Notes

Introduction

1Levine (2007, p. 103).

2Berman (1983, pp. 18–19).

3The Times (8 July 1920, p. 10 – ‘The Amritsar Debate’).

4De Certeau (c.1988, p. 2).

5According to Edward Said (1994, p. 1), ‘appeals to the past are amongst the commonest of strategies in the interpretation of the present. What animates such appeals is not only disagreement about what happened in the past and what the past was, but uncertainty about whether the past really is past, over and concluded, or whether it continues, albeit in different forms, perhaps’. See also Martindale (2006, pp. 1–13).

6Stanley Cohen notes (1987, p. 22) that ‘[i]t is the perception of threat and not its actual existence that is important’. The tripartite nature of this book is not intended to sideline other fundamental debates of the period. My decision to investigate the debates on Empire, Nation and City was made in order to fulfill the aim of this book – to prove Rome, in and of itself, had a significant role to play in sociopolitical debates that emerged as pessimism replaced optimism in Britain’s future.

7Mill (1942, p. 1). ‘The articles on “The Spirit of the Age” began to appear in the Examiner over the signature “A.B.” on January 6 1831.’ They continued until the end of May (von Hayek, Frederick A. cited in Mill, 1942, p. xxvii). Mill then confirms de Certeau’s argument that the differentiation of ‘ages’ was central to political and historical thought and yet he also shares the opinion of Berman (and Marx) that modernity was philosophically and materially new.

8This is a term borrowed from Michel Foucault’s The Archaeology of Knowledge first published in English in 1972. See Foucault (2008).

9Stray (1994, p. 127).

10For early scholarship see, for instance, Betts (1971) and Turner (1986).

11For the latest scholarship on the relationship between the British India, Greece and Rome, see Hall and Vasunia (2010).

12Vance (1997, p. 28). Vance believes this occurred because between the 1730s and 1830s Shakespeare overtook ‘the classics . . . as a site of political expression and debate and a site of political caricature’.

13Stray (1998, p. 22).

14Mill (1942, p. 65). Along with Greece and the Roman Republic, Mill also considered Sparta to be an example of an exemplary commonwealth. In other ancient civilizations, ‘the circumstances of society itself, being in a perpetual flux, the elements of moral influence never remained long enough in the same hands, to allow time for constitutional doctrines, or received maxims of policy, to grow up’. However, in the Roman Republic, Greece and Sparta, ‘such constitutional doctrines, and such received maxims of policy, did exist, and the community was intensely attached to them’.

15Richard Jenkyns (1992, p. 5) argues that although ‘[i]t would be absurd to claim that English history has been determined by Roman example [sic], nonetheless, ideas have their part to play in the historical process as well as social pressures and sectarian passions’.

16See Martindale (1993, p. xiii); Martindale and Thomas (2006); Bradley (2010).

17Barry (2009, p. 292). Martindale (2007, p. 298) states that ‘[w]hen texts are reread in new situations, they have new meanings; we do not privilege the meanings that they had in their first, “original” contexts (even assuming these to be recoverable in principle)’.

18Balfour (1893, p. 28).

19Phiroze Vasunia (2005a, pp. 38–9) stresses that parallels between Britain and Rome were ‘returned obsessively to’ by establishment figures with Edwardians owing a ‘conceptual debt’ to the Victorians. ‘Invariably’, Vasunia continues, ‘comparisons between Rome and Britain point to contemporary concerns about empire, race, decay, and decline’ and reveal ‘the contradictions of liberal empire’. As frequently ‘arguments about the Roman Empire’ were ‘inseparable from [a writer’s] claims about the British Empire’, Vasunia maintains, analysis of these texts reveal more about the British Empire than the Roman.

20Haverfield, Strachan Davidson, Bevin, Walker, Hogarth, Cromer (1910, pp. 105–6).

21Alston (2010, p. 54).

22Mill (1859, p. 23) claimed that a ‘ruler full of the spirit of improvement is warranted in the use of any expedients that will attain an end, perhaps otherwise unattainable’. According to David Theo Goldberg (2005, p. 133), Mill believed ‘colonial despotism could achieve the happiness of colonized Others only by imposing the measure of Europeanized marks of happiness upon the other, which is to say, to force the other to be less so’. Richard Hingley (2000, p. 10) claims that Classical texts in ‘defining their own civilisation in opposition to barbarian “others” . . . provided a powerful interpretative tool for those who created modern imperial discourse’. See also Hingley (2005, pp. 22–9).

23Hingley (2000, p. 19). T. P. Wiseman (2005, p. 42) however dates the change in attitude to Imperial Rome from the late 1850s. By then, he claims, ‘republican heroism’ was ‘fast becoming obsolete’.

24Seeley (1883, p. 238). Catherine Hall (2000b, p. 1) describes Seeley as the ‘founding father of British imperial history’.

25Light (1991, p. 211). Light continues that ‘the domestication of the imperial idea’ saw ‘the elaboration of imperial fantasies within different kinds of nation, private, and indeed feminine contexts’.

26See Congreve (1855).

27Hall, McClelland and Rendall (2000b, pp. 46, 56).

28Kingsley (1880a, p. 258 – ‘The Massacre of the Innocents’).

29See Stray (1998, p. 32). Michael Banton (1977, p. 96) claims that although it was ‘unusual to hold that there were innate differences between Englishmen’ realistically, ‘it would have been eccentric to behave in practice as though there were not’. According to V. G. Kiernan (1972, p. 330) ‘[d]iscontented native in the colonies, labour agitator in the mills, were the same serpent in alternative disguises. Much of the talk about the barbarism or darkness of the outer world, which it was Europe’s mission to rout, was a transmuted fear of the masses at home’.

30Soloway (1982, p. 137).

31Weigall (1926, p. 80).

32Migration from the country to the city had transformed Britain’s landscape. Towns with populations exceeding 20,000 rose from 15 to 185 between 1800 and 1900. Stevenson (2003, p. 13). Raymond Williams (1975, p. 188) suggests as industrialization ‘announced . . . the new character of the city and the new relationship between city and country’, a modern debate occurred in which the city of Rome was consistently deployed. See also Howkins (1991, p. 7).

33Levin (2004, p. 20).

34Young (1995, p. 31).

35Strong (1963, p. 172).

36Stevenson (2003, p. 20). See also Williams (1975, p. 9) and Short (1991).

37Strong (1963, p. 176).

38Janet DeLaine (1999, p. 146) in the ‘The romanitas of the Railway Station’, for instance, claims Roman building technology was replicated in order to empower the elite. DeLaine explores the ‘conceptual parallels’ between Roman aqueducts described in Frontinus’ On Aqueducts and praised by Pliny the Elder in Natural Histories and railways. Frontinus and Pliny ‘praised the combination of utility, benefit to the city, and control over nature’ of aqueducts and saw them ‘as a symbol of Rome’s world-wide Empire’, while ‘railways displayed domination and control over nature, a control which was itself an expression of power’. DeLaine (1999, p. 154) continues that the ‘obvious symbolism’ evident in ‘monumental structures’ to the classically educated ‘was the power of imperial Rome, in scale if not in detail’.

39Jane Harding and Anthea Taigel (1996, p. 237) have tracked the origins of the debate back to the Renaissance reproducing maps of towns to show the importance of the provision of ‘orchards and gardens and little pastures’ for the population in the 1600s.

40According to Deborah Stevenson (2003, p. 23), garden cities ‘went beyond the rural-urban dichotomy’ combining ‘the “best” of the city (civilization) and the “best” of the country (nature)’.

41Haverfield (1913, p. 146).

42Alston (2010, p. 54).

43See Chapter 1.

44This project is not about what translations tell us about the ancient world but rather what they tell us about the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. According to Lorna Hardwick, ‘reception studies have to be concerned with investigating the routes by which a text has moved and the cultural forces which shaped or filtered the ways in which the text was regarded’. Cited in McElduff (2006, p. 180).

45Vance (1997, pp. 87, 156).

46Hobsbawm (1992a, p. 13).

47Seeley (1883, p. 166).

48Bryce (15 February 1915, MS Bryce 230, fol. 49).

49Castle (1993, p. 39).

50According to Edward Said (2003, p. 332), ‘the development and maintenance of every culture require the existence of another different and competing alter ego . . . Each age and society re-creates its “Others”’. Far from a static thing then, identity of self or of the ‘other is a much worked over historical, social, intellectual, and political process that takes place as a contest involving institutions and individuals in all societies’.

51See Crawfurd (1861a, 1861b, 1863) and Farrar (1867). Laura Otis (2002, p. xix) notes the propensity of scientists to quote from ancient texts identifying two underlying reasons. First, classical knowledge ‘defined their [scientific] knowledge as “cultured” and therefore non-threatening’ and, secondly, being in receipt of a classical education they were ‘effectively gentlemen scholars’.

52Knox (1850, p. 7).

53Hampton (2004, p. 19).

54The Times (7 November 1900, p. 9 – ‘The Winter Session of the Institution of Civil Engineers’).

55The Times (17 January 1896, p. 7 – ‘The Plane-Trees by Spring-Garden’).

56The Times (31 October 1925, p. 10 – ‘London Expects Every Voter to do his Duty-Monday’).

57Cited in Hampton (2004, p. 20). Lucy Brown (cited in Hampton, 2004, p. 19) claims that, during ‘the second half of the nineteenth century the newspaper became established as part of the normal furniture of life for all classes’.

58For Kipling’s view on Horace, see Charles Carrington’s Kipling’s Horace (1978).

59Said (1994, p. xii).

60Said (1994, p. 38).

61Eliot (1994, p. 704); Eliot (1894, p. 70).

62Street (1975, p. 4).

63Disraeli (n.d. pp. 148–9).

64Disraeli (n.d. p. 149). According to Andrew Sanders (2000, 163), Baron Sergius in Disraeli’s Endymion (1880) has a similar role to play declaring ‘a principle’ which Sanders states, was a principle to which Disraeli ‘himself would appear to have assented’. As the Baron put it to the principal character of Disraeli’s romance, Endymion Ferrars (1880, p. 44): ‘You have heard to-day a great deal about the Latin race, their wondrous qualities their peculiar destiny, their possible danger. It is a new idea, or rather a new phrase, that I observe is now getting into the political world, and is probably destined to produce consequences. No man will treat with indifference the principle of race. It is the key of history, and why history is so often confused is that it has been written by men who were ignorant of this principle and all the knowledge it involves. As one who is a statesman and assist in governing mankind, it is necessary that you should not be insensible to it . . . its qualities must ever be taken into account’.

65Sanders (2000, pp. 165–6). It is the novel, Said (1994, p. xii) states, being ‘the aesthetic object’ most closely connected ‘to the expanding societies of Britain and France’ that makes it ‘particularly interesting to study’. Hall, McClelland and Rendall (2000b, p. 39) claim ‘print culture was central to the process of giving people new ways to think about themselves and relate to each other, in making new ideas accessible and popular’.

66See the introduction to Catherine Edwards’ Roman Presences: Receptions of Rome in European Culture, 1789–1945 (1999, pp. 1–18).

Chapter 1

1See Porter (2005, pp. 135–41).

2Hall (2010, p. 33).

3Colley (1992, p. 323).

4Ferguson (1995, p. 106). Michael Levin (2004, p. 10) claims ‘the whole point of the term [civilization], at least from the eighteenth century onwards, was bound up with the Western view of itself as in advance of the rest of the world; that it had developed and others hadn’t’.

5Ferguson (1995, p. 159). The conviction that Englishmen were superior to other Britons will be discussed in Chapter 2.

6Macaulay (1860, p. 279). This essay titled ‘Sir James Mackintosh’ first appeared in the July 1835 issue of the Edinburgh Review. According to Vance (1997, p. 5), Macaulay’s Lays ‘helps to demonstrate that ancient Rome, variously constructed or reconstructed, could be not just part of the dead past but a vision and an idea transcending its original context’.

7Macaulay (1935, p. 359).

8Cited in Faber (1967, pp. 37–8).

9Cited in Baucom (1999, p. 55).

10Mangan (1993b, pp. 7, 10). This ‘ “ladder” perspective of human development’, as Peter Mandler (2006, p. 22) terms it, ‘chimed neatly, and not accidentally, with the British political elite’s preferences. A hierarchy of nations, based on different stages of development towards “civilization”, was an ideal vision for an expanding British Empire’.

11Christopher Stray maintains (1998, p. 46), ‘[t]he learning of Latin and Greek by peer-groups of boys in boarding schools led to a shared knowledge of classics which underpinned the self-images and solidarity of educated adults’. This, for many, gave rise ‘to an intense individual commitment to the formative, and transformative power of the classics’.

12Cited in Stray (1998, p. 204).

13Ward (1964, p. 413).

14Mill (1942, pp. 38–9).

15Mill (1942, p. 39).

16Lillo (1810, p. 304). Lillo himself was described by the English novelist and dramatist Henry Fielding (1707–54) as having ‘the spirit of an old Roman, joined to the innocence of a primitive Christian’. Cited in Patrick (1902, p. 277).

17Knowledge of the Classics, acting as a metaphorical barrier between the elite and the lower order, reinforced a class hierarchy. Once belonging to this select world membership was sustained by ‘interaction with other group members . . . and by contact with the source’. Stray (1998, p. 65).

18Monthly Review (1764, p. xxx).

19The Times (15 November 1813, p. 3 – ‘Letters of Vetus: Letter xxxiv’).

20Cited in The Times (6 August 1853, p. 2 – ‘House of Lords’).

21Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, vol. 112, 25 June 1850, p. 444. See Vance (1997, pp. 125–8) for a full discussion of the Don Pacifico affair.

22Stray (1998, pp. 21–2). George Eliot (1997, p. 40) in Felix Holt (1866) set just after the passing of the Reform Act in 1832 acknowledged the power that lay with knowledge of the Classics. Harold Transome, standing as a Radical against the upper class Tory Debarry, is advised to ‘rub up’ on his Latin as ‘young Debarry is a tremendous fellow at the classics’. According to Stray (1998, p. 32), with Greek learning considered by the middle classes as ‘something above them’, there was a ‘shift from the predominance of Greek to that of Latin’.

23The ‘“civilisational” model of imperialism’ was, in Philippa Levine’s words (2007, p. 100), the ‘common and popular argument that allegedly backward peoples were well served by good colonial administration that would educate and Christianize them, help them curb disease and poverty . . . and fit them for a place in the afterlife’.

24Eccleston (1847, p. 4).

25Eccleston (1847, p. 16).

26Church (1877, Agr. 21).

