20
By now it will be clear that Tchaikovsky was neither gregarious nor a recluse. Within his family and with friends, both professional and social (and among the latter we may presume that some relationships had a homosexual element), he could be a good guest, friend and, where necessary, support. There were moments or phases when outside circumstances and tensions drove him to escape into a more solitary existence, but these were almost always temporary withdrawals. His concern for other people and his readiness to step in with financial support where this could solve, or at least mitigate, a problem has already been exemplified many times, but on other occasions his interventions could be unexpected, sometimes seemingly capricious, even bizarre. Yet, again, there may have been no motivation other than to help an individual whom he saw as deserving. Such a one was Leonty Tkachenko, and this bizarre episode illumines one corner of Tchaikovsky’s character as nothing else does. It had all begun back in 1879, and what followed is best told through extracts from Tchaikovsky’s letters to Nadezhda von Meck.
It was back in October 1879 that Tchaikovsky received his first letter from Tkachenko, who was living in Voronezh. In it the latter had declared his passionate wish to study music but, not having the means to finance himself, expressed his readiness to become Tchaikovsky’s servant in return for tuition:
Because the letter was written very correctly and was shot through with sincerity, I replied that, although I could not accept his services as my manservant, I could help him if, from his next letter, I saw he was sufficiently gifted and young enough for study to lead to something. Yesterday I received his reply. He is twenty-two, and his musical knowledge is as weak as his wish to become a professional musician is strong. His letter was so written as to breed in me a great sympathy towards this youth. But what can you do with a person who for twenty-two years has only loved music, and can do nothing except what he has picked up by ear? I had to write in reply my honest opinion was that he had left it too late . I am very sorry for him.
A full year passed before Tchaikovsky picked up the tale:
The day before yesterday I received a letter from him. He is returning my letters to me, lest after his death they should fall into someone else’s hands. He bids me farewell, and says he has decided on suicide. The letter exuded such sincerity, such a deep despair, that I was very shocked. Judging from his letters he is a strange and wild young man – but intelligent, and very honourable and good.
Tchaikovsky admitted that Tkachenko’s letter so affected him that he wept like a child when reading it. Immediately he contacted Anatoly, begging him to request a friend of his who lived in Voronezh to root out the young man. The friend did as asked, discovering Tkachenko in a very sorry state. Immediately Tchaikovsky wrote again:
I certainly must become acquainted with you personally. If I were at this moment a completely free person I would come to Voronezh , but for various reasons I cannot, and it would therefore be more convenient if you came to me here. I am sending you fifty roubles for the journey. I have adequate means, and it costs me nothing to show a friend (such I consider you to be) not only moral but material support. Look more kindly on life and on the future – and most of all, do not doubt that, although I do not yet know you personally, I am already your sincere and firm friend.
However, Tkachenko’s reply, received a fortnight later, dismayed and riled Tchaikovsky:
I had expected him to say thank you to me for the helping hand I had extended to him. Not in the least! He hastens to assure me that it is useless for me to take upon myself to assure him of the existence of virtue (though I never thought to speak of anything of the sort), that I shall not be able to prove to him that it is worth living in this world , that he did not need the money I had sent him – but he promised, all the same, to come to Moscow on 22nd to hear me out. All this is very strange and incomprehensible.
Indeed! But the odd character arrived punctually:
In general as a person he is sympathetic [Tchaikovsky’s favourite adjective for describing someone he could get on with]. His sufferings have stemmed from the disparity between his aspirations and the blasts of stern reality. He is intelligent, developed – but, nevertheless, for the sake of a morsel of bread he has been forced to serve as a guard on the railways. He is very nervous, timid, and abnormally shy. His views are rather queer – but, I repeat, he is far from stupid, and I am resolved to take him into my care. I have now decided to send him for this half-year to the Conservatoire. Because he inspires in me sincere sympathy I shall not find it difficult to cure him and turn him into a being both useful and reconciled with life.
However, within a fortnight, on the eve of his departure from Moscow, Tchaikovsky learned the consequences of this mind-boggling proposal. His protégé appeared, declared he needed to have a serious talk with Tchaikovsky, who listened with mounting amazement – and anger:
He is a very strange person. On the eve of my departure he presented himself to me, and forewarned me that he had to have a serious talk with me. This is the essence of his speech. The thought had entered his head that I had rendered him help and assistance not for his good but for my own, in order to earn the reputation of being a phil anthropist . He compared me to those ladies who occupy themselves with philanthropy because it is fashionable, and so that they will be much talked about. He stated that he did not want to be a victim of my weakness for making myself popular, that he emphatically refused to consider me his benefactor, and forewarned me I should not count upon gratitude on his part.
This was too much for Tchaikovsky, and he forthwith dismissed Tkachenko:
I told him I was leaving Moscow, that I would not see him again, and asked him not to think about me any more, but only of his studies.
And that, Tchaikovsky thought, was that. How mistaken he was!
*
Tchaikovsky would spend the summer of 1881 at Kamenka from where, in late August, he reported a sudden and extraordinary event. His correspondent was now Modest:
This morning I was going to write to you when suddenly Sila [one of the Kamenka peasants] appeared, informing me in confidence that some unknown young man wanted to see me. Because he didn’t say who this was, I refused to go. Then Biryukov appeared; he had seen the strange young man, and had been filled with pity for him. He had come from somewhere on foot, and had spent a full day at the station, had had nothing to eat, had stubbornly refused all offers, and declared the police could have him if they wished. From the description I guessed it was Tkachenko, and ran in great agitation to the station. I thought he was waiting for me so that he could forthwith blow his brains out in front of me. I won’t describe the desperate condition I found the unhappy man in. He was inexpressi bly pleased to see me, and could not restrain his hysterical sobbing. He’s a strange person! I calmed him as best I could, told Sila to pour him some tea, and let him sit alone in order to calm himself. Then I left, and at evening returned and sent him via Kharkov to Moscow, from which it seems he had walked all the way. His object was to come and decline my allowance in view of his lack of ability, will-power, and his general worthlessness. However, he has promised to send me from Kharkov, where he has a sister, his diary for the whole summer, which contains all he wanted to say, but couldn’t de vive voix . I’m very exhausted from the upheavals I have suffered today – but Tkachenko has again become sympathetic to me. He has a good but broken nature à la Dostoyevsky .
The diary duly arrived, a fat volume covering seven months. It was sometimes disconcertingly frank, but by the end Tchaikovsky believed he had discovered the root of Tkachenko’s problems. His youth had been too dominated by sensuality – and Tchaikovsky’s reply hints at a recognition of some parallels with his own experience:
As for the moral side of your excesses , in the first place I have no right to cast a stone at you, for I myself am not blameless – and, secondly, in my opinion a man in this regard finds himself in a fateful dependence upon his temperament. Very often chastity is no more than the lack of an element of sensuality in the temperament. The whole point is to be able to stand above one’s bodily desires, and to be able to control them – and this comes with training. In your case this training was bad. Ah, Leonty Grigoryevich, you are a good, nice person, but morally sick for which, of course, you are not to blame, but circumstances.
By this time Tchaikovsky was forced to conclude that Tkachenko would never make a career in music. But, reading the diary, he decided that his protégé had some literary talent, and this was supported by Modest after he had read something of it. Accordingly, during meetings with Tkachenko towards the year’s end, Tchaikovsky persuaded him to leave the Conservatoire, and during 1882 subsidized him. Tkachenko now applied himself doggedly to learning his literary craft. By June this seemed to be yielding results, and Tchaikovsky continued to scrutinize his work closely, both praising and criticizing it. However, the problem was that, though he believed Tkachenko’s own diary could have been the basis of a novel and that his craft with words was developing, he could find no signs that Tkachenko understood human nature and behaviour sufficiently to be capable of handling it in fiction. Increasingly, Tchaikovsky tried to edge him towards another goal. Finally, in late November, as tactfully as he could, he set out the position and the new objective to which his pupil should strive:
Since it will still be a long while before, through your own efforts, you make up for the inadequacies in your schooling and become a mature writer, you will need to live for several years, despite having a firmly projected aim, without a definite position and, above all, without those responsibilities whose fulfilment completes and adorns our life. What you need is an occupation such as would interest you and make your life useful in the near future before you become a serious writer, while not distracting you from your main aim. And do you know what occupation I find completely suitable for your temperament? The occupation of a village schoolteacher! No, in my view, there is no more honourable, more sacred service to society than service as a village schoolteacher!
How Tkachenko reacted to this sudden proposal we do not know. Only a brief acknowledgement came, and then total silence, and it seems the relationship was over. As for the final act, this was recorded in a letter to Modest in October 1883 from Verbovka:
When I arrived here I found awaiting me a parcel from Tkachenko , who is in Poltava. It proved to be all my letters to him. Because the first time he wanted to kill himself he’d sent me back my two letters, I understood this time that he was, as it were, informing me of his impending suicide. Nevertheless, it was only for the first instant that I was a little worried; afterwards I somehow decided my Tkachenko was almost certainly still alive. And, indeed, today I received a request from him to send money, with no mention of my letters. His letter is, as always, ironical in tone. A pathetic, but rather un sympathetic person!
