery shelling, the Germans attacked us from the Hill 128–Sorocen area towards Hill 126, and from Seregelyes station towards Korcsma. An intense battle broke out in the sector being defended by the 2nd Tank Battalion, lasting about four hours. Having lost two tanks, three armoured vehicles and several dozen men, the enemy finally stopped and began to consolidate. We’d only lost one tank in the engagement. Our battalion, together with the tommy-gunners’ battalion and two batteries of the 1438th SPG Regiment, repulsed the enemy attacks from Seregelyes towards Korcsma, during which the enemy lost a tank and an armoured vehicle.
It appeared that the Germans now understood that it would be impossible to gain any significant success through the activities of small groups of tanks and assault guns, and so on the night of the 11th they deployed up to three infantry regiments and fifty tanks in the Bel Manor–Sorocen area, launching their offensive the next morning after artillery and airborne strikes. The enemy were throwing all their divisions into this battle.
There were very few tanks left in our brigade. They were spread over a wide front, with large gaps defended by the tommy-gunners who had withdrawn from the first line, as well as the units from the first strong-point, SPGs and anti-tank guns. Therefore, a loss of even a single tank would create a hole in our defensive line that would allow the enemy to penetrate deeply into our positions.
The combrig only had a handful of SPGs in reserve in order to plug these ‘holes’ when needed. The defence positions, well prepared in terms of engineering, were our salvation. Our tanks were deeply dug into the ground and camouflaged: only their turrets were above ground level, and it was very difficult to hit them during an advance. The infantry had a well-developed system of trenches and communication ditches. Our supply unit had also managed to dispatch plenty of ammo during the night, and each tank, artillery piece and tommy-gunner had double their ammunition allowances for the day, which allowed us to deliver intense fire and repulse the enemy attacks more successfully.
The enemy knew all this but failed to capitalize on the weaknesses of our defence. It seemed that they were not willing to take any chances, and this made implementation of our battle task easier – we were able to hold the occupied sector securely. The enemy stuck to their customary tactics of engagement: they would move up and approach our lines slowly, opening fire from afar and intensifying it when reaching the closer distances where they could rely on their good cannons and gunsights. Their large superiority in numbers and matériel should have allowed them to advance far more resolutely than they did – their failure to do so obviously suited us because had the enemy been more determined we wouldn’t have been able to hold our positions.
In the middle of March the weather was fine, which allowed their air force to attack. The enemy ground-attack planes supported their troops. We waited for our own fighters but they didn’t come over. The brigade struggled to repulse the aerial foe with great difficulty. The German aircraft badly mauled our company of anti-aircraft machine guns during one of their raids. Maria Maltseva was wounded for the second time during this war, but fortunately not heavily. The enemy tanks, hiding in hollows when possible, kept advancing doggedly. I had just handed over command of the company and I was extremely restless in my dugout – I was yearning to get back into a tank, and wanted to overrule the actions of Company Commander Smolyakov, but Yura Klaustin held me back. The enemy attacked twice, and both attacks were successfully beaten back, leaving one burning tank and three destroyed armoured vehicles on the battlefield. There was a short lull, while another attack was being prepared, and the enemy artillery maintained a running barrage to keep our defences under pressure.
During the afternoon the enemy launched a third attack. Colonel Chunikhin was in our battalion, watching the fighting progress. This time the Germans attacked more resolutely, but our strong counter-fire forced them to falter once again. One of their tanks was destroyed by Bikmulin, and Bourtsev’s crew wiped out an assault gun. The combrig was called to the radio. Captain Sarkisyan was reporting, and his voice was uneasy and even frightened: ‘Comrade combrig! Tanks are coming, many tanks!’
‘So what? There are lots of tanks advancing on the 1st Battalion as well.’
‘Comrade combrig! The situation for the 1st isn’t that bad . . . hundreds more tanks are advancing on me!’ Sarkisyan liked to exaggerate and couldn’t refrain this time either.
‘Where exactly?’ the combrig asked angrily.
‘Right here, at my position!’
Chunikhin exploded: ‘How the hell do I know where you’re positioned . . . Beat them off!’ he said furiously and hung up.