27Eccleston (1847, p. 23). See Bradley (2010, pp. 123–58) for a discussion of translations of Tacitus’ Agricola in the Victorian and Edwardian eras.

28Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, vol. 127, 3 June 1853, p. 1194.

29Cited in Stray (1998, p. 43). See Green (1994).

30As Richard Faber states (1966, p. 25), ‘[i]f the Pax Britannica was hailed in Latin it was because the Pax Romana served as a model for comparison and inspiration’. Richard Jenkyns (2007, p. 277) claims the parallel between the two was ‘inescapable’.

31Creasy (1856, p. 21).

32The Times (5 July 1856, p. 9 – ‘Among the many illustrations which history has’).

33Carter (2003, p. 5). William Jones claimed Asia ‘has ever been esteemed the nurse of science, the inventress of delightful and useful arts, the scene of glorious action, fertile in the production of human genius . . . abounding in natural wonders, and infinitely diversified in the form of religion and government, in the laws, manners, customs and languages, as well as in the features and complexions of men’. Cited in Mudford, (1974, pp. 88–9).

34Cited in Porter (1984, p. 19).

35Macaulay (1935, p. 349).

36Macaulay (1935, p. 351). See Vasunia (2000b, pp. 43–4).

37Stray (1998, p. 53). Phiroze Vasunia (2005b, p. 37) maintains ‘Greek and Latin authorized and participated in imperial culture, and also intersected, in metropolitan and colonial contexts, with such issues as race, class, and gender’.

38Carter, (2003, p. 3).

39Raphael Samuel (1998, p. 80) argues the empire was ‘a fetter on, rather than encouragement to trade’.

40Cobden (1908, p. 187).

41J. Hawthorne in the introduction to the 1900 edition of Carlyle’s book claimed this book ‘educated the generation to which it was given’. Carlyle (1900, p. ix).

42Cited in Wakefield (1914, p. 458). From Charles Buller’s Speech on ‘Systematic Colonisation’ given in the House of Commons on 6 April 1843.

43Cited in Wakefield (1914, p. 473).

44Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, vol. 70, 22 June 1843, 205.

45The Times (25 September 1838, p. 3 – ‘Agitation in the manufacturing districts’).

46Robert Knox (cited in Young, 1995: 119–20) wrote in 1862 that it was following the ‘revolutionary epoch of 1848, that the press condescended to admit that race had anything to do with human affairs’. According to Peter Mandler (2000: 229), the revolutions in France, the German and Italian States, Poland and the Hapsburg territories had been viewed in Britain with a mix of ‘horror and self-congratulation’.

47MacDaugall (1848, p. 2).

48Scott (1848, p. 2).

49Shaw (1848, p. 3).

50Lyttelton (1849, p. 40).

51[Anonymous] (1848, pp. 5–6).

52[Anonymous] (1848, pp. 27–8).

53Cited in The Times (18 October 1855, p. 5 – ‘Mr. Gladstone on the Colonial Policy of England’ ,)

54Lloyd’s Weekly Newspaper (3 April 1870, p. 1 – ‘Self-help to Emigration’).

55Andrew Thompson (2005, p. 241) claims by the 1850s, the colonies were ‘ever more central to the economic and political dimensions of imperial ideology’.

56Smith (1904, pp. 58–9, 60).

57The Times (18 October 1855, p. 5 – ‘Mr. Gladstone on the Colonial Policy of England’).

58Bell (2006, p. 744).

59See David (2002).

60See Levine (2007, pp. 77–9).

61The Times (1 September 1857, p. 6 – ‘The Indian Mutiny is eminently a barbaric category’).

62Edith Hall (2010, p. 33) claims the ‘psychological shock’ to Britons of the mutiny was ‘incalculable’.

63The Times (6 October 1857, p. 6 – ‘We do not know that there is any particular . . . ’).

64The Times (7 November 1857, p. 6 – ‘It is certain that the fall of Delhi’).

65Dickens and Collins (1923, pp. 45–6).

66Mia Carter (2003, p. 6) states that prior to the mutiny many ‘believed that the fate and future of India and its people was theirs to determine’ whereas after the mutiny ‘it was easier and far more comforting to believe the uprising was a pathological symptom of the national character’ rather than resistance to British rule.

67Smith (1904, pp. 58, 60).

68Sheppard (1861, p. 65).

69Creighton (1875, p. 33).

70Heuman (1994, p. xiii). For public reaction in Britain to the actions of Governor Eyre see Baucom (1999, pp. 42–3).

71Cited in Porter (2006, p. 99).

72Symonds (1923, pp. 1–2).

73Farrar (1867, p. 116).

74Farrar (1867, pp. 119, 124–5).

75Linda Colley (1992, p. 311) maintains we usually decide who we are ‘by reference to who and what we are not’. Jane Webster (1996, pp. 116, 117) states that the concept of the ‘other’ ‘has been one of the most influential ideas in Western thought’ and has ancient roots originating during the Persian Wars (500–479 BC). The Persians were constructed as the antithesis of the Greeks providing ‘a means for Greeks to pursue a self-identity at a time of threat’. The Romans exploited the idea as they justified territorial expansion. The ‘other’ became not the enemy, but natives in the Roman colonies. It turned ‘the discourse of the barbarian . . . into something specifically imperial’. According to Tim Barringer (1996, p. 34) scientific theories on race legitimated the management and oppression of the ‘other’ in the Empire.

76Carlyle (1971, p. 296).

77Carlyle (1867, p. 3). See also Carlyle (1885, p. 28). Nancy Stepan (1982, p. xi) states that although the Greeks considered they were superior to all non-Greeks who were marked out as barbarians, they did not rank non-Greeks ‘in a hierarchy of inferior and superior types’. Javed Majeed (1999, p. 101) claims the Romans tended ‘towards fusion and uniformity and race imposed few barriers’.

78Cited in Slater (1998, p. 142).

79See, for instance, Gaskell, (1929, p. 51).

80Brontë (n.d. p. 255).

81Knox (1850, p. 450). Knox’s (1850, p. 224) study of African skulls had disposed him ‘to think that there must be a physical and, consequently, a psychological inferiority in the dark races generally’. Knox, of course, was referring to native New Zealanders and not colonizers.

82While monogenists accepted the biblical version, according to Joseph Kestner (1996, p. 112), that ‘all mankind [was] descended from a single union’, polygenists argued that ‘the major races each [had] an independent point of origin’. Stepan (1982, p. 4) maintains that ‘a shift from a sense of man as primarily a social being governed by social laws and standing apart from nature, to a sense of man as primarily a biological being, embedded in nature and governed by biological laws’ occurred.

83Darwin (1861, p. 84).

84Wallace (1864, p. clxviii).

85Wallace (1864, p. clxii).

86Wallace (1864, p. clxix).

87Watson (1851, Luc. 5, ll.1011–14). For the reception of Lucretius in Victorian England see Vance (1997, pp. 83–111).

88Watson (1851, Luc. 5, ll.1105–9).

89Wilberforce (1860, p. 233).

90Sellar (1932, pp. 332–3).

91Wallace (1864, pp. clxiv–clxv).

92Crawfurd (1861a, p. 77).

93Crawfurd (1861a, p. 78).

94Crawfurd (1861a, p. 85).

95[Anonymous] (1865, p. 246).

96George Eliot (1997, p. 86) alluded to this fear in Felix Holt (1866). Upon discovering Harold Transome was standing as a Radical, criticism could be levelled at him on account of his time in Egypt. ‘He has become a regular beast among those Mahometans’, Sir Maximus Debarry stated, ‘he’s got neither religion nor morals left’. Charles Dickens also incorporated the theme into The Mystery of Edwin Drood (n.d. [1869–70], p. 337). On the return of the twins Helena and Neville Landless (the name itself implying a lack of identity) from Ceylon, the Rev. Septimus Crisparkle described them as ‘beautiful barbaric captives brought back from some wild tropical dominion’.

97Cited in Thorne (2010, p. 102).

98See Porter (1984, pp. 45–6). Robert Johnson (2003, p. 113) maintains exclusively white clubs in India were ‘an important focal point for reinforcing identity’.

99Froude (1886, p. 86).

100Froude (1886, p. 189).

101Froude (1886, p. 121). Javed Majeed (1999, p. 89) claims it was the dominions not the subject territories that were thought of as ‘new Englands’ as they reproduced the ‘constitutional features of the mother country’s government’.

102Long (1772, pp. 48–9). The author of this article was originally identified as ‘a Planter’. Robert Young (1995, p. 150) identifies him as Edward Long. The original document is written in old English.

103Knox (1850, p. 88). According to Helen Cooper (1996, p. 206), ‘[w]here humanitarian monogenesist thinking had acknowledged mixed race offspring, polygenesists dismissed them as degenerate and sterile’.

104Crawfurd (1861b, p. 356).

105Crawfurd (1863, p. 202).

106Jackson (1866, pp. 119–20). Jackson (1866, p. 117) was challenging intellectuals, for instance, John Stuart Mill, who denied ‘the great truth of racial diversity’ which ‘the experience of ages has demonstrated, and what the true wisdom of the present would dictate, the necessity for a diversity of religion and government corresponding to this diversity of race, whereby the formal institutions of a people are brought into harmony with their mental constitution’. See Biddiss (1979, pp. 113–14).

107Jackson (1866, p. 124).

108Jackson (1866, pp. 125, 126). The half-breed had become, as H. L. Malchow (1996, p. 103) puts it, ‘the threatening creature of the boundary between white and non-white, a living sign, an emblem of shame’.

109Dilke (2005, pp. 95, 100).

110Dilke (2005, p. 391).

111Dilke (2005, p. 519).

112Dilke (2005, p. 525).

113Eliot (1984, p. 425).

114Hack (1877, pp. 95, 102). Maria Hack was born into a Quaker family and died in 1844.

115Cited in [Anonymous] (1868, p. 270).

116Edward Said (1994, p. 97) terms this a ‘schizophrenic habit’. In the 1870s, according to Anthony Webster (2006, p. 37), there emerged within the Liberal party a group who labelled themselves ‘Liberal Imperialists’.

117Cited in Carter and Harlow (2003, p. 114).

118Mill (1859, p. 23).

119Cited in Levin (2004, p. 15).

120Cited in The Times (24 June 1817, p. 3 – ‘Middlesex Meeting, June 23’). Lucian in Necyomanteia (c.11) considered informers one of the worst groups of offenders in Roman society. See Baldwin (1961, p. 202).

121Cited in The Times (24 September 1817, p. 3 – ‘Newcastle FOX Dinner’). The Spa Field Riots took place in late 1816 in London.

122Cited in The Morning Post (3 July 1822 – ‘House of Commons’).

123Arnold (1853a, pp. 344, 342).

124Arnold (1853b, p. 386).

125Arnold (1853b, p. 422).

126Arnold (1853b, p. 423).

127Merivale (1853, pp. 433, 544).

128Congreve (1855, pp. 5–6).

129Congreve (1855, p. 11).

130Congreve (1855, p. 7).

131Congreve (1855, p. 10).

132Congreve (1855, pp. 20, 29, 32, 36).

133Congreve (1855, p. 40).

134Congreve (1855, pp. 26, 28).

135Congreve (1855, pp. 60–1).

136What was happening in Britain is described further in Chapter 2 and 3. Possibly the comparisons drawn between the leaders of working class reform movements as the masses struggled for political, economic and social reforms, and Roman Republican heroes, such as the Gracchi, contributed to Congreve’s preference for Imperial over Republican Rome. See Chapter 3.

137Congreve (1855, p. 7).

138Smith (1856, p. 296).

139Smith (1856, p. 311).

140Sheppard (1861, pp. 104–5). See Hingley (2000, p. 20).

141Sheppard 1861, pp. 65–6).

142Smith (1881, pp. 19–20).

143Smith (1881, p. 287).

144Merivale (1870, p. 396).

145Merivale (1870, p. 550).

146Smith (1881, p. 286).

147See Bell (2006, p. 742).

148Catherine Hall (2000b, p. 1) states, Seeley ‘brought the empire into historiography and devised a philosophy of history appropriate to writing about empire’.

149Seeley (1870, p. 13 – ‘Great Roman Revolution’).

150Seeley (1870, pp. 22, 14 – ‘Great Roman Revolution’).

151Seeley (1870, p. 25 – ‘Great Roman Revolution’).

152Seeley (1870, pp. 25–6 – ‘Great Roman Revolution’).

153Seeley (1870, pp. 47–8 – ‘The Proximate Cause of the Fall of the Roman Empire’).

154Seeley (1870, p. 50 – ‘The Proximate Cause of the Fall of the Roman Empire’). The issue of the declining Roman population and its affect in Britain will be discussed in Chapter 2.

155Leicester Chronicle and the Leicestershire Mercury (25 October 1879, p. 2 – ‘Mr J. A. Picton on Imperial Rome’).

156Yonge, (1877, p. 213).

157Yonge, (1877, pp. 226, 227). Eclogue IV, ll.7–10: ‘now from high heaven a new generation comes down. Yet do thou at that boy’s birth, in whom the iron race shall begin to cease, and the golden to arise over all the world, holy Lucina, be gracious’. (Mackail 1889).

158[Anonymous] (1865, p. 237).

159King (1876, p. lvi).

160King (1876, p. lviii).

161Douglas Lorimer (1978, p. 202) maintains pessimism emerged in the 1860s as a result of imperial and domestic issues. These issues combined ‘with a new determinism declared that biological inheritance governed the individual’s physical, intellectual, and psychological attributes, and thus fixed at birth a persons place in the natural and social order’.

162Seeley (1870, p. 217 – ‘English in Schools’).

163Sheppard (1861, p. 109).

164Sheppard (1861, p. 119).

165Sheppard (1861, p. 122).

166Bell (2006, p. 745).

167Frere (1882, pp. 319, 321).

168Frere (1882, pp. 335–6).

169Cited in Frere (1882, pp. 352–3). Galton and eugenics will be discussed in Chapter 2.

170Cited in Frere (1882, p. 352).

171Cited in Frere (1882, p. 354).

172Cited in The Times (3 October 1888, p. 3 – ‘To the Editor of the Times’).

173Lowe (1878, p. 458).

174Lowe (1878, p. 459).

175Lowe (1878, p. 457).

176Cited in Monypenny and Buckle (1929, p. 1367). See Bradley (2010, pp. 139–40).