As we have already noted, Tchaikovsky had a natural ability to relate to children and participate fully in their world: it had been within the family world at Kamenka that, for instance, he had conceived the embryo of that most famous of all ballets, Swan Lake . But that had been a dozen years earlier; all these children had now grown up, and he had witnessed, and sometimes endured, the wilfulness of his now adolescent nieces (not to mention the extended and very personal distractions caused by Tanya’s pregnancy). Yet even as this generation was passing into adulthood, a new one was being born. Brother Anatoly now had a baby daughter, and already Tchaikovsky had a greatnephew and a great-niece, for besides Tanya’s Georges-Léon, there was Vera’s year-old Irina, whom Tchaikovsky had at first thought unattractive (‘she reminds me very much of a widow, and such children are not to my taste’), but whom he soon admitted he came to adore. Meanwhile a third niece, Anna, was about to marry Nikolay von Meck, so there was hope in that quarter. Tchaikovsky had for a while been minded to compile a set of songs for children, and now, only a week after finishing the Second Suite, he composed the first of his Sixteen Songs for Children, ** completing the lot within a fortnight. The verses, almost all sentimental, were by a minor poet, Alexey Pleshcheyev, and were about spring, snow, gardens, birds, paupers, orphans and the poor, cosy domesticity, and so on. As a body they need not detain us here, though readers who are drawn to music that relates to the young and their world – those who, say, take pleasure (as I do) in Schumann’s set of piano pieces, Scenes from Childhood – may find much to enjoy in some at least of these pieces, though they are far less sophisticated than Schumann’s. They are a varied bunch, and two particularly stand out for me: ‘The Cuckoo’, in which the eponymous bird becomes so enraged because other birds are getting all the attention that he determines to command notice by remorseless repetitions of the only two notes in his repertoire (Tchaikovsky’s sense of humour here is much engaged). The other piece will already be well known to some readers, though in the four-voice arrangement Tchaikovsky made some years later (usually known under the title, ‘The Crown of Roses’, with a first line ‘When Jesus Christ was yet a child’). It is a sentimental piece, perhaps, but so simple and unaffected that it is both touching and quietly dignified.
Kamenka remained Tchaikovsky’s base until the end of November. Meanwhile Tanya continued to be something of a preoccupation. She had arrived in Kamenka with news of having received a marriage proposal from a certain Ferré, a French doctor who had attended her during her confinement; now she intended to return to Paris where the matter might be resolved. Tchaikovsky had counselled her not to rush into any decision, even though he was still supporting her, and marriage would bring an end to such payments. He might reasonably have been expected by now to feel little love for Tanya, but at her departure his own reactions surprised him: ‘My heart was wrung when she said goodbye,’ he confessed to Anatoly.
Somehow she has become pitiful and, above all, so distanced from her family that she’s like a stranger, and everyone breathed more freely on being released from such a difficult guest. Even her parents, however much they love her, cannot hide that things are better and more carefree when she’s away.
Once again humanity had shown itself more powerful than reflex. And though another relationship that was developing brought unadulterated joy, it also stirred a feeling of private regret. Nikolay von Meck was visiting Kamenka, and while Tchaikovsky took pleasure in seeing how he and Anna, who were about to be married, ‘sit all day in the corner, and endlessly kiss each other’, this also produced an ache. As he wrote to Modest, ‘I look at them with envy, and think all the time that this indeed is real happiness, and that I shall never experience it.’ He knew this brother would understand. As for the news that soon arrived from Paris, this proved negative. Even before Ferré had entered her life, Tanya had been courted by a rich merchant, Otto Kern, and this earlier suitor was still not completely out of the picture. Now Tanya discovered that, during her absence, Ferré had become engaged to a French girl, and that Kern had faded away. Worse still for her uncle was to discover that news of her child had reached the Kamenka servants, and for some days he was in terror of it coming to her parents’ ears. But on penetrating the fringes of the family it was instantly dismissed as too monstrous to be credible, and for the moment the secret remained safe.
What drew Tchaikovsky to Moscow on 1 December was the performance of his First Symphony, which had never been repeated since its premiere in 1868. It was very warmly received. But the following two months were taken up with personal and business matters, and in due course by preparations for the production of Mazeppa . As recorded earlier, Tchaikovsky had fled abroad the day after the first performance, not even staying for the premiere of his Second Suite the very next day. On 21 February he arrived in Paris, where loneliness engulfed him, and he even felt gratitude for the presence of Tanya, who had relapsed into her customary idleness, now that all her marital plans had collapsed. He twice visited Georges-Léon, giving no warning of his arrival, and leaving well satisfied that the boy was being properly cared for. He had hoped to proceed to Rome where Anna and Nikolay von Meck were on honeymoon, but lack of funds and a decline in Tanya’s health forced him to remain in the French capital. By now he had made many acquaintances in the city, and the pressure to make visits again reawakened dreams of a home of his own: ‘Whether this home will be somewhere on the outskirts of Moscow or somewhere a little more isolated I do not yet know. Thousands of plans crowd into my head – but, one way or another, I must finally have a place of my own.’ He had intended to return to Kamenka, but Nápravník reported the Tsar’s surprise at Tchaikovsky’s absence from the opening of Mazeppa in St Petersburg, adding that his sovereign wished to see him. Thus there could be no question of further delay, and on 12 March Tchaikovsky left Paris for St Petersburg.
The importance for Tchaikovsky of his meeting with the Tsar a week later can hardly be exaggerated, for what he did not know when he left Paris was that His Majesty was to confer an honour, the Order of St Vladimir (fourth class), upon him. For nearly seven years Tchaikovsky had lived painfully aware of the public knowledge of his marital disaster, and with a consequent gnawing sense of humiliation. Could there be a more visible sign of rehabilitation than this honour conferred by the Tsar himself? The public might never forget what had happened, but at least they would now forgive. His spirits high, on 31 March he moved to Moscow. Here he again acted as amanuensis to Laroche, whose indolence had become such that Tchaikovsky had already in January taken his friend in hand. ‘I proposed that I should come each day for a couple of hours so that he could dictate to me an article for the Russian Messenger ,’ he had written to his patroness. ‘This so flattered and touched him that half a big article is already prepared and has gone to the printers. He needs a nurse, and I’ve taken this role upon myself.’ Now, with Tchaikovsky again as scribe, the article was resumed and brought to completion. Tchaikovsky also enjoyed some time with Anatoly and his family, and benefited from the numerous, and often splendid, Eastertide services being celebrated in Moscow churches. But all such activity only fortified his determination to have a home of his own, and for the first time he began inspecting possible properties. This proving unsuccessful, he left Anatoly with instructions to inform him of anything suitable that might emerge near Moscow. On 24 April he was in Kamenka for a two-month stay. That same day he began a new diary.
Throughout the greater part of his adult life Tchaikovsky kept diaries, though two years before his death he destroyed a number of these, recognizing that his fame had become such that their contents would be posthumously trawled and would uncover personal matters he would not wish to become public knowledge. The fact that a diary survived suggests, therefore, that Tchaikovsky would have had no objection to later generations knowing its contents. Such a diary is the one he compiled between 24 April and 21 June 1884 when he was based at Kamenka, and it provides the most vivid of all insights into Tchaikovsky within the informal environment of his family, detailing his activities, his views of his companions, and sometimes uncovering his inner world; often they seem like documents of private confession. For the present purpose they are invaluable in recording his day-to-day progress when composing his Third Suite, and also the beginning of the close relationship with his youngest nephew, Vladimir (‘Bob’), now twelve years old. Nine years on Tchaikovsky would dedicate his Sixth Symphony (Pathétique ) to Bob, and his uncle’s infatuation with him clearly became increasingly difficult for the lad as he grew to manhood. But Bob himself had problems, and in 1906, thirteen years after his uncle’s death, he would commit suicide. One wonders whether, in 1884, he already felt oppressed by his uncle. No matter: it is only Tchaikovsky’s attitude that is of interest to us here – and I am convinced of one thing: whatever his feelings for his nephew, Tchaikovsky never acted improperly with him.
Because of the insights this diary affords I have quoted at length from it. Nevertheless, except for a very few entries that are presented almost complete because they provide especially vivid cameos, the following extracts are very much edited down, focusing almost exclusively on the creation of the Third Suite, and on the joint activities of uncle and nephew. Not every day is recorded here. Vint, which is frequently mentioned, is a card game resembling both whist and bridge, and was very popular in Russia.