However, after that the combrig calmed down, and ordered: ‘Bryukhov, get over to Sarkisyan, clarify what’s happening over there and report back to me.’
The observation post for the 2nd Battalion was about 1.5 kilometres away. I took with me an orderly, Peter Krasheninnikov, and quickly trekked over to Sarkisyan, urged on by the intense shelling. We found that there was indeed a fierce engagement taking place: up to a dozen enemy tanks and twelve armoured vehicles were outflanking the battalion, trying to break through to its link with the defence sector of the 110th Tank Brigade. I returned to the combrig and confirmed the previous report, highlighting where the enemy was planning to break through. Chunikhin sent Sarkisyan two SU-100s from reserve to reinforce the battalion, and the attack was successfully repulsed with their assistance.
The battle faded by the end of the day, and the enemy halted. When darkness came ammo was dispatched to the battalions and the field kitchens arrived: the men were fed lunch and dinner at the same time. Early the next morning, after breakfast, vehicles began to transport the wounded men back to the rear lines. The rear units of our battalion were stationed in Felso–Solgathaz, under the command of a starshina who had returned from hospital.
On 12 March the arduous fighting continued. The enemy attacked our defences on Hill 126 with an infantry battalion supported by four tanks, but failed to achieve any results. The next day, after artillery shelling and aerial strikes, the enemy attacked again – up to twenty tanks and two infantry battalions attacked the hill from the north-west and north-east. The action lasted for two hours, but yet again the Germans failed. The brigade had now been defending the occupied line for nine days, fending off a multitude of enemy onslaughts. The tension was ever growing. The Germans were eager to break our battalions’ resistance at any cost. Their artillery fired incessantly; their air force pounded us daily. The combrig repeatedly asked the air force representative to call up our own fighter planes but his requests were ignored.
The enemy brought in fresh forces again in preparation for a decisive attack. On 14 March the German troops undertook one final attempt to break through our defence lines south of Lake Velence. The enemy made no progress in our brigade’s sector, but to the left of us, against the 110th Tank Brigade, they advanced slightly, crossing the Kaposi canal. Notwithstanding that, they failed to achieve anything else.
Everyone was physically and mentally exhausted from the prolonged period of continuous action. The men became irritable and easily excitable – rest or a more sympathetic approach were the only ways of helping reduce stress and getting people to carry out tasks. Anticipation of another enemy attack became agonizing: the men grew sick of waiting. Their nerves were strained to the limit, and many of them deep down inside cursed the Germans for their sluggishness. Everyone wanted to get the fight over with sooner rather than later. This is what happens when a man is exhausted by the relentless heavy fighting, and when life has lost its sense and value for him.
At long last the morning calm was torn apart by the thunder of shells. Everyone’s heart was beating fast, and all were ready for action. Enemy tanks, assault guns and infantry in armoured vehicles rushed forward to attack. The Germans attacked Hill 126, Korcsma and Sandor simultaneously, and fighting broke out all along the brigade’s defence line. The enemy was acting decisively: the seriousness of their intent was clear. Once again, the German attack was actively supported by the artillery and air force. The combrig adamantly demanded from the air force representative that our ground-attack aircraft were essential to assist the brigade. The air force major relentlessly called the central control point, asking them to send planes to our location. Finally – to a great cheer – our Ilyushins came over. Red flares flew towards the enemy positions from the brigade observation post – the preset signal to show our aircraft the targets. But suddenly the Ilyushins swung round and began to bomb our own positions! I couldn’t contain myself – I jumped up on the top of the trench and ran along it, swinging my fists in the air and cursing the flyers. Fortunately the bomb explosions weren’t close to me, but others weren’t so lucky, with many dead and wounded amongst the tommy-gunners, the strongpoint infantry, and the artillerymen. The tank of a company commander, Lieutenant Talyzin, was destroyed by a direct hit: tank driver Sergeant Alexey Obirin, gunlayer Sergeant Arutyunyan and gunloader Mikhail Kachaikin – who had all survived so much through the war – lost their lives. At the start of the air-raid the lieutenant also jumped up on the parapet; he swore at the pilots and kept sending red flares towards the enemy. He was killed by an enemy bullet which broke his spine – abruptly ending the life of such a gallant officer who was a firm favourite across the whole company. He was buried near a distillery near north Perkata.