177Balfour (1893, p. 218 – ‘Cobden and the Manchester School’). Paul Ward (2004, pp. 95–6) argues that ‘[u]nder Disraeli and Lord Salisbury a concerted effort was made to reshape patriotism to suit the imperatives of an expansionist imperialist nation and those of a party suffering anxiety over its future in a period with increasing number of votes’.

178Balfour (1893, p. 216).

179Seeley (1883, p. 195). Seeley (1883, p. 43) believed the Empire to be English, not British. ‘Greater Britain’, he wrote is a ‘real enlargement of the English state; it carries across the seas not merely the English race, but the authority of the English Government’. See Catherine Hall (2000b, p. 2). There is a noticeable ‘looseness’, as Keith Robbins describes it (1988, p. 1) in talk of Britain and England, Britons and Englishmen among nineteenth and early twentieth-century commentators. Regardless of the designation of the Empire as British for many, as Seeley demonstrates, the Empire had been and always would be English. Charles Dilke (2005, p. A.2) was another who regarded the Empire as English. He ‘followed England round the world’ being ‘everywhere . . . in English-speaking, or in English-governed lands’.

180Seeley (1883, p. 304).

181Seeley (1883, p. 305).

182Cited in Faber (1966, p. 72).

183Seeley (1883, p. 296). For Seeley (1883, pp. 59–60) no nation ‘was half so much cramped for want of room in the olden time as our own nation is now’. Expansion therefore into a far off Empire would avoid the ‘great risks’ and ‘great hardships’ incurred by, for instance, the Goths who seized neighbouring territories, as well as bringing an end to pauperism in Britain.

184Seeley (1883, p. 59).

185Froude (1886, p. 10).

186Cited in Faber (1966, p. 62). See also Porter, (1984, p. 188).

187Cited in Faber (1966, p. 52). Richard Hingley (2000, p. 24) argues ‘Seeley’s views are particularly central to an understanding of the development of ideas of imperialism in Britain’ while Jonathan Rutherford (1997, p. 17) claims Seeley’s Expansion was ‘a major factor in converting the middle classes to the New Imperialism’.

188Seeley (1883, p. 237).

189Seeley (1883, p. 238).

190Seeley (1883, p. 237).

191Holmes (1883, pp. 42–3). See Thorne (2010, pp. 106–11).

192Shepard (1885, pp. 16–17).

193Shepard (1885, pp. 42–3).

194Inge (1888, pp. 40–1).

195Inge (1888, p. 41).

196Inge (1888, p. 43).

197Inge (1888, pp. 61–2).

198Inge (1888, pp. 65, 102–3).

199Bury (1893, p. iii).

200Bury (1893, pp. 564, 147).

201Pelham (1905, pp. 364, 366).

202Pelham (1905, pp. 378, 384).

203Judson (1894, p. 104).

204Tarner (1895, p. 43). A year previously George Tarner had published Unpopular Politics (1894) a book which he claimed had been favourably received ‘in many and unexpected quarters’ (1895, p. vi).

205Tarner (1895, pp. 41, 24–5).

206Tarner (1895, preface).

207Tarner (1895, p. 59).

208Parkin (1892, p. v).

209Buckley (1887, pp. 8–9).

210Ransome (1887, p. 10).

211Parkin (1892, p. 220).

212Buckley (1887, p. 8).

213Gooch (1946, p. 11). Johnson (2003, p. 217) claims, ‘Old hands’ in the Empire ‘were critical of the system that gave no grounding in the problems of government, racial antagonism and conflict resolution’.

214Pelham (1905, p. 381).

215Welldon (1895, p. 329). Richard Holt maintains sport ‘was regarded as an indication not only of physical fitness . . . but of personality, initiative and capacity for judgement and control of subordinates’. Cited in Ward (2004, p. 75).

216Cited in Johnson (2003, p. 210).

217Porter (2006, p. 52). For discussion of the Colonial College see Dunae (1988, pp. 194–208). See also Vasunia’s (2005b, pp. 37–44) discussion of Haileybury College.

218Butler, (1987, p. 124).

219Huxley (1881, p. 7).

220Huxley (1881, p. 8).

221Cited in Faber (1966, pp. 25, 120).

222Seeley (1883, p. 135). See Vance (1997, p. 142)

223Sellar (1891, p. 2).

224Sellar (1932, p. 271).

225Howard (1897, p. 562).

226Norman Vance (2007, p. 96) claims ‘the sense of a classical tradition was both witnessed and heightened’ by translations. By the turn of the century, learning the Classics, according to Stray (1998, p. 186), still took up 40 per cent of the school day for 13-year-old public school boys, rising to 60 per cent by the time they were 15.

227Cited in The Times (23 August 1904, p. 11 – ‘Mr. Lloyd-George and Welsh Teachers’).

228Firth (1903, p. 361).

229Firth (1903, p. 365).

230Hobson (1938, pp. 117, 124).

231Hobson (1938, p. 122).

232Hobson (1938, p. 119).

233Cited in Hobson (1938, p. 123).

234Colls (1986, p. 43).

235Hobson (1938, p. 141).

236Masterman (1901b, p. ix).

237Masterman (1901c, p. 4).

238Hobson (1938, p. ix). See Colls (1986, p. 43).

239Levine (2007, p. 96).

240According to Philippa Levine (2007, p. 97), the 1884–5 Berlin Conference ‘underlined the colonial prominence of newly unified Germany’.

241Robertson (1900, p. 27).

242Rutherford (1997, p. 8). Donal Lowry (2000, p. 222) states that it was the Anglo-South African War that ‘brought an end to complacency about the Empire across the political spectrum. Much of the music-hall swagger, which had manifested itself so ebulliently on Mafeking Night, went out of imperialism at the close of the war and the Empire now had to be presented as a more peaceful and progressive institution’.

243Hobson (1938, p. 221).

244Mason Hammond notes Hobson’s sparing use of references to Roman Imperialism claiming that despite the occasional analogy between Roman and British Imperialism, Hobson ‘devotes no further attention to imperialism in any meaning before the French Revolution’. Hammond (1948, p. 126, note 7).

245Hobson (1938, p. 6).

246Hobson (1938, p. 9).

247Hobson (1938, p. 136).

248Cited in Hobson (1938, p. 150). See Vasunia (2005a, p. 54).

249Hobson (1938, pp. 366–7).

250Robertson (1900, p. 189).

251Robertson (1900, p. 188).

252Robertson (1900, p. 155).

253Robertson (1900, p. 193).

254Robertson (1900, p. 151).

255Robertson (1900, p. 8).

256Robertson (1900, p. 189).

257See Jenkyns (1992, p. 31).

258Murray (1900, p. 134).

259Murray (1900, pp. 143–4).

260Cited in Murray (1900, p. 144).

261Murray (1900, p. 144).

262Murray (1900, p. 145).

263Murray (1900, p. 147).

264Murray (1900, p. 151).

265Cited in Mudford (1974, p. 213).

266Pollard (1909, p. v).

267Meath and Jackson (1905, p. 1).

268Richardson (1913, preface).

269Williams (1908, p. 84).

270Williams (1908, pp. 84, 85, 86).

271Gardiner (1912, p. 3).

272Fletcher and Kipling (1911, p. 18). Commenting on the first draft of A School History of England to his co-author C. R. L. Fletcher in 1910, Kipling suggested, ‘shortening up that fascinating animal Neolithic man and giving the kids more about the Romans’. Kipling Papers (18 May 1910, Box 15/5.7).

273Fletcher and Kipling (1911, p. 244).

274Edwards (1908, p. 51).

275Cited in Arnold (1906, p. cviii). Hamilton wrote this in a letter to Mary Ward, Arnold’s sister.

276Dr. J. P. Postgate reported to The Classical Association that ‘Latin and Greek (and especially the last-named)’ was ‘slowly slipping out of the school curriculum’. The Times (21 October 1907, p. 9 – ‘The Classical Association’). Brian Doyle (1986, p. 93) suggests, ‘[o]ne of the signs of the eclipse of classics by English was the foundation in 1907 of the English Association which was to propound very effectively the view that the new discipline had become “our finest vehicle for a genuine humanistic education”, and that “its importance in this respect was growing with the disappearance of Latin and Greek from the curricula of our schools and universities”’. Doyle is quoting from the Bulletin, (8 June 1909), London: English Association.

277Shorey (1906, pp. 174, 194).

278Cramb (1900, p. 6).

279Cramb (1900, p. 60).

280Bryce (1901, p. 60). In a letter to G. O. Trevelyan dated 9 February 1916, Bryce wrote that for him the ancient texts grew ‘more precious . . . the longer one lives’. (MS Bryce, 19, fol.106).

281Mackail (1913, p. 1).

282Lonsdale (1887, p. 78).

283Williams (1908, pp. 330, 329).

284The Times (15 April 1901, p. 3 – ‘How Rome would have ruled India’).

285Firth (1903, publisher’s stamp).

286Firth (1903, p. 1).

287Firth (1903, pp. 358, 362).

288Firth (1903, p. 361).

289Shuckburgh (1908, p. vii).

290Shuckburgh (1908, p. 269).

291Frank (1914, pp. 336, 353).

292Stobart (1912, pp. 3, 5).

293Stobart (1912, pp. 161, 164).

294Stobart (1912, p. 4).

295Stobart (1912, p. 162).

296Stobart (1912, pp. 272–3).

297Ramsay (1915, p. lxviii).

298Ramsay (1915, p. lxix). Ramsay’s representation of Germany as an historically aggressive nation was most likely influenced by the outbreak of the First World War. As Germany had ‘despoiled’ Gaul in ancient times so Germany had ‘despoiled’ Belgium and France in modern times. Britain’s declaration of war on Germany so it could be argued was for precisely the same reasons Rome had invaded Gaul, to protect the peoples of Belgium and France from German aggression. Britain had taken on the role of Rome as peacekeepers.

299Bury (1930, p. 23).

300Haverfield (1911, pp. xviii, xviv). See Chapter 2 for a discussion of Haverfield’s Romanisation.

301Haverfield (1911, p. xviii). See Hingley (2000, pp. 35–7).

302Haverfield, Strachan Davidson, Bevin, Walker, Hogarth, Cromer (1910, p. 106).

303Haverfield, Strachan Davidson, Bevin, Walker, Hogarth, Cromer (1910, pp. 106–7). See Hingley (2000, p. 50). Echoes of J. S. Mill’s theory that uncivilized societies were not a threat to civilized nations unlike once civilized nations such as China which had stagnated, were evident in Haverfield’s argument. See Levin (2004, pp. 96–7). Walter Bagehot developed Mill’s argument in 1872 claiming Oriental societies had seemed ‘ready to advance to something good – to have prepared all the means to advance to something good – and then to have stopped, and not advanced’. Cited in Levin (2004, p. 95).

304In 1903, Haverfield expressed regret that he was unable to join Bryce on a cruise to Victoria. He also advised Bryce on his paper on ‘the worship of Roma and Augustus’. Haverfield to Bryce (27 May 1903, MS Bryce, 77, fol.123); (13 April 1915, MS Bryce, 77, fol.125).

305Bryce (1901, p. 19).

306Bryce (1901, p. 23).

307Bryce (1901, p. 6).

308See letter from Bryce to G. O. Trevelyan (9 February 1916, MS Bryce, 19, fol.106). Lucretius remained popular not least due to perceptions of him as a man of science. According to classical scholar W. H. Mallock (1901, p. vi), Lucretius was ‘as consciously a scientific man and a physicist as Darwin, or Huxley, or any of our contemporary evolutionists’ while John Masson (1907, p. 175) considered Lucretius’ ‘explanation on the origin of the world’ analogous to that held by ‘some others at present’. This was understandable, Masson (1907, p. 166) explained, ‘as [w]hen we review Lucretius’s explanation of the origin and history of life upon the earth, we see that it is based on a clear perception of Darwin’s doctrine, that in the organic world none but the fittest continue to exist, because they alone have been able to perpetuate themselves. Beyond question, Lucretius had a firm grasp of this central doctrine of Darwinism’, Masson (1907, pp. 166, 175).

309Bryce (1901, p. 63).

310Balfour (1920, p. 16).

311Cromer to Murray (1 February 1909, Gilbert Murray Papers, MS. 17, fol.102).

312Haverfield, Strachan Davidson, Bevin, Walker, Hogarth, Cromer (1910, p. 106).

313Cromer (1910, p. 14).

314Cromer (1910, pp. 19–20).

315Cromer (1910, pp. 21–3).

316Murray (1900, p. 120).

317Cromer (1910, pp. 102, 104–5).

318Cromer (1910, p. 127).

319Tippet (1967, pp. 3–4). Mary Orde Tippet was my grandmother. She was born in Indore, India in 1904. She later married Oxford scholar, Frederick Stanley Tippet, a surveyor in Ceylon who went on to become Chief Censor for Ceylon during the Second World War.

320The Times (10 August 1908, p. 8 – ‘Archaeology in India’).

321Kerr (1911, p. 132).

322Kerr (1911, pp. 202–3).

323Samuel Gardiner (1912, p. 491), for instance, in 1881, had written of ‘the mother country’ and of ‘an association of sister States’.

324Cited in McGeorge (1993, p. 69).

325Cited in McGeorge (1993, p. 69). Colin McGeorge claims by the twentieth century the family ‘metaphor’ had become a convenient way to describe ‘the special relationship between the self-governing dominions and the Motherland’ (1993, p. 68).

326Lucas (2005, pp. 30, 31). Despite the title of this book, Lucas, like his contemporaries, slips between talk of Britain and England. The Oxford historian, W. Warde Fowler (Times Literary Supplement, 16 January 1913, p. 20) in reviewing Lucas’ book noted some ‘interesting chapters, suggested to a large extent by a comparison of the Roman and British Empires’. For this Warde Fowler felt ‘Britons might be grateful’.

327Lucas (2005, p. 23). Lucas could have been thinking of the senators who were patres conscripti or Augustus who was pater patriae.

328Lucas (2005, p. 33).

329Lucas (2005, p. 60).

330Lucas (2005, p. 73).

331Lucas (2005, p. 80).

332Cromer (1913, p. 344).

333Cromer (1913, p. 345).

334Bonar Law Papers (November 1922, no ref). Address to Electors of the Central Division of Glasgow.

335Bernard Porter (2006, p. 258) claims that between 1920 and 1930, approximately 870,000 people emigrated to the colonies.