25 April . Got up late. Still cold. After drinking tea, went to Lev who soon left, and I stayed to strum the piano and think up something new. I hit on an idea for a Concerto for piano , but it turned out too wretched, and wasn’t new. Walked a bit in the garden. Dinner for two: Sister [Anna Popova, the cousin who had moved in to run the Tchaikovsky household in 1854 on the death of Tchaikovsky’s mother] is ill. Played Massenet’s Hérodiade . Strolled for a bit. Drank tea at home. Read Otto Jahn on Mozart. After supper real vint for two with Flegont [a tutor at Kamenka].26 April . Again got up late. Visit to Father Alexander [the Kamenka priest] … Continue to do nothing, and haven’t the slightest inspiration.28 April . Spent all the time until dinner in the Trostyanka woods, gathering violets and deriving deep enjoyment. Tried to lay the foundations of a new symphony both in the Trostyanka woods and at home after dinner, but I’m dissatisfied with everything. Walked in the garden and conceived the seed not of a future symphony, but of a suite. Vint for three: my bad luck was colossal.29 April . In the morning, despite the cruelly cold wind, I went to the Trostyanka woods. Noted down some ideas.30 April . Trostyanka woods again and noting down some wretched ideas.1 May . Woke up off colour. Completed a walk … Very dissatisfied with myself because of the banality of everything that comes into my head. Am I played out?4 May . Went to the station to meet our people. A joyful meeting. Bob. Read for a long time. Collected signatures at home to send to Modya for his birthday. Vint for five. My luck was bad and I got terribly cross. Have just read the First Book of Kings [from the Bible].6 May . Soon I’ll be forty-four. How long have I lived and, in truth and without false modesty, how little have I done! Even in my regular occupation – for, putting my hand to my heart, there is nothing perfect, exemplary . Still I’m searching, wavering, unsteady. And for the rest? I read nothing significant, I know nothing. Only on vint do I spend an abundance of precious time. But I believe my health will come to no good . Today I was so cross, so irritated, that I believe another moment, and I would have thrown an ugly scene of anger and hatred. My temper today is generally bad, and my period of calm, quiet life, untroubled by anything, has passed. There’s a lot of fuss, a lot of jars, a lot which a madman of my years cannot bear with indifference. No! It is time to live in my own home and in my own way .The whole morning was spent on a pleasant walk. I’d hardly managed to get in my evening walk than I was summoned to supper – this is a new arrangement. I suffered from hunger and from lack of attention towards me. Then vint, and endless anger.8 May . I’m a sort of walking malice! Because Sasha enjoyed getting me into difficulties at cards I was the more enraged since, out of magnanimity in view of her bad luck in the game yesterday, I had only just previously let her have the bid in clubs. How do you like that? Are these the feelings of an artist who enjoys fame? Ugh! Pyotr Ilich, this is shameful, my good fellow! During the morning worked with the maximum effort (the scherzo). Drank tea in my room. Afterwards wrote a bit more. Bob walked about the garden with me. Ah, what a delight this Bob is! After supper (I was out of temper) vint for three. Ugh! What a life!9 May . After a short walk worked all morning; it was now going better … Ah, what a perfect being this Bob is!10 May . Today has been extremely successful – in the first place, because my work has gone excellently: secondly, because my stomach is in order. In the morning strolled in the garden with Bob (what a darling he is!). It’s very nice when they speak English at dinner. I’m beginning to understand – but Sister always butts in.11 May . Finished the scherzo.12 May . Why do I play vint? The only result is upset and bad temper. Spent all day writing the waltz for the suite, but I’m far from certain it’s completely satisfactory.13 May . Continued the waltz. After supper (before which, to his great joy, I played duets with my darling, the incomparable, wonderful, ideal Bob) played vint.14 May . The waltz came along with enormous difficulty. No, I’m growing old. Laboured on the waltz until nearly 7 o’clock, but got nowhere.15 May . After strolling in the garden a little, finished the sketch of the waltz.16 May . Having, with the greatest composure of spirit, sat down to play Mozart’s Magic Flute , I was, in the middle of the most exquisite pleasure, interrupted by the entrance of Bob , with a horrified expression, to tell me of the death of Tusya Bazilevskaya [a young relative of Lev]. Great sorrow … At last our vint took place. I am very weary. Darling Tusya! Ah, the poor things, the poor things! And why? But God’s will be done.17 May . After dinner wandered about with Bob. Until 7 o’clock struggled with a spot in the Andante. Sad thoughts and tears about Tusya. Was late for supper. Vint for two.18 May . Went to Mass. Was very susceptible to religious impressions; stood nearly all the time with tears in my eyes. I’m always touched to the depths of my soul by the manifestation of simple, wholesome religious feeling in the common people. Went to the market with Bob. Worked very successfully. After supper played dances for the children.19 May . Only managed to work a little. Picked lilies of the valley with Bob.20 May . Worked all morning – not without effort, but my Andante is coming along and I think it will come out very nicely. Tragic details of Tusya’s death received – so painful, they make you weep. Worked till 7 o’clock.21 May . Worked and finished the Andante , with which I’m very satisfied.23 May . Again cold and windy. The first movement of the suite, called Contrasts , is so loathsome to me that, having played about with it all day, I decided to discard it and write something completely different. How hard has work become for me! Is it old age at last?24 May . Played Mozart. After tea was on the point of struggling again with the loathsome Contrasts , but suddenly a new idea flashed into my head, and the matter sorted itself out. Bob – in the end he will simply drive me out of my mind with his unspeakable fascination.25 May . Mass finished early. Worked. After dinner sat in my workroom with Bob. After tea composed a bit.26 May . Worked successfully until dinner. After dinner read Krïlov with Bob.27 May . Composed the final variation (the polonaise-finale). Worked again after tea.28 May . Wrote right up to dinner. After tea again worked. Sat for a long time with Bob and Flegont on a bench in the conservatory. Worked at English.29 May . Sat down to work without taking a walk, and wrote until midday. Played Mozart, and was in ecstasy. Idea for a suite from Mozart.30 May . I am working too hard, as though I’m being driven. The straining is unhealthy, and it will probably show in the poor suite. I walked. Worked very successfully (the variations before the finale). After this sat with Bob on the roof (I’d only climb up there for this angel!). After this drank tea and then worked furiously so as to be able to begin something new tomorrow.31 May . In the morning I wrote a variation. With Bob (the darling!) walked to the cliffs, then joined a boating party, and returned home with him. At Vespers. An evening with dances: I was the pianist. Bob was amused beyond words when I played quadrilles on themes that he gave me. At the end, when everyone had dispersed, Nata [a second cousin of Lev, and much liked by Tchaikovsky], who’d been very thoughtful, suddenly said to me, ‘Ah, Petichka, life isn’t worth living!’ Such words on the lips of so healthy and balanced a person as Nata made a very sad impression on me. In the course of the evening Vera Vasilyevna [who had been in love with Tchaikovsky seventeen years earlier] recalled the past – and apparently with regret. But all that she recalls is personally loathsome to me, and I wouldn’t want any of it to return.1 June . At home I managed to write a variation. Vint after supper, at which I lost seven and a half roubles.2 June . I worked well today, for I wrote a whole four variations. In the morning I only made a tour of the garden, and afterwards worked, finishing at 12.30 in expectation of Bob, who’d promised to come for a singing lesson, but who disappointed my expectations. Walked about vainly searching for Bob.3 June . Before dinner Bob came, and I played him my children’s songs. After tea was sitting down to work, but Bob lured me away. As soon as I’m working or walking I begin to long for Bob, and feel lonely without him. I love him terribly.4 June . Worked successfully. Finished the suite! Wonderful evening. A rehearsal – Les femmes savantes [by Molière]?!!?5 June . Talked a great deal with Vera Vasilyevna. Either I’m mistaken, or she’s not completely changed in her old feelings [towards me]. After supper read Gogol with Bob.6 June . Worked during the morning on arranging the variations for piano duet.10 June . Worked on the transcription of the variations.11 June . Worked on the variations. Got Bob ready for his ride on horseback.12 June . For two hours after dinner was inseparable from my wonderful, incomparable Bob. At first he lounged about on a bench on the balcony, and was enchantingly relaxed and chatted about my compositions.14 June . Wrote the transcription of the finale. After dinner sat in my study with Bob and talked about school matters.15 June . A strange thing: I’m terribly reluctant to leave here. I think it’s because of Bob.
The Diary contains no further reference to Bob during Tchaikovsky’s remaining five days at Kamenka.
The above narrative has contained the clearest possible record of how Tchaikovsky’s Third Suite for orchestra came into the world, though scoring the piece would take longer, and was not completed until 31 July. It was first performed in St Petersburg on 24 January 1885, directed by the great German pianist and conductor, Hans von Bülow, and it enjoyed an extraordinary success. ‘I have never had such a triumph,’ Tchaikovsky wrote to his patroness. ‘I saw the whole audience was moved, and grateful to me. These moments are the finest adornments of an artist’s life. Thanks to these it is worth living and labouring.’ He might well have added that this unstinted and unanimous approbation was an endorsement by the wider Russian public of what the Tsar’s award had signified. The press were unanimously favourable. The premiere of Tchaikovsky’s Second Suite had been conducted by Max Erdmannsdörfer, but Tchaikovsky had not been present, having fled to Western Europe that very evening to recover from the personal strains that had attended the premiere of Mazeppa the previous day. Erdmannsdörfer, unsurprisingly, had been upset at this absence, and Tchaikovsky now made amends by giving him the dedication of the new Suite, and personalizing the dedication by using characteristically Germanic musical forms (fugue and chorale) among the variations that constitute the Suite’s final movement.