The air force representative was shouting into the radio, frantically trying to redirect the Ilyushins back towards the enemy positions, but the pilots paid no attention to his pleas or the preset signals. At last, having dropped their bombs, they left and headed back towards their base, followed by a stream of abuse from us all.
The enemy capitalized on our aircraft’s ‘friendly fire’ by intensifying their onslaught and capturing Hill 126 and Sandor. The brigade had to retreat for the first time in the whole period of this defensive action, and now we took up new positions along a railway line north of Korcsma. Having lost eight tanks, sixteen armoured vehicles and up to 100 men, the enemy finally halted and consolidated their position. In contrast, our brigade lost four tanks, one SU-100 and several dozen tommy-gunners and infantrymen. The 2nd Battalion now only had four tanks left out of the ten which had arrived five days ago; our battalion only had five, and in the SPG Regiment there was only one SU-100. All anti-tank guns had been lost as well. There were barely twenty men in each company of tommy-gunners, and only two mortars were still battleworthy in the whole mortar company.
That night we consolidated our new positions. The next day, 15 March, became the last and the most dramatic day of the whole defensive battle. Both sides suffered heavy losses, but the German troops fizzled out: their activity abruptly declined, and they only managed to advance in a few sectors. They began their attack on our sector a little later than usual. After a short period of shelling, an infantry battalion, supported by seven tanks and eight armoured vehicles, attacked from Sandor, with another infantry company and five tanks attacking the 2nd Battalion from a grove 1 kilometre east of Sandor.
Battered and exhausted, entrenched in poorly prepared positions, the remnants of the brigade engaged the enemy in this last and decisive action near Balaton. The enemy was attacking timidly, however, almost reluctantly. Their tanks were firing from long range, although as the distance became shorter, the intensity grew; meanwhile, the German artillery shelled us constantly. Dzigunskiy’s and Potolitsyn’s tanks had moved forward slightly, and they were the first to engage the German tanks. Having managed to destroy one of the enemy machines, both of the gallant crews died in the counterblow. The enemy rushed into the breach that was formed, but a company commander, Smolyakov, dashed across without hesitation and destroyed one of the tanks. The remaining German tank withdrew, allowing the battalion to continue to fend the enemy off. Smolyakov positioned his tank in the centre of the battle line and blocked the enemy attacks, manoeuvring himself up and down the front line as needed.
There was a fierce engagement in the 2nd Battalion’s sector as well. Sarkisyan spread the three remaining tanks over a wide area; he himself manned Emelin’s tank and took up the central defensive spot, with Deev’s tank on the right and Burlaki’s on the left. He ordered them not to open fire without his permission. The enemy was advancing gradually, intensifying their fire. Our tanks stood quiet, biding their time. Only once the enemy had got very close did all three tanks and the tommy-gunners start shooting, delivering strong and accurate fire all at once. The enemy halted, trying to look for cover, though they carried on firing. They managed to hit Lieutenant Burlaki’s tank, although an enemy machine also caught fire after taking hits from Deev and Sarkisyan. Shiroliev’s tommy-gunners managed to force the enemy infantry to pull back.
A period of calm descended on the battlefield. The combrig received reports that there were four tanks left in the 1st Battalion and two in the 2nd Battalion; there were barely more than ten men left in each of the infantry companies. Our last SPG had been destroyed during the defensive action in Korcsma. Chunikhin ordered that we were to fight to the last man. For this final battle Klaustin was appointed the deputy Chief-of-Staff of the brigade, and I took over the battalion.
During the second half of the day the enemy commenced another attack. Using old caponieres, I spread the tanks into a line, spaced 250 metres apart. The tommy-gunners took up defence in the centre, a little ahead of the tanks. Again letting the enemy approach closely for initial close-range shots, all tanks opened concentrated fire at the enemy armoured vehicles and tanks. Two of their vehicles stopped straight away and then the rest of the Germans decided not to take any further chances, stopping and opening fire from where they stood, but wouldn’t advance any further.