336Lucas (1920, p. 1). Including analogies with ancient Rome in lectures aimed at a working-class audience demonstrates that knowledge of classical texts and Rome’s relevance to Britain had spread beyond the upper and middle classes. Despite no longer dominating the curriculum, educationist Foster Watson (1919, pp. 930–1), writing for The Nineteenth Century, believed it important, ‘for the children of poor parents . . . to have the opportunity at school, which is denied them from the nature of their home-life, of finding mental satisfaction in the stories of Greek and Roman or other ancient history as well as in stories of animal and plant life . . . ’. Knowledge of the lives of classical heroes, he continued, would ‘give ready illustration of the concrete qualities of fortitude, loyalty, self-control, magnanimity’, all desirable traits in post-war Britain. In 1924, the classicist G. H. Hallam wrote to The Times (22 December 1924, p. 11 – ‘Classics as a Social Barrier’) stating, Latin and Greek were no longer the ‘close preserve of the moneyed and leisured classes’ as pupils of ‘high and new secondary schools’ could share in ‘that particular inspiration which Greece and Rome alone can give’. Hallam cited Dr Albert Mansbridge, founder of the Workers’ Educational Association, in his letter who believed ‘the day [was] coming when it will not be though a very strange thing for a working man to pull a Homer out of his pocket to read over his midday meal’.

337Lucas (1920, p. 225).

338Lucas (1920, pp. 227, 230).

339Lucas (1920, p. 230).

340Lucas (1920, p. 195).

341Lucas (1920, pp. 195–6).

342Lucas (1920, p. 216).

343Lugard (1922, pp. 618–19).

344Lethaby (1921, p. 62).

345See Alston (2010).

346Hearnshaw (1920, p. 12).

347Hearnshaw (1920, p. 13).

348Hearnshaw (1920, pp. 20, 22).

349Hearnshaw (1920, pp. 54–5).

350Hearnshaw (1920, pp. 63–4).

351Lucas (1924, p. 268).

352Lucas (1924, p. 276).

353Lucas (1924, p. 268).

354Morris and Wood (1924, p. vii).

355Morris and Wood (1924, p. viii).

356Morris and Wood (1924, pp. 358–9).

357Morris and Wood (1924, p. 359).

358Morris and Wood (1924, p. 360). As an example of this, Morris and Woods (1924, p. 360) claimed, the Pacific Islanders’ ‘love’ for Robert Louis Stevenson had led to their constructing ‘the Road of the Loving Heart’ of ‘their own free will’.

359Morris and Wood (1924, p. 370).

360Morris and Wood (1924, p. 370).

361Morris and Wood (1924, p. 371).

362Times Literary Supplement (2 February 1928, p. 74).

363Robertson and Robertson (1928, p. 229).

364Robertson and Robertson (1928, p. 288). See Wyke (2006).

365Wells (1919–20, p. 316).

366Wells (1919–20, pp. 319, 291).

367Toynbee (1936, p. 317).

368Cited in Baldwin (1938, dust jacket).

369Baldwin (1938, p. 108 – ‘The Classics’).

370Baldwin (1938, p. 120 – ‘The Classics’).

371Baldwin (1938, p. 15 – ‘England’).

372Baldwin (1938, p. 80 – ‘Democracy and the Spirit of Service’).

373Baldwin (1938, pp. 114–15 – ‘The Classics’).

374Baldwin (1938, p. 114 – ‘The Classics’).

Chapter 2

1Colley (1992, pp. 324–5). Edward Said (2003, pp. 1–2) claims ‘[t]he Orient . . . helped to define Europe (or the West) as its contrasting image, idea, personality, experience’.

2West (1996, p. 9). Andrew Thompson (2005, p. 198) suggests ‘[u]nity in a shared imperial cause did not, however, mean uniformity’.

3Philip Mason (1962, p. 37) claims industrialization and enclosure ‘had started the process of the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer’ and had ‘depersonalised and dehumanised the relations of master and man’.

4Disraeli (1980, p. 96). For Douglas Lorimer (1978, p. 15), ‘[t]he question “does a black man equal a white man?” had little meaning in an age when few thought all white men deserved equality’.

5Young (2008, p. 60) believes physiognomy and phrenology were ‘particularly important for the development of racial thought’ in Britain. Nancy Stepan (1982, p. 25) maintains it was also the science of phrenology that placed ‘the “savage” in a new light’ thus justifying Britain’s imperial mission.

6Young (2008, pp. 61, 62).

7The Hull Packet and Humber Mercury (8 January 1828 – ‘Dinner to Dr. Spurzheim’).

8Young (2008, p. 63).

9Horsman (1976, p. 398).

10Newsome (1997, p. 211). For Stepan (1982, p. 27) it was phrenology that led to the development of racial biology which, in turn, led to the development of the science of anthropology.

   George Combe and George Eliot corresponded. In 1851 Combe wrote that Eliot ‘is the most extraordinary person of the party . . . She has a very large brain, the anterior lobe is remarkable for length, breadth, and height, the coronal region is large, the front rather predominating’. Haight (1978, p. 27). In The Lifted Veil (1985, p. 6), Eliot included a passage whereby a boy’s strengths and weaknesses were determined by examination of the ‘upper sides of [his] head’. The pseudo fortune-teller in Charlotte Brontë’s Jane Eyre (n.d. p. 177) claimed destiny ‘is in the face: on the forehead, about the eyes’. Likewise in Dickens’ David Copperfield (n.d. [1849–50], p. 688), Mr Murdstone and his sister showed ‘[s]trong phrenological development of the organ of firmness’ while in Dr Thorne (1858), Trollope wrote (1980, p. 34) ‘[i]f there was on Thorne’s cranium one bump more developed than another, it was that of combativeness’.

11Cited in Horsman (1976, p. 399).

12Robert Young (2008, p. 31) claims that it was historians who developed ‘the ideology of the English as Saxons, and of the continuing national Anglo-Saxon legacy’. Furthermore, he argues (2008, pp. 51–2) that it was a ‘single’ comment made by the fifth to sixth-century historian, Gildas, who claimed ‘ancient Britons had been exterminated’ that enabled ‘the English to claim a pure Saxon lineage for themselves’.

13Young (2008, p. 16) states all these terms ‘were in practice more or less synonymous’.

14Aikin (1805, Ger. 11).

15Cited in Horsman (1976, p. 392).

16Aikin (1805, Agi, 21). Peter Mandler (2006, p. 13) suggests ‘“Tacitus” authority made Teutonism more respectable . . . even among the classically educated’.

17Young (2008, p. 22) refers to this period as the ‘golden age of Saxonism’.

18Kemble (1839, p. iii). Hugh MacDougall (1982, p. 89) claims ‘a conviction . . . formed in the Englishman’s mind that he was peculiarly manly, honourable, apt for leadership and that his social institutions, of ancient Saxon pedigree, were superior to those of any other people’.

19Carlyle (1971, p. 205).

20Freeman (1867, pp. 1–2). The allusion here is to Horace’s Epistles, Book 2.1, ll.156–7: ‘To Augustus’ – ‘Next conquered Greece became our conqueror/Instructing us in her superior lore’ (Rose, 1869).

21Arnold, T. (n.d. p. 30).

22Arnold, T. (n.d. p. 30).

23Arnold, T. (n.d. pp. 33–4).

24Horsman maintains (1976, p. 392) the study of language was ‘of direct use to English Anglo-Saxonists’, including as it did research into ‘the Indo-European language family from which the German and English languages were descended’.

25Church (1877, Ger. 4).

26Arnold, T. (n.d. p. 31).

27Arnold, T. (n.d. p. 32).

28Arnold, T. (n.d. pp. 36–7). Christianity was perceived as part of a Judeo-Christian tradition hence his reference to Israel.

29Knox (1850, p. 6).

30Knox (1850, p. 9). For a discussion of Robert Knox, race and Classical Greece, see Debbie Challis (2010, pp. 94–115).

31Carlyle (1971, p. 202). Young (2008, p. 104) singles out Macaulay’s History of England (1858) as influential in the development of a narrative that depicted the Irish as inferior on the basis of race. As a result of its publication, ‘generations of British’ were ‘brought up on the analysis of Irish history in which the fundamental political difficulty was presented as that of the incompatibility of race’.

32Said (2003, p. 332).

33Carlyle (1971, pp. 169, 171).

34Carlyle (1971, p. 172).

35Koss (1990, p. 62).

36The Economist (20 February 1847, p. 3 – ‘Irish Poor in Liverpool’), http://find.galegroup.com.libezproxy.open.ac.uk/econ/infomark.do?&source=gale&prodId=ECON&userGroupName=tou&tabID=T003&docPage=article&docId=GP4100384700&type=multipage&contentSet=LTO&version=1.0 [Last Accessed on 17 June 2011].

37The Times (25 August 1848, p. 5 – ‘“I wish”, wrote SWIFT, after his final return to Ireland’).

38The Times (19 June 1847, p. 5 – ‘While for one reason or another’).

39Knox (1850, p. 379).

40Knox (1850, pp. 26–7). Joseph Kestner (1996, p. 115) maintains that the Celts as Caucasians ‘permit[ted] them to be dominant over the dark colonised other’ but that ‘their Celtic birth, render[ed] them inferior in terms of a hierarchy of Caucasians, above all inferior to those of Anglo-Saxon or Teutonic heritage’.

41[Anonymous] (1868, p. 258).

42[Anonymous] (1868, p. 259).

43Arnold (1962, p. 294).

44Arnold (1962, pp. 291, 297). In contrast to the Welsh, Arnold (1962, p. 291) believed the ‘prosperous Saxon’ had forgotten his past. Arnold’s reasons for arguing for the disappearance of the Welsh language are interesting as they are similar to Macaulay’s reasons for imposing English on native Indians (see my discussion of the debate between Orientalists and Anglicists in Chapter 1). Arnold (1962, pp. 296–7) wrote that ‘[t]he fusion of all the inhabitants of these islands into one homogeneous, English-speaking whole, the breaking down of barriers between us, the swallowing up of separate provincial nationalities, is a consummation to which the natural course of things irresistibly tends it is a necessity of what is called modern civilisation, and modern civilisation is a real, legitimate force; the change must come, and its accomplishment is a mere affair of time’. In contrast to Macaulay who was dismissive of Indian writings, however, Arnold (1962, pp. 297–8) considered ‘Celtic literature, – as an object of very great interest . . . I like variety to exist and to show itself to me, and I would not for the world have the lineaments of the Celtic genius lost’.

45As Ian Baucom (1999, p. 20) points out, Englishness ‘was not . . . something to which everyone in Britain could necessarily lay claim’. The 1832 Reform Act had increased the electorate from 4.5 to just 7 per cent. Marquand (2008, p. 4).

46Cited in [Anonymous] (1843, p. ix).

47Gaskell (1987, pp. 74–5, 67). See Edgar Wright’s introduction in Gaskell’s Mary Barton (1987, p. xi).

48Kingsley (2007, p. 154).

49See Kingsley (1864, pp. 1–17 – ‘The Forest Children’).

50Kingsley (2007, pp. 56, 100, 163).

51Dolin (1996, p. 88).

52Ruskin (1903, p. 227).

53Mayhew (1861, p. 1). Mayhew’s portrayal of the Fingoes was substantially different to that of Sir H. Bartle Frere’s. Under British rule, Frere argued, the Fingoes had progressed to a civilized state. See Chapter 1.

54Mayhew (1861, pp. 2–3). Mayhew’s use of the term ‘nomadic’ here is crucial as it works with an opposition between the ‘desert’ and the ‘town’ in creating a vision of native African primitivism in the lower echelons of society.

55Church (1877, Ger. 8, 18, 19).

56Freeman (1873, p. 364).

57Freeman (1873, p. 52).

58Freeman (1873, pp. 47, 55).

59See Stray (1998, pp. 22, 74–5).

60Trollope (1880, p. 20). See Vance, (1997, pp. 78–9).

61Arnold (1893, p. 4).

62Arnold (1962, pp. 141, 140 – ‘Marcus Aurelius’).

63The Times (9 March 1854, p. 8 – ‘It might possibly admit of a question’; 4 June 1859, p. 9 – ‘Presentation of the Freedom of the City to Sir John Lawrence’). In this respect the Gracchi were portrayed as martyrs to an imperial cause rather than more usually as social reformers.

64Eliot (1994, p. 229).

65Elizabeth Gaskell (1987, p. xxxvi) in the preface to Mary Barton linked working-class unrest to the 1848 revolutions. ‘At present’, the working classes ‘seem to me to be left in a state, wherein lamentations and tears are thrown aside as useless, but in which the lips are compressed for curses, and the hands clenched and ready to smite . . . To myself the idea which I have formed of the state of feeling among too many of the factory-people in Manchester . . . has received some confirmation from the events which have so recently occurred among a similar class on the continent’.

66Kemble (1849, p. v).

67Carlyle (1971, p. 190).

68According to Catherine Hall, the European revolutions helped scientists like Knox to be taken seriously for, as Knox pointed out, they ‘clarified to the world at large how race had something to do with the history of nations’. Cited in Hall (2000c, p. 192).

69Peter Mandler (2006, p. 28) claims that ‘“Civilization” provided a language and an identity that was attractive to the rulers of a multi-national kingdom’ as much as it was attractive to the rulers of the British Empire.

70Kingsley (n.d. p. 365).

71Knox (1850, pp. 25–6).

72Knox (1850, p. 27). Compare this to Knox’s view that non-white territories could only be held ‘with the sword’. See Chapter 1 and the article ‘Knox on the Saxon Race’ ([Anonymous] 1868, p. 270).

73Arnold (1962, pp. 295, 346, 316).

74Arnold (1962, p. 317). Marcus Annaeus Lucanus (39 AD–65 AD).

75Arnold (1962, pp. 346–7).

76Arnold (1962, p. 349).

77Arnold (1962, p. 350).

78Arnold (1962, p. 349).

79Arnold (1962, pp. 349, 350). The ‘favourite conservative argument’, Sheridan Gilley (1978, p. 93) points out, ‘was that the Irish lacked political discipline because the Roman had never ruled them’.

80Smiles (1968, p. 150).

81Carlyle (1971, p. 171).

82Cited in Golby (1986, p. 136).

83Kingsley (2007, p. 164). Douglas Lorimer (1978, p. 15) states that in theory ‘avenues for self-improvement were open to all, blacks as well as white’, although ‘the belief in self-advancement applied less readily to groups than to individuals’.

84Kingsley (1881, p. 199).

85Kingsley (1881, p. 200). Even John Stuart Mill in ‘Of the Extension of the Suffrage’ (1861), despite believing voting rights should be ‘open to all persons of full age who desire to obtain it’, excluded those in ‘receipt of parish relief’ and the uneducated. In Mill’s opinion ‘universal teaching must precede universal enfranchisement’. Cited in Golby (1986, pp. 259, 260–1).