[Unlike its two predecessors, the Third Suite is not simply a collection of contrasting pieces, but more resembles a symphony in four movements, the first being in sonata form. But it does not aspire to the sophistication and seriousness of the symphony; it is music to entertain, but in the highest sense and of the highest quality, and is unlikely to present any particular challenges to the lay listener, except perhaps in its length – some forty minutes. Nevertheless, there are some points worth drawing out that may interest the more searching listener.]
Each of the suite’s movements has a title. The first is headed Elégie , but the mood is more reflective than melancholy. Though Tchaikovsky cast it in sonata form, its component parts hardly fulfil their usual roles within the broader structure (e.g., the two subjects are not contrasted, nor does the short development present the complexities or challenges normal in such sections); rather, the sonata pattern provides merely a framework on which Tchaikovsky can span out an almost continuous flow of gracious, rather pastoral melody. The first subject is some three minutes long: there is no transition, and the second subject, about the same length, retains much of the mood of the first. The ‘development’ does bring a change to the music (chattering woodwind and upward flying scales), and builds powerfully to the recapitulation; here the two subjects are heard in reverse order, and an extensive intervention from the coranglais braces the coda. As for the following Valse mélancolique , this is dark-hued rather than melancholy. Its main theme is one of Tchaikovsky’s most sophisticated, and in a ballet it would doubtless have foxed some of the dancers (try whistling it, getting not only the pitches right, but also the lengths of the notes). It is designed as a simple rondo and the two melodies that intersect this thrice-heard theme are more regular; throughout, some of the accompaniments that Tchaikovsky provides are unobtrusively striking.
The following Scherzo whisks us into a fascinating world in which orchestral colour and texture are the most striking features, the central section being as stunning for the mercurial slenderness of its material as for the dazzling virtuosity of its pointilliste colouring (Laroche saw in this a Lilliputian army, tiny elfin soldiers on parade). I can think of no other piece of music quite like this Scherzo ; it is certainly one of Tchaikovsky’s most brilliant and enchanting confections. It needs no further pointers from me: just listen to it!
The Tema con Variazioni finale is an altogether weightier matter, but never ponderous, and full of surprises. The theme, like that of the Rococo Variations for cello and orchestra, is a Mozartian pastiche, a clear ternary structure, simple and clear in outlines and harmony (the one element that is preserved in every variation is a portion of the theme’s opening contour). The first four odd-numbered variations are surely tributes to Erdmannsdörfer’s nationality, each being contrapuntal throughout, with the original theme retained intact in the first two of these. In the first variation, the pizzicato strings play this theme while two clarinet–flute pairs work a two-strand counterpoint above; in the third, scored only for woodwind (three flutes, two clarinets and two bassoons), the theme is now at the top for the outer sections, at the bottom for the central one, the other six participants providing a complex six-strand network. The fifth and seventh variations are more explicitly Teutonic, the former a ‘heavy’ fugato (real German fugues are nothing like as ponderous as this: was this treatment intended as a touch of Tchaikovskyan humour?), the latter turning the theme into a solemn German-mannered chorale (that is, hymn tune), which passes seamlessly into a plangent – and very un-Teutonic – cor anglais cantilena. By contrast, the intervening even-numbered variations have a more familiar Russian tone; mark especially the noisy central portion of variation 4, where the theme, now on loud brass, momentarily turns itself into the famous Dies irae plainsong. Variation 9 proves to be a gopak. With the exception of the final polonaise, variation 10 is the longest of the set; it is also introduced by a violin cadenza, this new soloist going on to dominate the following variation, which is a kind of halting waltz. Variation 11 returns us to the original theme, though its very different backing gives it a very different flavour, and it leads into the very portentous preparation for the finale, a splendid, enormously expansive polonaise that was bound to prove an audience rouser – but note in the middle of this, if you can, the tiny allusion to that magical central section of the suite’s third movement, the Scherzo .
21
By now Tchaikovsky was very clear about the kind of home he was seeking. As he wrote to his patroness, whose present resident musician, Wladislaw Pachulski, had offered to help in the search:
Land is quite unnecessary to me – that is, I want only a modest house with a nice, but established , garden. A river is certainly desirable. If there is a wood nearby, so much the better – but I mean, of course, a wood belonging to someone else – for, I repeat, I want to own only a modest house and garden. This dacha or cottage must be completely detached, and not in a row of other dachas and, most of all, it must not be far from a railway station so that Moscow is always at hand. The most important and vital condition is that the location should be sympathetic and beautiful. If the house is situated somewhere low down so that there is no view from the windows, then it does not answer my requirements. A factory nearby is also very undesirable. That, I think, is everything.
On leaving Kamenka, Tchaikovsky had joined Modest in Kharkov, then headed for the Konradi estate at Grankino. Here there was peace, fresh air and congenial living, and work proceeded apace: the scoring of the Third Suite was soon completed, as was a translation into Russian of the libretto to Mozart’s The Marriage of Figaro , and some preliminary sketches were made for a third piano concerto – though, on reflection, Tchaikovsky decided it should be a two-movement concert piece instead. Then, on 1 August, he joined Anatoly and his family at Skabeyevo, near Moscow, where his brother was sharing a villa with Laroche, who was now infected with syphilis, to Anatoly’s terror and Tchaikovsky’s dismay, for the latter realized it was seriously affecting his friend’s mental capacity. Nor was Laroche his only problem friend at that moment. In April Tchaikovsky had attended a performance of Mozart’s Magic Flute at the Moscow Conservatoire, where the opera had been prepared by Taneyev – or so he claimed angrily – but had been conducted by Albrecht. At the time Tchaikovsky had gently reproached this former pupil for begrudging his older and less publicly esteemed colleague a moment of personal glory, but Taneyev had remained unpersuaded. And so, yet again, Tchaikovsky drew on that tact and understanding which he seemed so often to be able to bring to bear on a problem outside himself. Having emphasized Albrecht’s integrity, selflessness and conscientiousness, he then confronted Taneyev’s cause of offence in a manner both uncompromising yet disarming:
Even now the circumstance that you did not conduct doesn’t particularly trouble me. Let us suppose you had to do all the menial work . But with your love of Mozart there cannot be any menial work when it concerns the performance of one of Mozart’s best pieces. And most important: if Albrecht were a bad conductor, capable only of spoiling what you had prepared excellently, then I very likely would have been angry. But the point is that he directed the opera superbly . Who, therefore, am I to pity? You, because you were deprived of the pleasure of conducting? But I cannot hide that I would have been even more sorry for Albrecht if, in his present position, being capable and worthy of occupying the conductor’s rostrum, he had again for the thousandth time hidden in the shadow behind the scenes. Certainly I cannot deplore the fate of Mozart’s opera, for though I do not doubt you would have conducted superbly, Karlusha also conducted superbly.
One senses that, in the right situation, Tchaikovsky could have been a very successful diplomat.
After six weeks with Anatoly, Tchaikovsky would have moved back to Kamenka, but his accommodation there was currently occupied by Anna and her new husband. Meanwhile Lev had journeyed to Paris to see Tanya, and had unexpectedly returned with her. Tchaikovsky, ever mindful of Georges-Léon’s welfare, hurriedly dispatched 750 roubles through a trusted agent to the child’s foster parents (Lev and Sasha still knew nothing of their grandchild’s existence). Since Kamenka was not an option, Tchaikovsky asked his patroness whether he could visit her new country residence at Pleshcheyevo – though not before he had detoured through Moscow in order to introduce Taneyev to the now finished sketch of his Concert Fantasia for piano and orchestra, the solo part of which he hoped his friend would play. As for Pleshcheyevo, he found the house over-grand for his taste, but it was well provided with music and musical instruments, books and wine. He stayed a month, encouraging (with his patroness’s consent) Laroche to visit him periodically, partly to play through various piano-duet arrangements, but as much to give his friend an activity that might draw him out of his current indolence as to afford Tchaikovsky himself enjoyment; in addition, he hoped to encourage Laroche back into critical writing. Tchaikovsky was reading much not only in Russian, but in French, German and English; for some weeks now he had been working his way through Dickens’s David Copperfield in English. He also made the acquaintance of some recent operas of which his patroness had obtained scores, including Musorgsky’s Khovanshchina and Wagner’s Parsifal . Neither pleased him. He had not, however, been neglecting his own work, and in early October the Concert Fantasia was completed.