The situation for the 2nd Battalion turned out to be even more dramatic. Sarkisyan ordered Chashegorov to shift the staff of the battalion a bit further away – from a dugout to the forest edge – to contact the combrig and report the situation. Having set up battle tasks for the tank commanders Emelin and Deev, he walked away to a haystack and began to observe the progress of events through binoculars. The enemy was advancing slowly, timidly, and began to fire from afar as before. Without waiting for the enemy to get any closer, two of our tanks opened fire. A rather unequal tank duel broke out. Getting closer, the enemy tanks intensified their fire and soon shot up Emelin’s tank – fortunately his crew escaped unhurt. Now only Deev’s tank and the tommy-gunners from Shiroliev’s company were defending our position. The enemy was approaching slowly, moving from one piece of cover to the next – their fire was getting stronger as they neared the battalion line. Shells and mortar bombs were exploding all over the place.
At that moment Sarkisyan lost composure and reason. He tore off his shoulder badges, took off his cap and threw it on the ground. Looking almost deranged, he ordered Chashegorov to report urgently that there was only one tank left in the battalion, that the enemy was advancing in a large force and that help was needed immediately – he then asked the artillery to fire on the battalion’s own defence sector. Chashegorov tried to reason with him, but the combat became even more infuriated and adamantly repeated his order, adding that they needed to group the HQ together and urgently retreat to the rear. He himself would stay with the tank and fight to the bitter end. Chashegorov understood that it was useless to resist, rounded up the staff, including the crews who had lost their tanks, and began to retreat under the enemy fire. The group came across a blocking unit, who, suspecting them of deserting, ordered them all to drop flat on the ground. After a brief explanation, they were allowed to continue and soon the hungry and exhausted men reached the brigade HQ.
Chashegorov reported to the combrig in detail everything that had happened. Chunikhin became pensive, wrinkled his nose at the terrible news and then ordered Major Dudin to send the last reserve – a tank platoon – to assist Sarkisyan. He ordered Chashegorov to talk to the head of the political department, Negrul. The latter listened to the sad story attentively, questioning him about Sarkisyan’s behaviour. Chashegorov gave a detailed account of events. The head of the special department of the brigade became interested too: he began to suspect that Chashegorov had got cold feet and left his combat in the lurch without permission. The lieutenant-colonel and an investigation officer set about interrogating Chashegorov in a separate dugout, trying to pressure him and force him to confirm their own version of events. Realizing what they were driving at and what they suspected, Chashegorov was bewildered. Fortunately all doubts quickly dissipated with the arrival of Junior Lieutenant Deev. The officer explained that, upon the approach of the enemy, the combat had ordered him to withdraw and bury the gun breech-lock wedge in the ground, to take the pistols and retreat to the safe positions, although he stayed at the forest edge himself. This last action of Sarkisyan’s puzzled everyone – we all had our own theories and guesses about why he did it.
Koltunov quickly brought up the reserve. He spotted a small enemy column of tanks and armoured vehicles, accompanied by infantry, slowly advancing towards the brigade HQ. He deployed the tanks without delay and attacked the enemy, who began to retreat after the first shots. Pursuing the enemy, Koltunov returned to the battalion’s original position, but failed to find the combat in the area of recent fighting.
By the end of the day the enemy had run out of steam completely and ceased their offensive. On 16 March the weather abruptly deteriorated: low clouds rolled in, and it grew cold and very bleak. During the middle of the day the enemy artillery shelled our positions intensely for two hours. Markov’s tank was hit and several men from the infantry battalion were killed and their zampolit, Senior Lieutenant Teslenko, was wounded. Suddenly Sarkisyan turned up out of nowhere; he was exhausted, unshaven and depressed. The commander, the head of the political department and the head of the special department interrogated him ‘behind closed doors’ for some time. Sarkisyan came out looking more cheerful – he took his men and headed back to the defence sector to lead the 2nd Battalion.