86Arnold (1893, pp. 40–1). Arnold was responding to the riot in Hyde Park during the Reform League demonstration of 1866. According to Hall, McClelland and Rendall (2000b, p. 4), this symbolized ‘the threatening power of the workingmen’s movement to Liberal and Conservative politicians alike’.

87Arnold (1893, p. 37).

88Arnold (1893, p. 36).

89Arnold (1893, p. 41).

90Andrew Thompson (2005, pp. 197–8) points out it was the Celts as well as the English that had built up the Empire. The Scots had ‘earned a reputation for empire-building’, the ‘Irish middle-class . . . was well represented in the Indian Civil and Medical services’ and ‘the Welsh and Irish working classes were great colonisers’.

91Dilke (2005, pp. 361, 215). Linda Colley states all Britons had benefited ‘to a good extent’ from the Empire and had shared in ‘its spoils’. Cited in Kumar (2000, p. 590).

92Arnold (1962, p. 341).

93Arnold (1962, pp. 373, 378).

94Crawfurd (1861b, p. 371).

95Freeman (1877, p. 729).

96Young (2008, pp. 156, 158). See Pike (1866); Nicholas (1868).

97Wright (1867, p. 170).

98Wright (1867, p. 169). He cited from Juvenal’s Satire II. My translation is taken from Arnold and Mongan’s Juvenal, The Satires (1889).

99Nationalism was gaining ground across Europe. Mass politics must have had an effect, as must the mass media. See Gellner (1983), Smith (1986, Part II).

100Huxley, Pike and Beddoe (1870, p. 198).

101Huxley, Pike and Beddoe (1870, pp. 199, 201).

102Huxley, Pike and Beddoe (1870, p. 201).

103Huxley, Pike and Beddoe (1870, p. 202).

104Huxley, Pike and Beddoe (1870, p. 203).

105Allen (1880, p. 475).

106Allen (1880, p. 476).

107Allen (1880, pp. 479–80).

108Allen (1880, pp. 485, 487).

109Allen (1880, p. 484).

110Catherine Hall (2000c, p. 233) states that although with the 1867 Second Reform Act ‘Irish men in England had been received into the nation on the same terms as Anglo-Saxons . . . their equal legal status did not prevent either their cultural exclusion from the nation or their own identification as different’.

111Cited in Huxley, Pike, Beddoe (1870, p. 204).

112Cited in Huxley, Pike, Beddoe (1870, p. 205).

113Cited in Huxley, Pike, Beddoe (1870, pp. 205–6).

114Cited in Huxley, Pike, Beddoe (1870, pp. 212–13). Both Huxley and Beddoe were influenced by the Irish question. For Huxley (Huxley, Pike, Beddoe 1870, p. 201) with proof that in Ireland and Britain ‘the present population is made up of two parties’, Celt and Teuton, he ‘absolutely den[ied] that the past affords any reason for dealing with the people of Ireland differently from that which may be found to answer with the people of Devonshire, or vice versa’. Huxley (Huxley, Pike, Beddoe 1870, pp. 198, 203) challenged scientific claims of racial difference. ‘What sort of grounds are afforded by scientific investigation’, he asked, ‘for the belief that these two stocks of mankind are so different as to require different political institutions?’ ‘If’, he continued, ‘what I have to say in a matter of science weighs with any man who has political power, I ask him to believe that the arguments about the difference between Anglo-Saxons and Celts are a mere sham and delusion’. Beddoe (Huxley, Pike, Beddoe 1870, p. 213) thought the opposite. Noting the mental and moral differences between the Teuton and Irish Celt he questioned whether then it was ‘“cant” or folly’ to say such ‘peculiarities of large masses of citizens must of necessity have some effect on the course of politics’ with respect to Ireland. Beddoe maintained the Irish Celts were linked to ‘Cromagnon man’ hailing from North Africa who had migrated to Ireland. See Stepan (1982, p. 103).

115Cited in Huxley, Pike, Beddoe (1870, p. 213).

116Bunbury (1879, p. 251).

117Beddoe (1885, p. 269). Young (2008, p. 124) notes the ‘defence of Celtism . . . emanated from the new scientific racialists themselves, many of whom were Welsh or Irish . . . Saxon supremacism was therefore finally successfully challenged through invoking contemporary racial science’.

118Huxley, Pike, Beddoe (1870, pp. 198–9).

119Arnold (1962, p. 352).

120The Times (20 February 1875, p. 9 – ‘The Mausoleum of AUGUSTUS’).

121[Anonymous] (1867, pp. 159–60).

122Coote (1878, ix–xi). See Hingley (2000, pp. 69–70). The growth in German power following German unification contributed to the desire to distance Englishmen from their Teuton ancestors. Young (1995, p. 73) states, ‘it was to be politics rather than culture or racial science that ended the Teutonic argument: it collapsed with the unification of Germany in 1871’.

123Coote (1878, p. xii).

124Coote (1878, pp. 2–3). Thomas Rice Holmes (1899, p. 301) in Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul confirmed that Caesar considered the Belgae who settled in Britain to farm ‘were, for the most part, of German origin’.

125Coote (1878, pp. 3–4).

126Coote (1878, pp. 4–5).

127Coote (1878, p. 5).

128Coote (1878, p. 477).

129Coote (1878, p. 11).

130Bristol Mercury and Daily Post (14 March 1878, p. 6 – ‘The Romans of Britain’).

131Scarth (c.1882, p. viii).

132Scarth (c.1882, pp. 110, 223 and 220). Increasing acceptance that archaeology was part of sound historical scholarship gave weight to Scarth’s argument. Hingley (2000, p. 90) maintains that ‘there is certainly no coherent theory of Romanisation’ in Scarth’s book.

133Sayce (1888, p. 177). See Church (1877, Agr. 18–21).

134Sayce (1888, p. 177).

135Crawfurd (1861b, p. 370). Young (2008, p. 58) and Biddiss (1979, p. 15) both argue that the science of philology had lost ground by the mid-nineteenth century.

136Sayce (1888, p. 178).

137Myers (1897, pp. 123–4).

138Myers (1897, p. 125). Myers cited from Tacitus’ The Histories, Book IV, 12. W. Hamilton Fyfe’s (1912) translation of this passage reads: ‘The Batavi were once a tribe of the Chatti, living on the further bank of the Rhine’ who ‘[a]fter a long training in the German wars, they still further increased their reputation in Britain, where their troops had been sent, commanded according to an ancient custom by some of the noblest chiefs’. Mamertius was possibly the Archbishop of Vienne who died c. 475. See Latham (1852).

139Myers (1897, p. 124).

140Beddoe (1890, pp. 3–4).

141Sayce (1888, p. 168). Young (2008 p.169) argues ‘the shift of English identity from pure Teuton to one of mixed allied races proved less problematic than might have been expected’ due to the belief that ‘culturally’ Englishmen shared ‘Teuton and Roman characteristics’.

142Only rarely was this fascination with race challenged. William Morris (1924, p. 100), through his narrator, Hammond, in his utopic fiction News from Nowhere (1890) was one such challenger believing talk of race was a ‘folly’. It was ‘obvious’, he declared, ‘that by means of this very diversity the different strains of blood in the world can be serviceable and pleasant to each other . . . we are all bent on the same enterprise, making the most of our lives’.

143As has already been seen and as Shearer West (1996, p. 4) notes, the ‘discourses of race overlap with, help define, and are defined by, other discourses . . . the first, and perhaps most obvious of these is class’.

144Cited in McClelland (2000, p. 97).

145Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 3rd series, vol. 186, 26 March 1867, 636–7. Keith McClelland (2000, p. 90) states ‘the Reform League and its ilk defined the potential working-class citizen as being a particular kind of worker – respectable and independent . . . ’. According to Catherine Hall (2000c, p. 229) the Act restricted the vote to householders who ‘had been in residence in rented property for a minimum of twelve months. It was independence that gave some working-class men the status to become part of the gendered world of the political nation’. As an additional benefit to those in authority, by imposing property qualifications on the right to vote, significantly large sections of the Irish population in Britain who as seasonal workers could not meet it, were excluded.

146Kingsley (2007, p. 161).

147Kingsley (2007, p. 162). It was not just evidence of racial degeneracy in the national population that caused concern. Signs of physical degeneracy in the working classes as a result of the change in Britain from a rural to an urban society was of equal concern. This will be discussed in Chapter 3.

148Gladstone (1895, Odes, Book III, VI, ll.1–4).

149Kingsley (1881, pp. 175, 111).

150Kingsley (2007, p. 163).

151Lorimer (1978, p. 204).

152Galton (1865, p. 321).

153Clouston (1894, p. 216).

154Cited in Otis (2002, p. 517).

155Cited in Otis (2002, p. 518).

156Malthus (1807a, pp. 277–8). See Grube (1992).

157Galton (1873, p. 19).

158Galton, (1883, pp. 305, 307). See Challis (2010, pp. 94–120) for discussion of Galton and his use of classical references.

159Galton (1883, p. 480).

160Kingsley (1880a, p. 219 – ‘Great Cities and their influence for Good and Evil’).

161Kingsley (1880a, pp. 27–8 – ‘The Science of Health’). Kingsley did though express some sympathy for those who lived and worked in unhealthy towns and this is discussed in Chapter 3.

162Cited in Golby (1986, p. 123).

163Cited in Froude (1886, p. 106).

164Froude (1886, p. 9). The confusion between ideas of physical and racial degeneration is evident in the texts of some late nineteenth-century intellectuals.

165Froude (1894, p. 3).

166Froude (1894, p. 4).

167Cited in Thorne (2010, p. 102).

168Lecky (1877, pp. 263–4).

169Pearson (1893, p. 86).

170Pelham, (1905, p. 178).

171Inge (1888, p. 158).

172Inge (1888, p. 102).

173Inge (1888, p. 69). In Ger. 19 Tacitus claims the ancient Germans considered it a crime to limit the number of children or to kill any offspring. Church (1877, Ger. 19).

174Froude (1886, p. 386).

175See Seeley’s (1870, pp. 25–6 – ‘Great Roman Revolution’).

176Pelham (1905, p. 404).

177Gladstone (1895, Odes IV, v).

178Pelham (1905, p. 400).

179Froude (1886, p. 392). See Chapter 1 for a more comprehensive discussion of emigration and preference for Roman rather than Greek methods of colonization.

180Froude (1886, pp. 10–11).

181Cited in Englander (2002, p. 75). The publication of the Goschen Report in 1869–70 that recommended tightening up on the 1834 Poor Law had not helped. Relief had been restricted to ‘the actually destitute’ on the grounds that ‘no system could be more dangerous, both to the working classes and to the ratepayers, than to supplement insufficiency of wages’. Cited in Englander (2002, p. 26).

182According to Keith McClelland (2000, p. 111), ‘the anomalies of the 1867 Reform Act, which left many miners unable to qualify as county electors or get on to the borough registers’, caused resentment. Employers complained ‘trades unions have fostered a spirit of antagonism between themselves and their workmen which formerly did not exist’. ‘Majority Report of the Royal Commission on Trade Unions (1867–9)’ cited in Golby (1986, p. 24). Membership of trade unions also caused ruptures within the ranks of the working classes. In 1893 Robert Knight, General Secretary of the Boiler Makers’ and Iron Ship Builders’ Society, gave evidence before the Royal Commission on Labour claiming there was not only ‘a cleavage of interests between the skilled workmen and the employer’ but also ‘a corresponding cleavage of interests as between the unskilled and the skilled workmen’. Cited in Englander (2002, p. 55). Education was deemed partly responsible. The Times asked whether it would ‘turn the heads of ploughboys and make them look down on their destined walk in life?’ Joseph Arch, the agriculture workers’ leader, encapsulated the attitude of employers to education in 1898. ‘The less book-learning the labourer’s lad got stuffed into him’, he stated, ‘the better for him and the safer for those above him was what those in authority believed and acted up to’. Cited in Porter (2006, p. 118).

183Cited in The Times (25 October 1893, p. 7 – ‘The Coal Trade. The Church and the Dispute’). Mention of Macaulay here suggests the Bishop was looking back to Roman Republican idealism.

184Cited in Baucom (1999, p. 61).

185Blatchford (1899, p. 209).

186Eric Hobsbawm (1992b, p. 268) contends, ‘it became increasingly obvious that the masses were becoming involved in politics and could not be relied upon to follow their masters’.

187Soloway (1982, p. 137).

188Campbell (1903, pp. 3–4).

189Kumar (2003, p. xi). This concern with Englishness, Kumar maintains (2003, p. xi), was ‘a cultural movement’ due partly to the decline of Empire and partly due to ‘strong expressions of ethnic and cultural nationalism in other parts of the British Isles’.

190Kestner (1996, p. 116).

191[Anonymous] (1880, p. 415). See Bridge (1880).

192Trevelyan (1900, p. x).

193Marshall (2005, pp. 29, 12–13).

194Henty (1893). Hingley (2000, pp. 72–85) discusses in depth the representation of legendary and fictional British heroes in the late Victorian and Edwardian period claiming they ‘were perhaps partly utilised by some’ at the time ‘to obliterate a memory of a period of foreign rule over the country whose inhabitants “never shall be slaves” ’ (p. 84).

195Sellar (1891, p. 9).

196Cited in Faverty (1968, p. 160). Sharp wrote under the pseudonym Fiona MacLeod.

197Munro (1899, pp. 9, 143, 124).

198Munro (1899, p. 242).

199Norway (1923, p. 9).

200Lawrence (1950, pp. 96–7).

201Meredith (1910, pp. 91–2).

202Haverfield (1911, p. xii).

203Haverfield (1911, pp. xv, xvi).

204Haverfield (1905–6 p. 186). For a comprehensive discussion of Haverfield’s theory of Romanization, see Hingley (2000, pp. 111–29).

205Haverfield (1896, p. 73).

206Haverfield (1912, p. 59).

207Haverfield (1912, p. 18).

208Holmes (1936, p. 456).

209Holmes (1936, p. 457).

210Meredith (1910, p. 50). Meredith’s narrative, like that of his peers, was governed by the question of Home Rule. In a discussion between the Irishman, Patrick O’Donnell and the Englishwoman Caroline Adister over the hoped-for marriage of Patrick’s brother to Caroline’s cousin, Patrick referred to the Irish situation: ‘I’m for union; only there should be justice, and a little knowledge to make allowance for the natural cravings of a different kind of people. . . . But here comes a man, the boldest and handsomest of his race, and he offers himself to the handsomest and sweetest of yours, and she leans to him, and the family won’t have him. For he’s an Irishman and a Catholic. Who is it then opposed the proper union of the two islands?’ Meredith (1910, p. 76).