Just as hearing the young violinist, Joseph Kotek, had fired Tchaikovsky to compose his Violin Concerto six years earlier, so (as he had told his patroness back in July) what had fired him to compose his Concert Fantasia was encountering ‘a certain d’Albert, a young man who arrived in Moscow last winter, and whom I heard a great deal both in concerts there and in a private house. In my opinion he is a pianist of genius , and the true successor of the Rubinsteins.’ Though Eugen d’Albert was Italian by descent, he had been born in Glasgow and trained in London, later becoming acquainted with Liszt, and pursuing an international career as a pianist; in his own time he also had a reputation as a composer. Although at first Tchaikovsky thought more highly of d’Albert than of Taneyev as pianist, it was the latter who played in the Fantasia’s premiere in Moscow in 1885, Tchaikovsky expressing delight at his performance and at the audience’s response. The piece enjoyed some popularity during its composer’s lifetime, but that has long faded, and it is normally heard today only in a series in which all Tchaikovsky’s works for piano and orchestra are being played. It would seem that Tchaikovsky himself had some reservations about the second movement, and he composed an alternative longer ending to the first movement so that this could be performed separately.
[Though certainly not one of Tchaikovsky’s more major pieces, his engaging Concert Fantasia is worth the occasional hearing as an interesting experiment in creating something lying somewhere between Tchaikovsky’s two three-movement piano concertos and his single-movement Third Piano Concerto.]
The Concert Fantasia is in two movements labelled, respectively, Quasi rondo and Contrastes , though the title of the second movement signifies that in it music characteristic of a slow movement is partnered (literally at one point) by very lively, typical ‘finale’ material. Despite the rondo affiliation indicated by Tchaikovsky’s own title, the first movement’s structure seems more importantly to fulfil a trend already evidenced in the Second Piano Concerto’s first movement. In that earlier work, there had been not one but two written-out cadenzas in the development section; in the present piece, the whole central section is replaced by a single massive piano cadenza some eight minutes long. In the flanking sections the main features of Tchaikovsky’s threetheme sonata form are present, the piano–orchestral exposition being built from three thematic slabs of cheery music (any reflection of Tchaikovsky’s happy condition after his meeting with the Tsar?) ending in the dominant, and these are recapitulated exactly after the cadenza, but adjusted to end in the home key. As for this movement’s rather confusing title, Quasi rondo , I can only suggest that Tchaikovsky had in mind the typical lightness of mood in regular rondo movements by Mozart and Beethoven, and that it was the corresponding buoyancy of his music here that prompted this title.
At the opening of Contrastes a solo cello soon joins the piano, and the rocking horn motif in the gentle più tranquillo orchestral extension will no doubt recall Romeo and Juliet for some listeners. Even before the powerful climax to this lengthy section is completed the clarinets and bassoons interpolate a lively figure: the ‘contrasting’ music is giving warning of its approach. For a while the latter music will become rampant, but the earlier music will abruptly return, restoring the mood in which the movement had opened before the piano reintroduces the livelier music, demonstrating that Tchaikovsky had so devised it that the two musics can, literally, simultaneously co-exist. Then, once again, the lively music is given its head. No further comment seems necessary – except to note the touching re-entry of the più tranq uillo orchestral theme before the vivace coda opens by momentarily recalling the theme that had launched the whole Concert Fantasia.
On 15 October Tchaikovsky prepared to leave Pleshcheyevo, reshelving the scores and books he had used during his time there, and apologizing profusely to his patroness for a mishap to the big clock in his bedroom; it had stopped, and because Tchaikovsky liked to hear its ticking during the night, he had rewound it himself, but over-vigorously, and it would now need major surgery. His first destination was St Petersburg, where a new production of Eugene Onegin was being mounted at the express wish of the Tsar, and his presence was required at the final rehearsals. The opening at the end of the month began well and, despite a generally hostile press, the opera drew full houses every night. News of its ever growing success spread throughout Russia; it was taken up by other opera houses, and fifteen years later Modest would identify this as the moment at which his brother’s name ‘becomes known and appreciated by the masses, and Pyotr Ilich achieves the highest degree of popularity ever attained by a Russian composer within the borders of his native land’. From this moment, too, Tchaikovsky’s personal future was secured.
Nevertheless, this evidence of his standing with the Russian public was currently balanced by anxiety: Kotek was seriously ill with tuberculosis at Davos in Switzerland, and at the first opportunity Tchaikovsky set out to visit him. Pausing in Berlin to benefit from a brief but desperately needed period of peace and freedom after the hectic round of the preceding weeks in St Petersburg, he then headed towards Davos. A gruelling eight-hour trek up the mountains in a one-horse carriage brought him to this attractive town. He suspected that Kotek’s condition was really more serious than it appeared to be, and he remained with him for six days before setting out for Paris, where he could visit Georges-Léon who, it proved, was thriving. He would remain a fortnight in the French capital, but was far from completely idle. Reflecting that both Onegin and Mazeppa were running in St Petersburg, and that a revival of The Maid of Orleans was in rehearsal, his thoughts turned to his earlier opera, Vakula the Smith . His affection for this charming piece, so fantasy-filled yet so human – and sometimes so funny – remained as strong as ever, and he planned a whole series of revisions which he hoped might gain it more popularity, renaming it Cherevichki : it is this version which is normally heard these days.
Returning to St Petersburg from Paris, he arrived in time to bolster Modest’s nerves, for the latter’s play, Lizaveta Nikolayevna , was about to be produced. Tchaikovsky had given his brother much help with this drama during their stay at Grankino, and it had a modestly successful premiere. Tchaikovsky’s next stop was with Anna and Nikolay in his patroness’s own house, where he found bad news of Kotek awaiting him. A week later he learned of his young friend’s death, and took upon himself the task of breaking the news to his parents, a mission so distressing that for three days he could not bring himself to discharge it.
This was the moment at which various circumstances conspired to make even more urgent the need to have a home of his own. This realization began during his stay with the newly-weds. Anna had always had an abrasive personality and been given to acid comments on others, and Tchaikovsky had to listen to a stream of malicious accusations from her against various of their relatives. But now Nikolay was taking his cue from his new wife, even describing his mother, Tchaikovsky’s patroness, as ‘in essence an unbearable and unbalanced old woman’, and traducing his brothers Alexander as ‘wicked, vindictive and heartless’, Vladimir as ‘a scoundrel’, and Vladimir’s wife as ‘a dissolute old hag’. As for Nikolay’s sisters, Yuliya was ‘an evil virago’, Alexandra ‘a scandalmonger’, and Elizaveta ‘an arrant fool’. ‘Do you remember that good-natured fellow – the Kolya who used to take photos of members of the family?’ Tchaikovsky wrote to Modest after bearing this for a fortnight. ‘What has Anna made of him?’ He also reflected on the backbiting and spiteful gossip that now polluted the atmosphere at Kamenka. There was no longer any question he could live permanently with any of these.
Then there were the remorseless pressures of his professional life. Checking proofs of his compositions required time and undivided concentration, but he was becoming inundated by a deluge of invitations to visit friends and dine out. If he remained in Moscow he could never escape these. And, finally, he was now a celebrity, at risk from all the pressures this status brought. The public acclamations, so gratifying to his self-esteem and confidence, were also a terrible strain. Just such was the rapturous reception of his Third Suite at its premiere. Tchaikovsky had returned to St Petersburg especially for the event. ‘The weariness afterwards was enormous,’ he told his patroness. ‘The next day I was like some sick person. I suffer rather than take pleasure in my growing success. I have a wish to hide myself; a thirst for freedom, quiet and solitude prevailed over the feeling of a satisfied artistic self-esteem.’ On Tchaikovsky’s last day in St Petersburg the Tsar attended a performance of Onegin . ‘The Tsar wanted to see me, chatted with me for a very long while, was in the highest degree sweet and gracious towards me, with the utmost interest and in the greatest detail enquired about my life and my musical affairs. After this he took me to the Empress, who in her turn showed me the most touching attention.’ Before leaving Moscow he had inserted an advertisement in a paper: ‘Single gentleman seeks a country dacha to rent.’ Now the need was even more pressing.
There was no response to this first advertisement, and for a moment Tchaikovsky decided to abandon further searching and go abroad. But on reflection he knew this would be no permanent solution, and by mid-February 1885 he decided he could wait no longer. ‘Yesterday I took an heroic decision, and sent Alexey to rent a dacha which I had heard stood in a beautiful location and was provided with furniture, crockery, and everything that was necessary,’ he informed his patroness:
In a week everything will be ready, and I shall move into my own long-term quarters. The house has a lot of rooms, is extremely well furnished, there is a magnificent park alongside the dacha, and the view from the windows is beautiful. I shall have to live there a year, and if it proves that its upkeep is beyond my means, I shall manage to find something more suitable within that year.
The dacha was at Maidanovo, outside Moscow, and on the railway line to St Petersburg. At first Tchaikovsky found the dacha itself disappointing, but his reservations quickly disappeared. ‘What a joy to be in my own home!’ he exclaimed to his patroness:
What a bliss to know that no one will come to interfere with my work, my reading, my walks. Now I understand once and for all that my dream of settling for the rest of my days in the Russian countryside was not a passing whim, but a fundamental requirement of my nature. I’ve begun receiving newpapers and journals, I read a lot, I’m enjoying getting on with English, my work’s going excellently, I eat, walk and sleep when I want and as much as I want. In a word, I’m living !
Here, or nearby, he would pass the rest of his life. His nomad years were over.