The brigade stayed in the same defensive position for the next two days, still holding the line. The battalions were able to put themselves back in order to a degree, repairing and restoring machines. Four tanks arrived from the 110th Tank Brigade to reinforce us. The combrig handed over all remaining tanks to my battalion and withdrew the 2nd into reserve. On the 17th the brigade was moved over under the command of the 320th Rifle Division and began to advance towards Sandor. But, after moving forward no more than 1 kilometre, it stopped, having already lost two tanks and a few dozen soldiers, and consolidated at the position it had reached.
On 19 March the 32nd Rifle Division, supported by the 170th Tank Brigade and the 32nd Motorized Rifle Brigade, resumed the offensive. This time we captured Sergejs in a running battle and severed the Seregelyes–Serochen road. At this point the brigade was ordered to withdraw to the corps reserve and concentrate to the south-west of Sarosd. Soon a new order arrived: ‘Stay in the corps reserve and advance, following the 110th Tank Brigade, towards Palinka–Polgardi, being ready to help the first echelon of the corps achieve its objectives and protect its right flank from possible counterstrikes from Szekesfehervar.’
There was no time for preparations. This kind of messing around really throws you off balance and can be very irritating – but the army is the army, and as soldiers always say: ‘No matter if you like it or not – get out and line up!’ The combrig put up with it, collected his thoughts, assessed the situation, quickly set up tasks for the battalions and led the brigade forward. By midday we had come up against Hill 140, 2 kilometres south of Seregelyes. Again we came across that same town, around which our brigade had been fighting all month, as if bound to it, and where so many of our comrades had fallen.
We received new directions from the corps HQ: ‘Hand over urgently all tanks to the 110th Tank Brigade and make your way to Solgathaz to receive new matériel.’ By the end of the day the brigade had stationed itself in the assigned area. We spent a day there, then a communications officer arrived from HQ and confirmed we were to receive twenty tanks at Sarszentmiklos station. Colonel Chunikhin also commandeered an operations group under the command of Major Novikov and his combats. By the end of the day the brigade was in Sarszentmiklos, and the tank echelon had arrived by this time as well.
The tanks were handed over to the 3rd Battalion. The successful activities of troops at the front meant that more manpower was needed. The brigades of the first echelon had incurred heavy losses and needed reinforcement, which was why the comcor ordered the brigade to set out on a march straight away and deploy in the town of Tac. At the same time a further order arrived to provide crews for ten tanks. The combrig gathered all the reserve crews and handed them over to the 2nd Battalion; he instructed Sarkisyan to receive the ten tanks, man them with the crews and head to Tac.
After a short stopover we entered Gayag, and here the 2nd Tank Battalion caught up with the brigade, with two tanks. In the town Colonel Chunikhin received the instruction: ‘The brigade shall advance in the second echelon, following the 181st Tank Brigade, and by the morning of 24 March will enter Nagyvazsony.’ However, this task wasn’t carried out as the vanguard brigades of the corps encountered stubborn enemy resistance and became bogged down in the battle for Mecsades. Govorunenko decided to bring into action the 170th Tank Brigade and assigned them the task: ‘Capture Nemesvamos together with the 110th and 181st tank brigades, then advance towards Tavaszon, Nagyvazsony.’
The town of Nemesvamos was well fortified. It was defended by up to two infantry battalions, eight tanks and up to four anti-tank batteries. We advanced on it along a road: the 3rd Tank Battalion was on the right, the 2nd on the left, both reinforced by tommy-gunners. The countryside was quite rugged approaching Nemesvamos, which impeded our tank manoeuvres. Poorly-trained and inexperienced tankmen advanced rather timidly, and the combats had to push them forward, heading to the starting line for the attack. Having finally overcome these difficulties, under cover of artillery, the tanks of the vanguard brigades and our battalions advanced and captured Nemesvamos after a fierce battle. The enemy retreated and took up a defensive position along a line of nearby hills that were well within view. The brigade now became engaged in protracted fighting. Otroshenkov was looking for a way to dislodge the Germans from their dominant heights and wipe them out. Sarkisyan was nervously urging the tankers forward. The combrig sent howitzers and SPGs to support the battalions. The enemy was fiercely fending off our attacks, and we incurred heavy losses – three tanks of the 2nd Battalion burnt out and one shot up, and the 3rd Battalion lost three tanks as well. The infantry battalion suffered heavy losses too. By the end of the day we had managed to destroy the enemy and capture the heights, but the brigade failed to achieve the main objective.