211Cited in Colls (1986, p. 39).

212Fletcher and Kipling (1911, pp. 21, 226).

213Cohen (1965, pp. 34, 139).

214The Times (26 February 1908, p. 13 – ‘An Historical Parallel’).

215Holmes (1936, p. 372).

216Holmes (1936, p. 456).

217Fletcher and Kipling (1911, p. 21).

218Haverfield (1924, p. 172).

219Pearson (1893, p. 180).

220Cited in Pick (1989, p. 223).

221Wells (1914, p. 43).

222Wells (1914, p. 252).

223Wells (1914, p. 49).

224Inge (1949, p. 29).

225Kiernan (1978, p. 53). In order to stem the tide of immigration, in 1905 the Alien’s Act was passed.

226Murray (1900, p. 138).

227Blatchford (1899, p. 16).

228Cited in Kiernan (1978, p. 53). This Act, David Feldman (1989, pp. 78, 79) states designed to ‘keep out’ peoples ‘deemed to have a degenerative effect upon the nation’s health and efficiency’ was ‘a landmark in the decline of Liberal England’.

229Seeley (1883, p. 304).

230Glover (1912, p. 4).

231Glover (1912, pp. 196, 203).

232Glover (1912, p. 5).

233Bailey (1920, p. 7).

234Carter (1905, p. 87). See Vasunia (2010, p. 5).

235Carter (1905, p. 88).

236Gardiner (1920, p. 802).

237Innes (1907, pp. 86–7).

238Bury (1908, p. 592).

239Warde Fowler (1908, pp. 217, 225).

240Warde Fowler (1908, p. 227).

241Warde Fowler (1908, p. 234).

242Bryce (1901, pp. 64, 66).

243Bryce (1902, p. 26).

244Bryce (1902, p. 36).

245Bryce (1901, p. viii).

246Bryce (1902, p. 26).

247Balfour (1920, pp. 34–5).

248Baden-Powell (2007, p. 209).

249Galton (1904, p. 3).

250Galton (1904, p. 4). Mary Tippet (1967, p. 3) noted in letters to her family that her mother, Ethel Cooke, had to be ‘vetted by the authorities’ needing to ‘be fit in body and mind’ before her marriage to Frank Bigg-Wither in 1898.

251Cited in Mandler (2006, p. 121).

252Cited in Galton (1904, p. 7).

253Shaw (2004, p. 27).

254Cited in Galton (1904, p. 21).

255Wells (1914, pp. 229–30).

256Wells (1914, pp. 230–1).

257Wells (1914, pp. 232, 229). Again, Wells was possibly thinking here of Augustan concerns at the deferral of marriage and the benefits he introduced in order to encourage breeding.

258Cited in Galton (1904, p. 25).

259Cited in Galton (1904, p. 11).

260Cited in Galton (1904, pp. 17, 19). According to Alun Howkins (1986, p. 69) the countryside came to be ‘seen as the essence of England, uncontaminated by racial degeneration and the false values of cosmopolitan urban life’.

261Bury (1930, p. 19).

262Bury (1930, p. 34).

263Inge (1949, p. 14). The debate on town and country is explored in Chapter 3.

264Wickham (1930, pp. 10, 11).

265Shuckburgh (1908, pp. 269, vii).

266Shuckburgh (1908, p. 275).

267Shuckburgh (1908, pp. 269, 228–9).

268Shuckburgh (1908, p. 226).

269Stobart (1912, p. 68).

270Stobart (1912, pp. 193, 164–5).

271Stobart (1912, p. 284).

272Colls (2002, p. 203).

273The Times (5 November 1901, p. 8 – ‘ Mr. Morley at Forfar’).

274Hueffer (1907, p. 43). In 1919 Ford Madox Hueffer changed his name to Ford Madox Ford due to the unpopularity of German names at the time. Ian Baucom (1999, p. 17) maintains ‘[i]n direct opposition to the racial hermeneutics’ was this ‘localist discourse [which] identified English place, rather then English blood, as the one thing that could preserve the nation’s memory and, in preserving its memory, secure England’s continuous national identity’. Baucom claims this ‘localist ideology . . . was most fully worked out in the nineteenth-century texts’ but ‘sustained influence’ into the twentieth century.

275Hueffer (1907, p. 34).

276Hueffer (1907, p. 44).

277Wintle (1987, p. 10). Sarah Wintle (1987, p. 25) states that ‘Weland’s story starts a process of defining Englishness’.

278Kipling (1987, pp. 64, 106).

279Kipling (1987, p. 120).

280See Hingley (2000, pp. 43–4).

281Fletcher and Kipling (1911, p. 19). See Hingley (2000, pp. 68–9).

282Violence intensified after 1919 caused ‘by the disorganization and savagery of the “occupying” forces’ with atrocities committed ‘by the reconstituted Royal Irish Constabulary’ whose ranks were swelled by ‘the “Black and Tans” . . . recruited from the wartime officer corps’. Foster (1989, p. 208).

283Inge (1949, p. 59).

284Q.E.D. (1919–20, p. 803).

285Q.E.D. (1919–20, pp. 804–5).

286The Manchester Guardian (12 October 1921, p. 6 – ‘Nations in Conference’).

287Hamilton (1923, p. 16). See Chapter 1 for Hamilton’s meeting with Arnold.

288Milligan (1922, p. 440). According to Hall, McClelland and Rendall (2000b, p. 56) the Irish, to a large extent, the Scots and Welsh less so, remained both ‘within and without’ the nation.

289Milligan (1922, p. 440).

290David Feldman (1989, p. 78) argues it was the Alien’s Act of 1905 that signalled a change in the status of the working classes. As perceptions of workers as the ‘other’ diminished, they gained ‘a more secure place’ within the nation. Nancy Stepan (1982, p. 143) points out the war ‘destroyed certainties’.

291Wells (1919–20, p. 352).

292Wells (1914, p. 63).

293Inge (1949, pp. 52–3); Huxley (1969, p. 173).

294Inge (1949, p. 65).

295Cited in Overy (2009, p. 98).

296Cited in Overy (2009, p. 96).

297Darwin (1926, p. 72).

298Darwin (1926, p. 251).

299Darwin (1926, pp. 317, 326).

300Hamilton (1923, pp. 15, 45).

301Lucas (1920, p. 6).

302Judson (1894, p. 105).

303Stephen Daniels (1994, p. 32) states that after the war, ‘many spokesmen for England struck a less heroically imperial pose. The English were not a master race, they declared, but a domestic people, kindly, tolerant, somewhat old-fashioned, slightly at odds with the modern world’. Julia Stapleton (2000, p. 263) claims the ‘essence of a wide variety of interwar conceptions of Englishness was an association less with outward achievement than with a distinctively inward and private nation’. For Raphael Samuel (1998, p. 48), ‘English’ was ‘an altogether more introverted term than “British” and associated with images of landscape, beauty and home rather than those of national greatness’.

304Chesterton (1928, p. 61).

305Chesterton (1928, p. 70).

306Chesterton (1928, p. 62).

307Chesterton (1926, p. 169). First published 1909.

308Wells (1914, p. 336). According to Peter Mandler (2006, p. 143) following the Great War images of the working classes as a ‘mob’ were transformed and a new Englishman emerged who had become ‘gentle and domesticated, kindly and humorous. He was England’s man, not the world’s, certainly not Ireland’s, possibly not the empire’s, sadly not even Europe’s’.

309Wells (1914, pp. 339–40). What Wells was describing was a ‘utopian’ Englishness.

310Baldwin (1938, p. 11 – ‘England’).

311Baldwin (1938, p. 17 – ‘England’).

312Blake (1985, p. 216).

313Baldwin (1938, p. 14 – ‘England’).

314Baldwin (1938, p. 79 – ‘Democracy and the Spirit of Service’).

315Baldwin (1938, p. 82 – ‘Democracy and the Spirit of Service’).

316Alison Light (1991, p. 11) claims ‘readers of Agatha Christie . . . were invited to identify with a more inward-looking notion of the English as a nice, decent, essentially private people’.

317Stonehouse (1996, p. vii).

318Buchan (1940, p. 35).

319Buchan (1940, p. 168).

320Slaughter (1917, p. 376).

321Warde Fowler (1908, p. 141). Noticeable is the way the character of Aeneas was manipulated to meet different agendas. Whereas Glover depicted Aeneas as a man who had forgotten his duty when under the influence of Dido in order to show the negative effect of interaction with ‘Orientals’, both Slaughter and Warde Fowler used Aeneas to emphasize the importance of duty with the latter maintaining, duty was more important than personal happiness. Dedication to duty had always been considered an admirable quality but Slaughter and Warde Fowler highlighted this aspect of Aeneas’ character prior to and after the First World War when duty was considered a prime quality in modern Englishmen. See Vance (1997, pp. 143–9). Virgilian domesticity is represented more by the Georgics than the Aeneid and this will be discussed in Chapter 3. Warde Fowler wrote to Gilbert Murray in January 1911 claiming introducing ‘Latin words with translation’ into chapters on Roman history was ‘desirable’ as it helped ‘to show our debt to the Romans’. Warde Fowler to Murray (23 January 1911, MS Murray 403, fol. 172).

322Warde Fowler (1920, p. 185).

323Warde Fowler (1920, pp. 186–7).

324Warde Fowler (1920, p. 189). In this respect Glover and Warde Fowler were in agreement. If Dido did not have the virtues necessary to be a suitable wife to Aeneas, by implication, neither would ‘Orientals’ in the British Empire be suitable partners for Britons.

325Mackail (1922, p. 141).

326Cited in Stray (1998, p. 230).

327Last (1923, p. 220).

328Last (1923, p. 229).

329Simkhovitch (1916, pp. 232–3).

330Shuckburgh (1889, Book xxxvii, p. 9). Again, see Chapter 3 for discussion of the issues associated with rural depopulation.

331Last (1923, p. 232).

332Collingwood (1923, p. 13).

333Collingwood (1923, p. 16).

334Collingwood (1923, pp. 14, 15).

335Collingwood (1923, pp. 100–1).

336Collingwood (1923, p. 101). See Hingley (2000, pp. 97–8).

337Weigall (1926, p. 14).

338See Hingley (2000, pp. 103–4).

339Weigall (1926, pp. 142, 150, 27, 80, 102).

340Weigall (1926, p. 281).

341Weigall (1926, p. 20).

342Weigall (1926, p. 24).

343Weigall (1926, pp. 45, 25).

344S.E.W. (1927, p. 355).

345Robertson and Robertson (1928, p. 2).

346Robertson and Robertson (1928, p. 211).

347Baldwin (1938, p. 109 – ‘The Classics’).

348Baldwin (1938, pp. 192–3 – ‘Lord Oxford’).

349Mandler (2006, p. 143).

350Baldwin (1938, pp. 224, 216 – ‘Wales’; ‘Scotland’).

Chapter 3

1A shortened version of this chapter appeared in New Voices in Classical Reception Studies, Issue 6 (2011).

2Newsome (1997, pp. 15–16).

3Kitson Clark (1962, p. 66).

4Saint (2005, p. 255). Deborah Stevenson (2003, p. 30) writes that urbanization was ‘on a scale so great that the traditional demographic and environmental balance between the rural and the urban was overturned and previously agrarian societies were transformed into highly urbanized ones’.

5Booth (1886, p. 327). According to Peter Mandler (2006, p. 66), the 1851 census revealed that the ‘majority of the population was now “urban”’.

6Cited in Colls (2002, p. 219).

7Jackson’s Oxford Journal (23 February 1833 – ‘The Allotment System’), 19th Century British Newspapers Online, www.find.gale.group.com, Gale Document Number: Y3202664231 [Last Accessed on 8 April 2011].

8[Anonymous] (1844, pp. 224–5).

9Taylor (1842, p. 4).

10Engels (1993, p. 267).

11Baker (1858, p. 428).

12Engels (1993, p. 85).

13Gaskell (1833, pp. 160, 10). Anthony Webster (2006, p. 31) claims ‘the deleterious social effects of industrialisation were becoming all too evident in the squalor of Britain’s burgeoning towns and cities’, as early as the 1820s. This factor plus social unrest and Thomas Malthus’ ‘gloomy predictions’ concerning the ‘growth in population outstripping the global capacity for food production’ created ‘a profound sense of foreboding in the minds of even the most enthusiastic adherent of laissez faire’. Malthus’ concern about population growth is discussed below.

14Gaskell (1833, pp. 5–6).

15Gaskell (1833, pp. 158–9, 162).

16Gaskell (1833, p. 10).

17Gaskell (1833, p. 304).

18Taylor (1841a, p. 259).

19Taylor (1841b, p. 354).

20Taylor (1841a, p. 259).

21Carlyle (1971, p. 152).

22Ruskin (1985, p. 85).

23Engels (1993, pp. 85–6).

24Kingsley (1880b, p. 177).

25Ashley (1877, p. 131).

26Dickens (n.d. [1836], p. 159).

27Dickens (n.d. [1846–8], p. 60).

28Dickens (n.d. [1854], p. 550).

29Jewsbury (1851, p. 8). See Trefor Thomas’ ‘Representations of the Manchester Working-Class in Fiction’ (1985, pp. 193–213).

30Cited in Vance (1997, p. 39).

31The Northern Star and Leeds General Advertiser (29 May 1841, p. 7 – ‘The Corn-Law Question’).

32The Essex Standard (14 November 1834 – ‘Poor Laws’).

33Carlyle (1971, p. 168).

34Malthus (1807b, p. 96).

35Malthus (1807a, pp. 289–90).

36Smiles (1968, p. 11). In fact, in Smiles’ opinion (1968, p. 14), ‘[g]reat men of science, literature and art’ belonged to no particular class but came ‘from the huts of poor men and the mansions of the rich’.

37Beatrice Webb recorded in her diary in 1905 that utilitarianism was a ‘heartless’ system that ‘deprived paupers of their liberty and political rights’ while workhouses demoralized inhabitants by destroying families and ‘herd[ing] the sick, the aged, the depraved, the orphaned and the workless together like cattle’. MacKenzie (1984, p. 6).

38See Williams (1971).

39Kingsley (2007, p. 168).