22
The name of Balakirev, which had once peppered these pages, has scarcely figured in this narrative since he had coaxed and cajoled Tchaikovsky into composing his first masterpiece, Romeo and Juliet . That had been some fifteen years before, but now the relationship was about to be restored. In fact, in the meantime Balakirev had gone through a deep personal crisis. By the early 1870s his grip on a substantial sector of St Petersburg’s musical life had been lost, he had suffered a serious bout of self-doubt, and in 1871 had fallen under the spell of a soothsayer who had turned him from a free-thinker into a fanatical, superstitious Christian. Abandoning not only his musical activities, but also withdrawing from the society of his friends, in 1872 he had taken a job on the Russian railways, and for some four years had been lost to Russian music. But then, gradually, he had begun to return to his former milieu. In 1881 Tchaikovsky had had occasion to write to him on a business matter, but it was still 1882 before his old mentor at last made contact with him, praising both The Tempest and Francesca da Rimini – and, besides expressing a wish to see him, adding that he had ‘a programme for a symphony to impart to you which you should handle superbly’. Clearly Balakirev was back on form.
Tchaikovsky had expressed instant interest in Balakirev’s unnamed programme, and Balakirev had promptly sent it to him. It was for a four-movement symphony based on Byron’s dramatic poem, Manfred , and had been devised in 1868 by Vladimir Stasov for Balakirev himself. But the latter had felt it unsuited to him, and turned it down. Now it was Tchaikovsky’s turn to reject it for the same reason, which he did emphatically, and there the matter rested for two years. Then, in November 1884, on the occasion of the new St Petersburg production of Eugene Onegin ordered by the Tsar – the production that, as we have seen, marked the beginning of Tchaikovsky’s true celebrity status – Tchaikovsky and Balakirev had met face to face. After their encounter, Balakirev had written to Tchaikovsky:
Dear Pyotr Ilich,
I am sending you the programme sheet copied out for me by Vladimir Stasov, and furnished with my notes. I sincerely wish and hope that Manfred will be one of your pearls.
It was so pleasant for me to talk with you today that, if only it is convenient for you tomorrow, don’t refuse to come to the Chapel at the same time (11 o’clock).
By then I shall have arrived and, taking you for a walk, will tell you much that is of great importance which I completely omitted today. I shall be disappointed if anything prevents you giving me a couple of hours during the morning. May Christ preserve you!
Ever yours,
M. BALAKIREV
It is clear that their talk had been of religion. It was a phase during which Christian belief had much preoccupied Tchaikovsky. He had recently read Tolstoy’s Confession , an autobiographical account of the author’s search for the meaning of life, and which had led him to conclude that it was the peasantry whose example showed the way: one must serve God, and not live for oneself. Certainly Tchaikovsky had attended the previous Easter services assiduously, and his religious preoccupation was still strong. ‘Every hour and every minute I thank God He has given me faith in Him,’ he had written to his patroness at that time – though perhaps what he wrote to his cousin, Anna Merkling, a little later was nearer the truth:
What is needed is not to be afraid of death. In this respect I have no grounds for complacency. I am not so imbued with religion as, with certainty, to see in death the beginning of a new life, not enough a philosopher to reconcile myself to the abyss of non-existence into which I shall have to plunge.
Whatever the real truth about Tchaikovsky’s creed, his mood was still such as to make him engage willingly in discourse with a believer like Balakirev. Certainly he had listened attentively, and the following day he replied:
Dear, kind friend,
I was deeply moved by our conversation of yesterday. How good you are! What a true friend you are to me! How I wish that that enlightenment that has come to your soul would also descend upon mine. I can say in all truth that more than ever I thirst for solace and support in Christ . I shall pray that faith in Him may be confirmed in me.
It would seem that, within the closeness that the two men had achieved through this very personal encounter, Balakirev had reintroduced the Manfred project, and Tchaikovsky had accepted it. But circumstances rendered a further meeting between them impossible, and it seems they had no further discussions. Nevertheless, Tchaikovsky had given a promise, and he would hold to it.
Byron’s eponymous hero is a solitary man who has wandered through the Alps, overwhelmed by grief and guilt for what he has done to his former beloved, Astarte. The poem is peopled by supernatural beings, an Abbot who represents the other side of the spiritual equation, and a Chamois Hunter as representative of common humanity. Byron himself had been notorious as a romantic womanizer, and among those to whom he was attracted was his half-sister, Augusta. It was this illicit affair that had prompted Manfred , and the wrong his hero had done Astarte (‘the only thing he seem’d to love – as he, indeed, by blood was bound to do’) was incestuous seduction, as Byron intimated in his verse:
Thou lovedst meToo much, as I loved thee: we were not madeTo torture thus each other, though it wereThe deadliest sin to love as we have loved.
Since then Manfred had roamed the Alps, haunted by guilt – solitary, gloomy, longing in vain to forget his sin. As for Tchaikovsky, he was all too aware of the inner tensions and torments that had arisen from society’s views of his own sexuality, and from the sense of isolation, even rejection, that this can bring. Certainly the figure of Manfred gripped him; here was another outsider in a kind of predicament he himself had known and could understand only too well.
Tchaikovsky could not begin work immediately, for his visit to the dying Kotek in Switzerland was still to come, and it was only in April 1885, after he had settled into Maidanovo, that he could at last start composition. While in Switzerland he had read Byron’s Manfred , and he now had before him not only Stasov’s 1868 programme, but also some specifications from Balakirev and a list of ‘helpful materials’ that Balakirev thought would prime Tchaikovsky’s inspiration in each of the symphony’s four movements.
If we are to take literally some of the remarks Tchaikovsky jotted down on his sketches for the Manfred Symphony , it proved hard going. ‘25 May – but before the end a very great deal still needs to be done … Today is 18 July, but I still haven’t got very far … And today’s 12 August – and, oh, how far it is to the end.’ In fact, despite these gloomy asides, his overall confidence in the piece had been quietly rising and, even before its completion, he was extracting a promise from his friend, the soprano Emiliya Pavlovskaya, who had created the part of Mariya in The Oprichnik , that she would attend its premiere: ‘I’m very proud of this work, and I want those persons whose sympathy I value most in the world (and you are in the first rank of these) to experience, when they hear it, an echo from the joy with which I wrote it.’ Inevitably, when he informed Balakirev of the work’s completion, his old self-appointed guru had asked to see the piano-duet transcription so that he could suggest improvements. Tchaikovsky had flatly refused to send it.
The Manfred Symphony was first heard in Moscow in March 1886. It had been very well rehearsed and the performance was excellent. ‘The first movement proved undoubtedly the best,’ Tchaikovsky wrote to Balakirev:
The scherzo was taken very quickly, and when I heard it I did not experience disenchantment as I frequently have [with such movements because of their technical difficulties]. The Andante doesn’t sound bad. The finale gains very much in performance, and proved to be the most effective movement with the audience . I think it’s my best symphonic work, though because of its difficulty, impracticability and complexity it is doomed to failure, and to be ignored .
The Manfred Symphony was, in fact, the most extended and challenging orchestral piece he had ever written, demanding the largest complement of players. Recognizing that it would not be frequently performed, Tchaikovsky offered it to Jurgenson free of charge. Yet before the year was out it had been played three times in St Petersburg – and had even reached New York.
[This is a truly major piece, and a demanding one. The music is often very tough, the first movement completely original in its form, the second containing music at the opposite extreme: diaphanous, seemingly insubstantial, but brilliantly original and absolutely right. Only the finale raises questions about its coherence – but each listener can form an independent opinion about this.]
Stasov’s programme for the Manfred Symphony had been suggestive of mood and manner, with only minimal prescriptions on musical matters:
First movement : Manfred wandering in the Alps. His life is broken, his obsessive, fateful questions remain unanswered; in life nothing remains for him except memories. From time to time memories of his ideal, Astarte , creep in upon him. Memories, thoughts burn, gnaw at him. He seeks and begs for oblivion, but no one can give him this.
Second movement : The way of life of the Alpine hunters, full of simplicity, good nature, and of a naive, patriarchal character, with which Manfred clashes, affording a sharp contrast. This is a quiet idyllic Adagio incorporating Manfred’s theme which, like an idée fixe , must infiltrate the whole symphony.
Third movement : The Alpine Fairy appearing to Manfred in a rainbow from the waterfall’s spray.
Fourth movement : A wild, unbridled Allegro , full of savage audacity. Scene in the subterranean halls of the infernal Arimanes. Further on there follows the arrival of Manfred, arousing a general outburst from the subterranean spirits – and finally the summons and appearance of Astarte will present a lovely contrast to this unbridled orgy: this must be music light, limpid as the air, and ideal. Further on the diablerie comes again, finishing Largo – Manfred’s death.