That day of fighting turned out to be a truly harsh one – we had not incurred losses like that for a long time. The difficult conditions of the mountainous forestland, the well-thought-out and prepared enemy defence, our poor reconnaissance and lack of knowledge of the enemy strength – all these factors took their toll. Of course, the lack of experience, poor cohesion and insufficient training of our newly-arrived personnel played their part as well.
This time Govorunenko addressed the failures privately, without swearing. He reinforced the brigade with the 209th Howitzer Brigade and ordered: ‘Continue the offensive in the morning to capture Tavaszon, Nagyvazsony, Kapolcs, Monostor and Apatii, and by the end of the day reach the Monostor–Apatii–Halgoshegy Mountain line, being ready for a further advance towards Tapolca.’
Early that morning we continued the offensive. The 2nd Battalion attacked from the north-east with a company of tommy-gunners and a battery of SU-100s, and the 3rd Battalion came from the north similarly equipped. The brigade quickly burst into the north-east outskirts of Tavazson, and street-fighting broke out. The enemy counter-attacked, and the 2nd Battalion took the brunt of the assault. After losing three tanks, the brigade couldn’t hold out and pulled back, but the enemy’s success came at the price of six burnt-out tanks and assault guns, as well as four armoured vehicles.
Watching the action unfold, Chunikhin was constantly assessing the situation and making decisions accordingly. Lieutenant Pylnikov’s company with a battery of SU-100s attacked from the south-west, and the commander of the 2nd Battalion, together with Lieutenant Rogov’s company and a company of infantry attacked further from the north, having manoeuvred as ordered. In the meantime Otroshenkov bypassed Tavazson 3 kilometres to the north-west along the edge of a forest and captured the town of Felshegeel; he was now closing in on the enemy from the rear.
The heaviest fighting so far broke out; our artillery was firing constantly – the enemy hadn’t expected such a turn of events after our morning failure! Having destroyed eight tanks and assault guns and five enemy armoured vehicles, losing only three of our own, the brigade captured Tavazson and pursued the retreating enemy. We burst into Nagyvazsony on the enemy’s heels, this town was also taken, and at dawn of the following day the advance was continued towards Pula. The 3rd Battalion was ahead: Otroshenkov sent forward a vanguard detachment consisting of Lieutenant Bryakin’s tank platoon, a platoon of SU-100s and an infantry platoon. Approaching a forest a couple of kilometres north-west of Nagyvazsony, the vanguard came across an enemy strong-point. The scouts reconnoitred and confirmed that it was manned by an infantry battalion, supported by eight tanks and a number of assault guns. The vanguard detachment deployed and attacked, supported by our own assault guns. The enemy rendered dogged resistance, and after a short engagement our vanguard retired, having just managed to retrieve a shot-up tank with a great deal of effort.
Captains Otroshenkov and Samsonov thoroughly analyzed the area on the map and decided to bypass the strongpoint using barely noticeable forest roads. The combrig approved their decision, and the deputy battalion commander, Senior Lieutenant Sidorenko, led the vanguard detachment. By midday they reached Lake Nagy and came up against a marsh. The lead tanks became bogged down, and so they had to look for another route, but this marshy terrain spread out in front of them and on both sides. They finally managed to pull the tanks out with a lot of effort and withdrew, recalling the folk wisdom: ‘The winding road may be the shorter one.’