40Carlyle (1971, p. 181). According to David Newsome (1997, p. 44), the rise of the Chartist Movement in 1832 and the riots of the 1840s were as a result of the working classes realizing that ‘their lot was not one whit better than it had been before’.

41Smith (1881, p. 124).

42The Times (18 August 1848, p. 4 – ‘Who would suppose that in the midst of this rich metropolis . . . ’).

43Vance (1997, p. 43).

44The Chartist Circular (31 July 1841 – ‘The Victim’).

45The Northern Star and National Trades’ Journal (20 May 1848, p. 1 – ‘To the Working Classes’). According to Thomas Arnold (n.d. p. 240) in lectures he delivered in 1842, French revolutionaries modelled themselves on the Republican figures of Cato and Brutus whose names were ‘magnified . . . as true republicans’. See Jennifer Harris (1981, pp. 283–312).

46The Morning Post (6 November 1851, p. 2 – ‘Reform and Protection’).

47The Times (12 September 1829, p. 2 – ‘Caution to Millers and Others, Owners, Tenants or Occupiers of Locks, Weirs, Bucks and Flood-gates on the River Thames’).

48The Glasgow Herald (21 October 1844 – ‘O’Connell’s Influence’); The Blackburn Standard (26 May 1847 – ‘Death of Mr. O’Connell’). The alignment between Roman Republican ‘heroes’ and the leaders of reform movements in the nineteenth century formed the basis of a paper I gave (‘Ancient Class Warriors and Modern Reformers in the Nineteenth-Century Press’) at the ‘Classics and Class’ conference held at the British Academy in July 2010.

49Smiles (1968, p. 11). See Biagini (1996, p. 1).

50Biagini (1996, p. 9) states Liberals shared ‘a concern for the preservation of a limited electoral franchise, the containment of the radical pressure for universal suffrage, and the perpetuation of certain social privileges and inequalities as necessary for the survival of “liberty”’.

51Trevelyan (1958, p. 20).

52Harding and Taigel (1996, pp. 238–9).

53Harding and Taigel (1996, p. 238).

54Newsome (1997, p. 86).

55Kingsley (2007, p. 90).

56Cited in Saint (2005, p. 256).

57Daunton (2005, p. 42).

58Kingsley (1880b, p. 178).

59The Times (12 April 1851, p. 8 – ‘The Claims of Rotten-Row’).

60Newsome (1997, p. 46).

61The idea that systematic emigration would ease overcrowding in the cities and lessen civil unrest in Britain as well as allowing greater control of natives overseas has been discussed in Chapter 1.

62SEER (1854, p. 9).

63Ashley (1877, p. 131). From 1845, what is commonly referred to as the Irish Potato Famine, decimated Ireland. Over a decade, almost 1 million people died and it ‘forced mass emigration’. Levine (2007, p. 88).

64Cited in Newsome, (1997, p. 47).

65Kingsley (2007, preface).

66Mayhew (1861, p. iv). Raymond Williams (1975, p. 267) states Mayhew based his report on ‘direct contacts with people, telling their own stories in their own words’.

67See Janet DeLaine (1999, pp. 145–65).

68Baxter (1866, p. 549).

69Cited in The Times (26 June 1868, p. 8 – ‘The Peel Statue’).

70Trevelyan (1958, p. 1) argues that by the 1850s the ‘English slum town [that] grew up to meet the momentary needs of the new type of employer and jerry-builder, unchecked and unguided by public control of any sort’ had had time to deteriorate. Norman Vance (1997, p. 74) maintains the growth in urban populations stimulated ‘interest in the size and living conditions of ancient Rome’. Richard Jenkyns (1992, p. 32) makes a similar point claiming ‘one Roman influence that perhaps looms larger in the nineteenth century than before is the city of Rome itself’.

71Farr (1852, p. 172).

72The Morning Post (15 December 1849, p. 6 – ‘Supply of water in ancient Rome’).

73The Times (15 January 1850, p. 5 – Remarks on the Water Supply of London’).

74The Daily News (4 January 1855 p. 4 – ‘The hare and the tortoise set out to run a race’), 19th Century British Newspapers Online, www.find.gale.group.com, Gale Document Number: BA3202896925 [Last Accessed on 18 October 2011].

75The Sheffield and Rotherham Independent (11 August 1855, p. 1 – ‘The London water supply’).

76The Blackburn Standard: Darwen Observer, and North-East Lancashire Advertiser (20 October 1877, p. 2 – ‘The Roman Aqueducts’).

77The Times (27 September 1879, p. 6 – ‘National Water Supply Exhibition’).

78The Times (13 December 1881, p. 7 – ‘Health Congress at Brighton).

79Kingsley (1880a, pp. 158–9 – ‘The Air Mothers’).

80Kingsley (1880a, p. 163 – ‘The Air Mothers’).

81The Sheffield and Rotherham Independent (23 August 1873, p. 3 – ‘Modern Lessons from Ancient Masters’).

82The Times (21 March 1877, p. 11 – ‘The Metropolitan Fire Brigade’).

83The Times (25 April 1885, p. 11 – ‘Ideas march fast when they are ideas’).

84The Times (9 July 1887, p. 6 – ‘Effects of continued drought on water supplies’).

85Cited in The Hampshire Telegraph and Sussex Chronicle etc. (23 October 1897 – ‘A Lesson from Ancient Rome’).

86Cited in The Huddersfield Chronicle (31 March 1873 – ‘The Earl of Derby and Mr. R. Lowe, M.P., with the Civil Engineers’).

87The Daily News (29 August 1893, p. 5 – ‘New Water Supply for Manchester’), 19th Century British Newspapers Online, www.find.gale.group.com, Gale Document Number: BA3203265648 [Last Accessed on 18 October 2011].

88Peel (1929, p. 73).

89Harris (1873, p. 142).

90Creighton (1875, p. 6).

91Merivale (1880, p. 26).

92Merivale (1880, p. 666).

93Merivale (1880, pp. 668–9).

94Church and Brodribb (1876, Book 15, p. 38).

95Church and Brodribb (1876, Book 15, p. 43).

96Pfautz (1967, pp. 10–11).

97See Daunton (2005, pp. 78–9).

98Deborah Stevenson (2003, p. 134) argues that gradually it became apparent that the city was ‘a place of great contradictions – being simultaneously the site and symbol of progress, creativity, democracy and wealth, as well as of poverty, inequality, exploitation and discontent’. Raymond Williams (1975, p. 9) claims whereas the city had been perceived as a place of ‘learning, communication, light’ and the countryside as ‘a place of backwardness, ignorance, limitation’, gradually the country came to be seen as the place where ‘peace, innocence, and simple virtue’ could be found.

99Farr (1852, p. 177). According to Deborah Stevenson (2003, p. 16), intellectuals began adopting ‘the metaphor of the human body and the explanatory frames of illness and medical diagnosis to describe and explain the problems of the city. They argued that in order to heal the sick urban body, the source of the disease needed to be identified and removed’.

100Baker (1858, p. 432).

101Danson (1859, p. 366).

102Danson (1859, p. 367).

103Danson (1859, p. 366).

104Danson (1859, p. 367). Danson’s views prefigured what was to become the Garden City Movement.

105Dickens (n.d. [1854], p. 515).

106Cited in Gaskell (1993, p. 447).

107Cazamian (1973, p. 227).

108Lloyd’s Weekly London Paper (23 January 1870, p. 6 – ‘Our Fresh Air Supply’).

109Dickens (n.d. [1854], p. 601). Irving Howe (cited in Hardy 1999, pp. 396, 395) maintains the working classes were developing an ‘intellectual consciousness’ and showing signs of ‘social and moral solidarity’ which he believes had its foundation in the eighteenth century when the ‘English working class [came] to birth through the trauma of the Industrial Revolution’.

110Dickens (n.d. [1854], p. 605).

111Gaskell (1993, p. 68).

112Engels (1993, p. 31).

113Engels (1993, p. 230).

114Gladstone, Hansard, Parliamentary, Debates, 3rd Series, vol. 183, 27 April 1866, 146. The Lancashire Cotton Famine lasted from approximately 1861–5. The working classes were not the only section of society threatening internal stability. Women too were challenging the status quo demanding voting rights and professional and social freedoms. In 1851 in the Enfranchisement of Women, Harriet Taylor Mill (cited in Golby, 1986, p. 243), wife of John Stuart Mill, had insisted that ‘every occupation be open to all, without favour or discouragement to any’. This, she claimed, would ensure ‘employments . . . fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them’. Likewise Florence Nightingale (cited in Golby, 1986, p. 244) in Cassandra (1852) had questioned why women of ‘passion, intellect, moral activity – these three’ had no position in society where these attributes could ‘be exercised?’

115See Pfautz (1967, p. 30). Jonathan Rutherford (1997, p. 54) states economic prosperity had neither ‘alleviated mass poverty or the prospect of social unrest’.

116Cited in The Birmingham Daily Post (14 January 1874, p. 6 – ‘Birmingham Town Council’).

117Mearns (1883, p. 4). Alun Howkins (1986, p. 65) claims that the publication of The Bitter Cry of Outcast London shows that although London was at the heart of an Empire, ‘it was a heart which . . . was believed to be rotten’.

118Kingsley (1880a, p. 27 – ‘The Science of Health’). See Chapter 2.

119Kingsley (1880a p. 26 – ‘The Science of Health’).

120Pigou (1901, pp. 238, 251).

121Shaw (1900, p. 53).

122Mearns (1883, p. 24).

123See Harkness (1890).

124Morrison (1903, pp. 17–18).

125Although by the end of the nineteenth century the image of cities as centres of degeneration and disease peaked, ideas of urban decay had been around since the eighteenth century. The English novelist, dramatist and Bow Street magistrate, Henry Fielding (1707–54), expressed concern at the social problems of the day. In 1751, he wrote Enquiry into the Increase of Robbers and in 1753 a pamphlet entitled Proposal for the Poor. According to David Patrick, editor of Chambers Cyclopaedia of English Literature (1914, p. 342), Fielding’s novel Amelia (1751) ‘is preoccupied to an exceptional extent with the social problems, prison discipline and what not, which were daily obtruding themselves on [Fielding’s] attention’.

126Mouat (1880, p. 203).

127Pearson (1893, p. 134).

128Cited in Howard (1902, p. 11).

129Booth (n.d. p.11).

130Cited in Pick (1989, p. 223).

131See Chapter 1 and 2.

132Booth (n.d. p.12).

133Booth (n.d. pp.14, 93).

134The promotion of the Empire and the encouragement given to emigrants made ‘distant lands’ become, Raymond Williams (1975, p. 336) states, ‘the rural areas of industrial Britain’. This had ‘heavy consequent effects on its own surviving rural areas’.

135Sheppard (1861, pp. 65, 100). See also Chapter 1.

136Sheppard (1861, pp. 100–1). See Goldsmith (1784).

137Lecky (1877, p. 266).

138Merivale (1880, pp. 194–5).

139Creighton (1875, p. 55).

140Sheppard (1861, p. 99).

141Rider Haggard (1899, p. ix).

142Rider Haggard (1926, pp. 133–4).

143Trollope (1980, p. 200). George Trevelyan (1958, p. 74) pointed out the extent to which railways had fundamentally altered the rural community by the end of the century: ‘With locomotion constantly diminishing the distance between the village and the city, with the spread of science and machinery even in the processes of agriculture, in a small island with a dense urban population that had now lost all tradition of country life, it was only a question of time before urban ways of thought and action would penetrate and absorb the old rural world, obliterating its distinctive features and local variations’. Stevenson (2003, pp. 15–16) also makes reference to the change that took place not just in Britain but throughout Europe due to the arrival of the railways when ‘villages became towns, towns became cities, and ultimately many cities grew into metropolises. None of these places, however, were equipped to cope with this dramatic growth’.

144Eliot (1984, p. 286).

145Hardy (1922, p. 144).

146Vance (1997, pp. 147, 193).

147Cited in Hardy (1999, p. 385).

148Froude (1894, p. 23).

149Butler (1887, p. 218).

150Cited in [Anonymous] (1891, p. 6).

151Cited in Rider Haggard (1899, p. 466).

152According to Norman Vance (1997, p. 176), both poets were ‘at the heart of what every classically educated schoolboy needed to know’. Raymond Williams (1975, p. 9) states that ‘[i]n the long history of human settlement, [the] connection between the land from which directly or indirectly we all get our living and the achievements of human society has been deeply known. And one of these achievements has been the city . . . a distinctive form of civilization . . . A contrast between country and city, as fundamental ways of life, reaches back into classical times’.

153Wickham (1930, Epistles, 1.10).

154Cited in Griffin (1992, p. 147).

155Sellar (1897, p. 115). Virgil writes about the impact of the seizure of land in Eclogue IX ll. 2ff. Lonsdale’s translation (1887) reads: ‘O Lycidas, we have reached this point alive, a woe we never dreamt of, that a stranger should seize our farm, and say, “These lands are mine, yet ancient occupiers yield possession”’. For Raymond Williams (1975, p. 27), ‘the contrast within Virgilian pastoral is between the pleasures of rural settlement and the threat of loss and eviction’.

156Sellar (1897, p. 81).

157Sellar (1897, p. 91). According to J. S. Bratton (1986, p. 89), the ‘[i]nterconnection of the enjoyment and beauty of the countryside with its rootedness in history is the essential link in turning the merely idyllic into the inspiration’.

158Arnold and Mongan (1889, Satire 14, ll.179–89).

159Froude (1886, p. 9). Williams (1975, p. 29) states ‘where poets run scholars follow’.

160Froude (1886, p. 10).

161Froude (1886, p. 8).

162The Examiner (26 March 1859, p. 203 – ‘Miscellaneous News’) described the ongoing excavations at Wroxeter. Verulam and Silchester were both compared to Pompeii. See The Morning Post (10 August 1869, p. 7 – ‘Verulam and Pompeii compared’) and The Hampshire Advertiser (15 July 1876, p. 3 – ‘The Pompeii of Hampshire’).

163Coote (1878, p. 234).

164The Leicester Chronicle and the Leicestershire Mercury (25 October 1879, p. 2 – ‘Mr J.A. Picton on Imperial Rome’).

165Scarth (1882, p. viii). The publication of the German scholar, Theodor Mommsen’s History of Rome (1854–6) had a huge impact on the study of history in Britain. It sparked a debate on the inclusion of ancient history and archaeology on the curriculum.

166Scarth (1882, p. 130).

167Scarth (1882, p. 180).

168Scarth (1882, pp. 135, 163–4, 172–3).

169Scarth (1882, p. 219).