To this Balakirev appended his own list of ‘helpful materials’:
For the first and last movements: Francesca da Rimini by Tchaikovsky; Hamlet by Liszt; finale from Harold in Italy by Berlioz; preludes in E minor, E flat minor, and C sharp minor (no. 25:separate from the others) by Chopin. For the Larghetto : Adagio from the Symphonie fantastique by Berlioz. For the scherzo: Queen Mab from Romeo and Juliet by Berlioz; scherzo (B minor) from the Third Symphony by Tchaikovsky.
Those already familiar with Berlioz’s splendid symphonies, the Symp honie fantastique and Harold in Italy , will recognize how influential had been their existence on the programme Stasov had prepared from Byron’s Manfred , and all readers will see how crucial, in its turn, was Stasov’s programme for Tchaikovsky when he came to compose his Manfred Symphony ; his truly major change was to reverse the order of the second and third movements. Tchaikovsky’s preface to his own first movement is explicit in what it represents: ‘Manfred wanders in the Alps, tormented by fateful pangs of doubt, rent by remorse and despair, his soul the victim of nameless suffering.’ Its embodiment is presented in five extensive musical slabs, spaced out by four silences. The brooding first theme, briefly unharmonized, then partnered by a succession of gruff detached chords from the lower strings as it descends to darker regions, projects Manfred himself, and its opening two bars will resurge almost unchanged in all the symphony’s later movements as the surrogate of this fated, tormented man. This is music both spacious and monolithic, and a second Manfred theme for strings promptly consolidates this portrait, the tiny, nagging figure in the hushed passage that follows suggestive, perhaps, of Manfred’s guilt-ridden obsession. A powerful crescendo , an abrupt and brief silence – and this whole section is repeated at a different level to provide the second musical slab, but this time pushing forward to the loudest climax Tchaikovsky had ever composed: this past, the whole section is rounded off by the opening theme’s earlier descent into darker regions, fading finally into a second and clearly inconclusive silence.
My prose here has been heightened, but what I have just described is the most powerful and uncompromising musical span Tchaikovsky had yet created – a magnificent projection of a truly formidable, tough figure, now enduring an anguish that even he can scarcely bear. But the Manfred of the third musical slab seems calmer, though still strong: there may be a persistent restlessness in the accompaniment, but the second Manfred theme develops a new breadth, and the climax to which it builds has power in plenty, but none of the frenzy that had marked some of the earlier music, though the loud, repetitious ending sounds stunned – and rightly so, for the third silence marks the appearance of Astarte’s ghost.
If what we have heard so far has contained some of Tchaikovsky’s toughest music, what we now hear is some of his loveliest and most deeply felt. As with Tatyana, Joan and Mariya in his three last operas, for Tchaikovsky Astarte was a young woman who had become the victim of Fate, and as with these predecessors, she drew from Tchaikovsky music of a special quality and, in her case, tenderness. At first seemingly frail and hesitant, her utterance gains a breadth and intensity that is proportionate but which, even at its peak, never compromises the vulnerability that Manfred has abused. Even more gently does Astarte’s music finally fade into the fourth silence.
Confronted with such eloquence, Manfred’s emotional defences are breached. No longer able to contain his pain and grief, his opening music returns; violins, violas and cellos now deliver his main theme in unison and ffff against powerful but irregular throbbing from the rest of the orchestra, and all culminates in a climax every bit as frenetic as anything heard earlier. This time there is no dying end; as in Romeo and Juliet , a series of savagely abrupt chords will finally impel this movement to the most unmitigated of conclusions.
Some two years later Tchaikovsky, now able to review the Manfred Symphony with detachment, came to a disconcerting conclusion; he condemned the middle two movements as poor, the finale as loathsome, and declared that, if Jurgenson agreed, he would destroy them. Yet, he wrote, he would retain this first movement, ‘making a symphonic poem out of a symphony that is impossibly long-winded. Then I am sure my Manfred will be capable of pleasing. Indeed, it must be so: I wrote the first movement with enjoyment – the remaining ones are the result of straining from which, I remember, I felt myself for some time very unwell.’ Certainly this verdict confirms his pride in this first movement. Fortunately Tchaikovsky never carried out this threat – for which, I think, our thanks can never be too numerous.
For very different reasons the scherzo is equally remarkable. Its content is simple: ‘The Alpine Fairy appears before Manfred in a rainhow,’ as Tchaikovsky headed it. His concern in recent years to explore fresh possibilities in orchestration had enabled him to present his music with new colours and more refined contrasts, but though the music may have been adjusted especially to make the exploitation of these possible, it had still been made from tunes and harmonies as before. In the Manfred scherzo, however, the priorities are almost reversed, for it is no longer the orchestration that conditions the music; it is the orchestration that creates the music as though Tchaikovsky has thought directly in terms of colours and textures, and made these the priorities when spinning the web of sound. Put in the simplest terms: there is no tune, little definition of any harmonic base – at most, the tiniests of melodic fragments and the lightest film of harmony, and where such things do slip in, they quickly melt away. Like magic, it moves us into a world that is alluring, fragile and elusive, and it makes for magical listening. The point is brought home when a ‘real’ tune enters to fill out the movement’s central section – surely the Alpine Fairy’s musical incarnation. The contrast is perfectly judged, and this new melody will in due course be partnered by Manfred’s surrogate, which now takes its character from its graceful companion (note also, if you can, the tiny slivers of scherzo music that slip in). And if a little later, when the movement’s rainbow music is about to return, Manfred’s theme returns far less graciously, it will sound almost wistful when it slips in at the movement’s end while the Alpine Fairy is flickering upwards, only to disappear.
The slow movement brings us gently but firmly back into the human world: ‘A pastoral. The simple, free and peaceful life of the mountain people’ was Tchaikovsky’s label. Balakirev had prescribed Berlioz’s Adagio (the Scène aux champs from the Symphonie fantastique ) to be Tchaikovsky’s model here, but it is more the Sérénade from Harold in Italy that Tchaikovsky chose. It opens with a siciliana, a gentle, tripping dance which had long been composers’ choice when portraying a pastoral world. Further on a hunter is heard, his three-note horn call set against a single, sustained woodwind chord (when this is heard for the third and last time towards the movement’s end, note the very simple, but very beautiful progression of string chords that now supports it). The opening theme returns – and then we hear a snatch of (presumably) a lively peasant dance, and an agitated outburst (a heavy shower?) before the opening melody is again resumed. A rapidly oscillating (and accelerating) three-note figure from the flutes, joined by a high trill from the first violins (bird calls?) introduces the movement’s second main theme, its more restless mood increasing in preparation for Manfred’s intrusion. But the latter’s impact on this bucolic world is brief and minimal: the earlier mood is recovered, the hunter is heard a second time, and the opening pastoral theme returns more spaciously and in a fuller, more decorated scoring. Manfred’s intrusion has left no mark, normality has returned, Manfred is forgotten. The hunter, now distant, sounds his horn, the little peasant dance recurs, and a tiny scampering, muted-string interlude precedes the final fading chord that supports echoes of the movement’s opening tune. It makes a charming ending to a charming movement.
If only … if only Tchaikovsky’s finale had consistently matched the achievement of the preceding three magnificent movements, then the Manfred Symphony would have been an unchallenged equal of any of Tchaikovsky’s other great symphonic pieces. The problem is not really the music itself; it is the programme. ‘Arimanes’ underground palace,’ so Tchaikovsky’s note reads. ‘Manfred appears in the middle of a bacchanale. Evocation of Astarte’s ghost. She predicts an end to his earthly sufferings. Death of Manfred.’ So far Tchaikovsky has very successfully reconciled the extramusical specifications for each movement with the basic requirement that a musical structure shall be satisfactory in itself. Now, however, the programme takes over, and the result is a fragmented movement with musical disruption and non sequiturs that culminate in what, I suppose, Tchaikovsky felt was an obligatory ending: an apotheosis of Manfred himself (with organ), achieved by a grandiose Germanic-style chorale tune (how much better did Tchaikovsky manage such an episode towards the end of Romeo and Juliet !). In fact, the final dying end does improve matters, but it cannot totally redeem the situation.
Yet the problem had begun much earlier, and much more seriously. The movement had opened so promisingly. The bacchanal is vividly conjured at length, the impact of Manfred’s abrupt intrusion is well caught in music that conveys the dislocation it causes and the bated breath with which the horde views this strange intruder. Manfred identifies himself with his second theme – all this is very well handled. But heaven only knows why Tchaikovsky should have chosen a fugue to convey the horde’s response to Manfred, once they had recovered from their initial surprise (but perhaps a fugue’s ‘learned’ character would suggest that the horde were holding a debate on the matter. I doubt it!). A fugue is, by its very nature, totally undramatic, implacably inward-searching in its fixation on one thematic idea (its subject), and remorselessly measured in its progress: in this context, it cannot sound other than stodgy – which it does. It is the fatal flaw of the symphony, from which it can never subsequently recover completely, for all the resumption of the orgy, followed by Astarte’s entrance (to her first-movement music, but now with harp washes and the incorporation of new material), Manfred’s response, then a return of his music which had closed the first movement. But there follows an overblown apotheosis: too much gesture, too little true substance. However, some listeners may feel I have been too harsh. I leave it to them to decide.