The comcor was rushing around, swearing and threatening everyone with reprisals. The combrig and his staff were looking for a way round the problem. At that point an order came from the corps HQ: ‘Bypass the strongpoint along the Nagyvazsony–Csekut–Nyirad route and capture Sümeg by the end of 26 March.’ Chunikhin turned the brigade around. Now the 2nd Tank Battalion was ahead of the rest, and Otroshenkov was ordered to come out of the forest, catch up with the brigade and follow the 2nd Battalion. Sarkisyan sent forward a vanguard detachment led by Senior Lieutenant Koltunov; the battalion moved fast, urged on by its impatient combat, and by evening the vanguard approached Csekut. Here it was stopped by scouts. Lieutenant Chebotarev reported to Koltunov that Polgardi–Kut was defended by enemy infantry with tank and artillery support, and that the road to Nyirad was well targeted by the enemy. The combat arrived, followed by the combrig with his operations group. Chunikhin ordered Sarkisyan not to engage in fighting, but to bypass this new strongpoint via forest roads. In order to identify a route he sent Lieutenant Chebotarev forward with the scouts. Following narrow forest tracks, the brigade managed to bypass the strongpoint safely without fighting and by the end of the day came to Nyirad and entered it peacefully. Continuing the advance onwards, the vanguard then captured Deke and moved towards Sumeg.
The comcor was still belligerent and reprimanded Chunikhin again, demanding that he capture Sumeg immediately. Having spewed forth an avalanche of abuse, he calmed down somewhat and listened to the combrig’s arguments and requests. As a result he commandeered the 452nd Artillery Regiment and the 104th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment to reinforce the brigade. After the artillery regiments had arrived, we continued the advance and approached Sumeg. It was quite a large town and an important road junction. The enemy had fortified it pretty well, having concentrated their main forces on the eastern outskirts and on the dominating hills around the town. According to Captain Gusak’s report, Sumeg was defended by about a regiment of infantry, ten dug-in Panther tanks and up to eight artillery batteries. Having assessed the situation, the combrig decided that the 2nd Battalion should bypass the town via woodland south of Sumeg to reach the Keszthely–Sumeg road and then attack the town from the south. This should provide a diversion for the enemy and after that we would strike from the south-east. He ordered all the artillery to move closer to the town so that they could shell the hilltop posts – when our main forces began the attack, they could then support them with close-range fire.
Captain Sarkisyan bypassed Sumeg successfully, reaching the main road. When he burst into the southern district, fighting broke out. Obviously the enemy had not expected our tanks to attack here and therefore had to transfer some of their tanks and artillery to repulse the strike from our 2nd Battalion. This was what the combrig had planned on. Now Otroshenkov’s 3rd Tank Battalion and Captain Dotsenko’s infantry battalion went into the attack. Our artillery was neutralizing the enemy fire emplacements on the hills by accurate firing at identified targets. The enemy were suffering heavy losses, and started to waver and retreat. Before long, Sumeg was captured. The enemy had lost six tanks and eighteen vehicles, and we captured cargo trains, a weapons depot and a military storehouse.
As the enemy retreated, the tank and infantry battalions went in pursuit. The group was spearheaded by Lieutenant Gerasyutin’s platoon, reinforced by a platoon of SU-100s. Chasing the enemy, Gerasyutin led the vanguard to Tetvah and captured this town on the run. As it continued, the detachment came up against a creek and encountered a force defending the nearby bridge: a company of infantry, five tanks and two artillery batteries. Gerasyutin set up an SPG for point-blank firing, deployed the platoon and rapidly attacked, but the enemy managed to hit Gerasyutin’s lead tank and blew up the bridge as well. The tanks and SPGs close to the creek continued to exchange fire, while the badly wounded platoon commander was pulled out of his tank and sent to the rear. Under covering fire the scouts tried to find another crossing but found nothing; the bottom of the creek was also muddy and the banks were boggy. The combrig ordered Captain Kalugin to build a bridge across the creek using engineers and the manpower of an infantry platoon, and by morning it was ready.
After a short barrage the 170th Tank Brigade moved forwards and captured Mihalyf and Batyk without further trouble. However, close to where a railway line crossed a road they encountered a minefield. Field engineers arrived and set about clearing the mines but the enemy opened fire on them and the approaching brigade units. The combrig ordered the attached artillery units to retaliate and neutralize the enemy presence in Salober. When the mine-clearing was finished the 3rd Tank Battalion together with infantry attacked the enemy positions in Salober and wiped them out.