170Scarth (1882, p. 221).

171Bury (1893, p. 600).

172Pelham (1905, p. 185).

173Pelham (1905, pp. 408–10).

174Pelham (1905, p. 378).

175Pelham (1905, p. 409).

176Pelham (1905, pp. 410, 412–13).

177Pelham (1905, p. 400).

178Pelham (1905, p. 407).

179Pelham (1905, pp. 366–7).

180Gladstone (1895, Odes, Book 4, 15.4).

181See Mumford (1961).

182According to Norman Vance (1997, p. 4), with the Romans depicted as ‘a practical people, like the Victorians, with successful soldiers, engineers and administrators’ it was difficult ‘for mathematicians and engineers to repudiate them completely, even in the name of progress or technology’.

183Lowry (2000, p. 222). See Farwell (1987).

184Stepan (1982, p. 118).

185The Times (4 December 1896, p. 6 – ‘Lord Wolseley on Modern Armies’).

186Masterman (1901b, pp. v, vii).

187Cited in The Manchester Guardian (21 September 1901, p. 8 – ‘A “Garden City” Conference’).

188Rider Haggard (1926, p. 149).

189The Times (5 May 1903, p. 10 – ‘Mr Rider Haggard on Rural Depopulation’).

190Cited in Pick (1989, p. 185). See Soloway (1982).

191It was towards the end of the nineteenth century that associations such as the Preservation Society (1865) had increased in popularity while new ones, for instance, the National Footpaths Preservation Society (1884) and the National Trust (1894), were established.

192The ideas of Francis Galton and the eugenics movement are discussed in Chapter 2.

193The Times (14 October 1893, p. 9 – ‘Lord Charles Beresford on National Physical Exercises’).

194The Times (6 December 1907, p. 9 – ‘Lecture at the Polytechnic’). See Adams and Hingley (2010, p. 202).

195Baden-Powell (2007, p. 208).

196Rowntree (1901, p. 217).

197Wells (1919–20, pp. 301–2). Donal Lowry (2000, p. 208) claims the Boers were perceived by their supporters either to embody ‘the classical virtues of the Roman farmer-turned-reluctant-general, Cincinnatus’ or were ‘Tacitus’s German guerrillas come to life’.

198The Times (10 September 1907, p. 7 – ‘Back to the Land’).

199The Times (24 October 1907, p. 7 – ‘Panem et Circenses’).

200The Times (24 October 1907, p. 7 – ‘Panem et Circenses’).

201Warde Fowler (1908, p. 56).

202The Times (24 October 1907, p. 7 – ‘Panem et Circenses’).

203Shuckburgh (1908, p. 219).

204Heitland (1911, pp. 501–4).

205Stobart (1912, p. 68).

206Wickham (1930, p. 10).

207Wickham (1930, Epode 2, ll.1–8, 38–48).

208Wickham (1930, p. 11).

209Lonsdale (1887, Georgics 2, ll.458ff.).

210‘Ah too fortunate the husbandmen, did they know their own felicity! On whom far from the clash of arms Earth their most just mistress lavishes from the soil a plenteous sustenance’. Mackail (1889, Georgics 2, ll.458ff.). According to L. P. Wilkinson (1982, p. 38) the ‘whole eulogy of country life at the end of Book 2 is built up of contrasts . . . between country simplicity and urban extravagance, urban restlessness and country tranquillity, scientific understanding and simple faith, country peace and world politics, political crime and country innocence, fratricidal war and family concord’.

211Geikie (1912, pp. 35–6).

212Geikie (1912, p. 31).

213Geikie (1912, p. 30).

214Geikie (1912, pp. 27, 31, 56).

215Geikie (1912, p. 100).

216According to Alun Howkins (1986, p. 68), ‘a rural vision was central to an English socialism’.

217Cited in Howkins (1986, p. 68).

218Cited in The Times (14 January 1907, p. 11 – ‘Mr. Keir Hardie on the Labour Party’).

219Cited in Howkins (1991, p. 225).

220Wells (1919–20, p. 310).

221Morris (1924, p. 57). William Morris, who was educated at Oxford, worked with Engels to establish the Socialist Movement. He was a member of the Social Democratic Federation. Although Morris was clearly aware of the value of the ancient world, News from Nowhere was set in mediaeval Britain not ancient Britain.

222Morris (1924, pp. 2–3).

223Morris (1924, pp. 59, 127).

224Morris (1924, pp. 99, 34, 71, 56). This book became the ‘Bible of “back to the landers”’ (Howkins 1991, p. 227).

225Allen (1977, pp. 17–18).

226According to Sarah Wintle (1987, p. 21), Puck demonstrated the pre-war ‘conservative political ideology of the English countryside’.

227Fletcher and Kipling, (1911, p. 249).

228Chesterton (1926, p. 3). This image of the ‘south country’, Howkins suggests (1986, p. 64) ‘was the product of an urban world, and an urban world at a particular point in time’.

229Chesterton (1926, pp. 116–17).

230The Times (25 June 1904, p. 8 – ‘The Formation of London Suburbs’).

231The Times (5 May 1903, p. 10 – ‘Mr Rider Haggard on Rural Depopulation’).

232The Times (15 July 1905, p. 14) – ‘Garden City Association’).

233Howard (1902, p. 161).

234Macfadyen (1933, p. 29). Efforts to improve the living conditions of workers had resulted in the construction of model villages in the nineteenth century. Saltaire in Bradford was founded in 1853 by Titus Salt, a Yorkshire industrialist, who along with better housing and allotments provided a hospital, library and gymnasium for workers. The construction of Port Sunlight in Merseyside, influenced by William Morris and the Arts and Crafts Movement, began in 1888 for the employees of Lever Brothers’ soap factory. Bournville near Birmingham was constructed on a site specifically chosen by George and Richard Cadbury to provide a healthy environment for workers in 1893. Workers benefitted from large gardens and parks. Architect, designer of Bournville and author of The Model Village and Its Cottages: Bournville (1906, p. 1), William Harvey, stated: ‘The housing problem is no longer one in which the poor in the congested districts of great towns are concerned. A far larger sector of the people is affected’ such as skilled artisans ‘and even a class of the people more prosperous’. It has now been recognized, Harvey continued, that ‘the housing conditions of the past will not suffice for the future’ and this is an issue that concerns not just sanitarians but also ‘politicians and economists’. The towns Harvey described, however, were company towns specifically intended for company employees.

235Howard (1902, p. 18).

236Cited in Howkins (1991, p. 230).

237Purdom (1913, p. 116).

238The Times (26 March 1919, p. 7 – ‘Garden Cities and Suburbs’).

239Cited in Howard (1902, p. 38).

240The Financial Times (29 August 1903, p. 3 – ‘Garden City’), http://find.galegroup.com.libezproxy.open.ac.uk/ftha/infomark.do?&source=gale&prodId=FTHA&userGroupName=tou&tabID=T003&docPage=article&docId=HS2301245691&type=multipage&contentSet=LTO&version=1.0 [Last Accessed 14 September 2011]

241The Times (21 August 1908, p. 11 – ‘The Garden City Movement’).

242Fisher (1903, p. 85).

243Purdom (1913, p. 199).

244Howard (1902, p. 51).

245Fisher (1903, p. 85).

246Macfadyen (1933, p. 129).

247Reid (1914, p. 244).

248Howard (1902, p. 161); Haverfield (1913, p. 4).

249Haverfield (1913, p. A2).

250Haverfield (1913, p. 4).

251Haverfield (1913, p. 145).

252Haverfield (1913, p. 18).

253Haverfield (1913, p. 18).

254Haverfield (1913, p. 131).

255Haverfield (1913, p. 17).

256Haverfield (1913, p. 132). ‘Haussmannized’ is a reference to the Frenchman, Baron Georges-Eugène Haussmann (1809–91) who was responsible for the renovation of Paris.

257For a discussion of the romanization of Britain and other provinces, see Haverfield (1912).

258Haverfield (1913, p. 129).

259The Times (1 May 1906, p. 13 – ‘A Twentieth Century Palace’).

260Cited in Samuel (1998, p. 67).

261The Times (6 May 1907, p. 7 – ‘A New Suburb’). Alan Jackson (1973, p. 133) alleges that ‘many of the Londoners dreaming of a new house in the suburbs were seeking to renew contact with the rural environment which their immediate ancestors had deserted in the hope of attaining higher living standards in the metropolis’. For Howkins (1991, p. 231), ‘the reasons behind the movement out of the city were as much ideological as physical – the new country man and woman were not simply leaving a crowded in sanitary urban area, they were going to a rural myth which they were recreating’.

262Wells (1914, p. 64).

263Lewis Mumford (1946, p. 156) states it was ‘with the expansion of mechanical industry’ over the last century that ‘family functions, both immediate and remote, were dwarfed. Remoteness of the dwelling-house from the work-place made it less possible for the family to meet as a unit even for meals’.

264The Times (21 October 1907, p. 9 – ‘The Classical Association’).

265The Times (24 October 1907, p. 7 – ‘Panem et Circenses’).

266The Times (20 July 1914, p. 5 – ‘Decay of Home Life’).

267Manchester Guardian (6 May 1913, p. 4 – ‘The Peak Dwellers’).

268According to Howkins (1986, p. 80), ‘[i]n Flanders, in the very antithesis of England’s South Country, the rural ideal was enshrined by mass slaughter’. Stephen Daniels (1994, p. 213) agrees: ‘The trenches enhanced the allure of pastoral England as a refuge from the absurd theatre of Flanders, that boundless, discomposed lane, a no man’s land, an anti-landscape’.

269For instance, Siegfried Sassoon’s Grantchester, Edward Wyndham Tennant’s Home Thoughts in Laventie and Ivor Gurney’s To England – a note. See L. Macdonald’s Anthem for Doomed Youth (2000). Vance (1997, p. 222) notes that ‘the new experience of trench warfare activated Roman analogies’. It was a ‘gas attack’, Vance continues, that caused Wilfred Owen to compose Dulce et Decorum Est. See Owen (1994, p. 29).

270Thomas (1981, pp. 18, 65–6).

271Hardie and Sabin (1920, poster 10).

272Purdom (1917, p. 20).

273Howkins (1986, p. 81) writes of the ‘patriotic motifs, soldiers dreaming of fields and lanes, with wives and children living in rose-covered cottages’ that appeared on postcards.

274Cited in Chambers (1921, p. 110).

275Light (1991, p. 17). Raphael Samuel (1989, p. xii) believes this conservatism resulted in economics being ‘concerned with domestic industry rather than overseas trade, in politics with home affairs, in culture with the indigenous and the “organic”’.

276Cited in The Times (25 November 1918, p. 13 – ‘Lloyd George on his task’).

277Howkins (1986, p. 82).

278Bracco (1993, p. 145).

279Carrington (1955, p. 381). See also Hingley, (2000, pp. 56–7).

280Vance (1997, pp. 222–3).

281Bracco (1993, p. 30).

282Buchan (1940, p. 182).

283Buchan (1940, p. 35).

284The New Statesman (9 October 1920, p. 31 – St George’s Kerri School for Young Children at Gerrards’ Cross’; 23 October 1920, p. 91 – ‘The London Garden School’).

285Santayana (1923, p. 3).

286Close (1923, p. 292).

287Cited in The Times (25 November 1918, p. 13 – ‘Lloyd George on his task’). In contrast to the country, according to John Short (1991, p. 50), the suburbs offered, ‘a whole set of alternative values: family, stability, a place where people settle down raise children, become part of a community. The dream of suburbia was the possibility of the good life without the restraints of the country or the anonymity of the city’.

288The New Statesman (16 October 1920, p. 42 – ‘City Street and Green Leaves’).

289Chambers (1921, p. 109).

290Close (1923, p. 287).

291Close (1923, p. 283).

292Close (1923, p. 284).

293Macfadyen (1935, p. 252).

294Macfadyen (1933, p. 97).

295Unwin (1921, p. 81); Pepler (1921, p. 65).

296Cited in Macfadyen (1933, p. 135).

297Lethaby (1921, p. 51).

298Macfadyen (1935, p. 255).

299Cited in Matless (1998, p. 180).

300Collingwood (1923, pp. 66–7).

301Collingwood (1923, p. 48).

302Collingwood (1923, p. 49).

303Collingwood (1923, p. 67).

304Weigall (1926, p. 204).

305Weigall (1926, pp. 258–9).

306Craster (1922, p. 144).

307Craster (1922, p. 142).

308Craster (1922, pp. 143–4). Matless (1998, p. 58) claims even road histories published during the interwar years ‘consistently posit a contemporary rediscovery of Roman “road sense”’.

309Hall (1922, p. 31).

310Heitland (1923, p. 488). William Cobbett (1763–1835) was a radical and opposed to the Corn Laws.

311Merivale (1880, p. 190).

312Heitland (1923, p. 488).

313Mackail (1922, p. v).

314Cited in The Times (12 August 1921, p. 6 – ‘Sir H. Warren on the modern use of the “Eclogues”’).

315Mackail (1922, p. 63).

316Cited in The Times (12 August 1921, p. 6 – ‘Sir H. Warren on the modern use of the “Eclogues” ’).

317Slaughter (1917, p. 361).

318Martindale (2007, p. 298).

319Last (1923, p. 213). This is taken from Cicero’s speech ‘On his house’. Yonge (1913–21).

320Last (1923, p. 211).

321Last (1923, pp. 211–12).

322Baldwin (1938, p. 13 – ‘England’).

323Last (1923, pp. 209–10).

324Last (1923, p. 233).

325Last (1923, p. 234).

326Last (1923, pp. 234, 235).

327Last (1923, p. 235).

328Last (1923, pp. 215, 219–20).

329Last (1923, p. 221).

330Last (1923, p. 223).

331Last (1923, pp. 226–7).

332Robertson and Robertson (1928, pp. 314–15).

333Robertson and Robertson (1928, p. 315).

334Robertson and Robertson (1928, p. 229).

335Robertson and Robertson (1928, p. 315).

Summary

1By 1900, the Empire consisted of 47 territories of which only 12 were ‘self-governing’. Levine (2007, p. 103).

2As Jonathan Rose ably demonstrates in The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes (2002, p. 26), autodidacts ‘urged workers to read the ancient classics, because otherwise they would be at the mercy of the educated classes’.

3Mill (1842, p. 1).

4Tickner (1923, p. 23).

5Baldwin (1938, p. 110 – ‘The Classics’). For Thomas Carlyle’s quote, see Carlyle (1859, Chapter 3).

6Vance (1997, p. 3).