In the morning of 29 March we captured Zalaszentivan, taking Zalaegerszeg later in the day. During the night of the 30th the brigade marched from Androshida–Zalacseb, meeting no further resistance. We moved fast: the enemy was demoralized and panic-stricken – they weren’t retreating in an orderly fashion but were scurrying off in all directions. Many would lay down their arms and surrender; the Hungarian servicemen would disappear among the local population.
The brigade approached Kermend; the 32nd Motorized Brigade arrived on the scene as well, and we were ordered to capture the town in a joint operation. The scouts reported that the bridge over the Raba River had been blown up, and there were no alternative routes or crossings. Colonel Chunikhin reported the situation to the comcor and was ordered to return to Zalacseb. During the return march a corps communication officer handed the combrig a new combat instruction: ‘The 170th Tank Brigade together with the 1935th SPG Regiment and the 52nd Light Artillery Regiment is to advance towards Szece, Celinac, then along the Hungarian–Yugoslavian border towards Kuzma–Neustift, and capture Feldvar in cooperation with the 110th Tank Brigade. After that you are to advance towards Graz.’ We set off on this new mission: the 3rd Tank Battalion leading, followed by the 2nd Battalion, brigade staff and then artillery units. Our battalion was in the rear units, although we had no tanks at that stage.
Having travelled more than 50 kilometres along winding and rocky mountainous roads, the brigade finally reached the area of Farkasva. Field kitchens and fuel trucks arrived; people were fed, the tanks were refuelled. Then we continued towards the border. The Hungarian Army was giving up the fight: in one day alone we took 8,000 soldiers and officers prisoner. The 3rd Hungarian Infantry Regiment surrendered en masse – about a thousand carts with matériel were captured.
Our 170th Tank Brigade withdrew to the second echelon of the corps in the area of Kuzma, and until 3 April it stayed in the area of Leitersdorf, waiting for a bridge to be built over the Raba River near Feldbach. When the bridge was finished we crossed the river under cover of night and, dislodging the defending enemy units as we went, captured Ratau, Ledensdorf and Ensdorf. Approaching Brunn we came across another minefield and strong enemy fire – fighting broke out. Early in the day the 2nd and 3rd tank battalions, accompanied by infantry and artillery, attacked the enemy positions, trying to neutralize the stronghold, but to no avail. The brigade subsequently used part of the force as diversionary cover, while the rest bypassed the stronghold and moved on to carry out the main task. The terrain within the foothills of the Alps was extremely difficult and rugged. The narrow winding roads seriously restricted speed and manoeuvrability. Coming through Ensdorf, we encountered stubborn resistance near Stang, which again dragged us into more heavy fighting. Supported by artillery, the 2nd and 3rd battalions attacked along the road, though they lost two tanks in the process and failed to achieve any real success. The infantry, meanwhile, had dropped flat to the ground when the tanks had halted.
Realizing the futility of the attack, the comcor withdrew the brigade from combat. The enemy spotted the withdrawal and opened heavy artillery fire from the right – from the side of the forest. They also tried to attack along the road but came under fire from our SPGs and halted that venture. Our light artillery regiment deployed against the enemy artillery and shot several salvos – the enemy fell silent.
The march towards Kermend progressed under very difficult conditions, with constant bombardment. As we approached Feldbach we encountered the enemy, who had captured the bridge built by our own engineers over the Raba River. The 2nd Battalion managed to dislodge these units and retook the bridge before continuing the advance, mustering in Magyarnalocs by the end of the day.
After 105 kilometres of marching in harsh conditions and constant engagements, the brigade finally rested, refuelling and repairing machines. Without staying in one place for too long, though, we turned sharply northwards and by the morning of 6 April we had mustered in the northern outskirts of Wiener Neustadt. After another brief halt we moved on and stopped in the picturesque resort town of Baden, 15 kilo metres from Vienna. Here the combrig transferred all the tanks to the 3rd Battalion, and the 2nd was transferred to the reserve.