If the first three movements had not been so marvellous, I suppose I would not have felt so harshly about aspects of the finale; my words were written in sorrow, not anger. But setting my reservations aside, I would agree that the Manfred Symphony is an achievement as fine as anything Tchaikovsky had composed before the intervention of Antonina. He was fully himself again, truly back on form.
There is a rather sad tailpiece to the Manfred episode. Tchaikovsky retained an immense respect and affection for Balakirev. ‘He’s a strange man – between ourselves, be it said, a madman – but all the same, essentially a wonderful person,’ as he put it to Jurgenson. And this was, after all, the man who had prompted and then, to a degree, shepherded the Manfred project. But Balakirev had already prescribed what Tchaikovsky’s next work should be (‘a piano concerto in F sharp minor or C sharp minor’), and Tchaikovsky saw the danger that could lie ahead if he was not careful. He did meet Balakirev in 1886, but though the latter pressed him to visit whenever he might find himself in St Petersburg, Tchaikovsky seems to have avoided a meeting. In 1891 they exchanged their last very brief and very businesslike notes. Their relationship proved to be over.
*
The move to Maidanovo transformed fundamentally Tchaikovsky’s personal life. Modest’s detailed account of his brother’s new environment gives us many insights into aspects of his daily life, telling us a good deal more about his more mundane attitudes and his day-to-day activities than we have been able to glean from the evidence of his letters or the memories of others who knew him, corroborating things we have noted from his earlier words, but filling these out with some fascinating detail. Tchaikovsky hated change. ‘From this time traditions were established for a particular arrangement of his things, an arrangement that was preserved as far as possible through every change of residence so that, wherever Pyotr Ilich was living, the appearance of his rooms remained almost the same,’ Modest remembered. He had no interest in luxuries, in style, or in appearances, did not complain that a table rocked, that a cupboard did not close properly, or that a curtain was made of inferior material – though he was very proud of having ‘his own cook, his own laundress, his own silver, his own tablecloth, his own dog’. Alexey had been with him so long that he knew ‘what the master would like’, and he not only organized Tchaikovsky’s day-to-day existence, but was even left the responsibility for such things as choosing the furniture. The only things that Tchaikovsky really cherished were his books and musical scores, having them re-bound where necessary, and chasing up books friends had borrowed but not returned promptly.
Modest described a typical Tchaikovsky day at Maidanovo, both confirming and amplifying what we have learned from his earlier record. His brother would get up between seven and eight, drink tea between eight and nine, and – perhaps surprisingly – would read the Bible, then occupy himself with English. He also read books in German – for instance, Otto Jahn’s Mozart , and philosophical works by such as Spinoza and Schopenhauer. During this he would consult the dictionary and write out the words he did not know. If he had a guest there would be a morning walk together, and he would spend the rest of the day in routine matters such as writing letters, proof-reading, or orchestrating a piece. But if he was composing, he demanded absolute privacy. The only person he would tolerate near him during such a phase was Alexey, whom he could simply ‘shut out’, even if he was in the room. But there must be no conversation; on the one occasion when his servant had ventured a comment (highly favourable) on a chorus from Onegin , Tchaikovsky was not only surprised but distressed. As Modest put it:
He was enormously gratified that this was the first and only moment of illumination in the impenetrable night of his servant’s musicality. It seems that the most important luxury of Pyotr Ilich’s new situation was precisely the solitude it provided during this compositional phase – and if not the sole, was certainly the chief adornment of his stay at Maidanovo.
Modest added that, whereas in his brother’s early years he would show a piece he was composing to others, inviting their opinions, ‘from 1885 he ceased almost completely revealing his new works to anyone, the first person to get to know them being Jurgenson’s engraver’.
If the morning was free of other pressures, from 9.30 to midday was devoted to composition.
At twelve precisely Pyotr Ilich would have lunch at which, thanks to his splendid appetite, he found whatever was given to him to have been excellently prepared, being profuse in his praises of the chef or cook, and requiring Alexey to convey to them his gratitude with a request to have it as well prepared more often. But because, in regard of his cuisine, the master of the house was very undemanding, it happened that guests would often have preferred to convey not compliments to the kitchen, but the contrary. Pyotr Ilich always ate with pleasure, but very abstemiously, especially when he was alone. After lunch he went for a walk, whatever the weather. For the most part his walk was a time of composition. During it the embryos of the principal ideas were formed, consideration was given to the skeleton of the work, and the noting down of the principal ideas took place. The next morning he would place these sketches before him and would put the finishing touches to them at the piano. As far as I know, except for two scenes in Onegin and some of his piano pieces and romances, he always developed his sketches at the piano, during which time, because he could not trust his appalling memory, he wrote down everything, even in places indicating the instrumentation. For the most part a composition was fully worked out in these sketches.
Modest remembered that if, during his walks, music was not Tchaikovsky’s preoccupation, then he might improvise (in French) pieces from plays. Tchaikovsky was fascinated by insects, especially ants, and observed them carefully. He would give generous tips to children he encountered, but this would produce a problem, for the numbers of these youngsters soon began swelling. To evade them he tried walking in the more secluded woods, but now increasing numbers of children began emerging from among the trees. Next their parents got the message. In fact, the situation became so bad that for a while Tchaikovsky had to confine his two-hour walk to the private park at Maidanovo.
‘Towards four o’clock Pyotr Ilich returned home for tea,’ Modest continued:
If he was alone he read the papers, historical journals, and if anyone was staying with him he very much liked to chat. From five until seven he again went off by himself to work. Before supper (which was served at eight) Pyotr Ilich would, if it was summer, take yet another walk to admire the sunset: this time he would very readily take it in company. In autumn or winter he would play the piano by himself for his own pleasure or, if Laroche or Kashkin (his favourite guests) was staying with him, music for four hands. After supper he would sit with his guests until eleven. When partners were available he loved three or four rubbers of vint, and when they were not, he greatly loved being read to aloud. His favourite reader was Laroche, not because he possessed some particular skill but because, when he read, his delight in what he was experiencing was expressed in every phrase, especially when the book was by Gogol or Flaubert. If there were no guests Pyotr Ilich for the most part read historical works about the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, played patience, but always found himself a little restless. At eleven he went off to his room, wrote his diary, and again read for a long time before going to sleep. Since the summer of 1866 [when he had brought himself close to complete nervous collapse through overwork on his First Symphony] he had never composed a single note in the evening.
Tchaikovsky’s first task on settling into Maidanovo had been to make the revision that would turn Vakula the Smith into Cherevichki , the form of that opera which is normally performed today. This completed, he had devoted the middle months of 1885 to the Manfred Symphony . Yet these were far from the only significant matters to absorb his attention during this time. Tchaikovsky had now been appointed a Director of the Moscow branch of the RMS, and this required him to share in the annual examinations at the Conservatoire in late May. Nor was this the only chore he felt bound to undertake during his three weeks in Moscow. His new celebrity status had brought with it an added authority which was no doubt valuable when he intervened in the chaos into which the Moscow Conservatoire had descended since Rubinstein’s death four years earlier. The successive directorships of Hubert and Albrecht had been disastrous, and back in April Tchaikovsky had made an appeal to Rimsky-Korsakov, an outsider and therefore impartial, to accept the position. But Rimsky had declined, and the young Taneyev, though not yet thirty, had seemed to Tchaikovsky the obvious choice. Accordingly, he applied all his diplomatic skills to placating the two former directors, persuading them to remain on the staff, while at the same time urging Taneyev’s nomination, which was finally agreed. Nor, on a very personal level, was he inactive, for his friend Kondratyev and his wife had agreed on a separation, but this had proved quite unmanageable, the result being that Tchaikovsky devoted four whole days to bringing a resolution to this sad, very human problem. As for the Conservatoire, he would still have to remain active, for Taneyev was detained abroad, and in the new Director’s absence Tchaikovsky set himself to recruit new staff, including the young pianist and conductor, Vasily Safonov, who would become one of the institution’s finest teachers, succeeding Taneyev as Director in 1889, and doing much to increase its prestige both through his growing personal reputation as a teacher, and through his energetic leadership.
All this had been unfolding while Tchaikovsky had been engaged on the Manfred Symphony , and these distractions were no doubt a major reason why progress on this piece had proved so laborious. But by late August a very wearied Tchaikovsky had been able to settle back into Maidanovo, and visits from his closer friends had begun to revitalize him. Then, during a five-day trip he had made to Moscow in late September, Alexey had supervised their removal to a more pleasant and secluded dacha at Maidanovo, a move that delighted Tchaikovsky. His guests were now becoming confined to weekend visits, his life was growing less hectic, and the Manfred Symphony was brought to a swift conclusion. Five days later he could start work on his eighth opera, The Enchantress .
Tchaikovsky had first encountered Ippolit Shpazhinsky’s drama The Enchantress in the preceding January, had been immediately drawn to it, and had written to its author suggesting he might convert it into an opera libretto. But Shpazhinsky, despite giving ready assent to Tchaikovsky’s proposal, had proved a very sluggish collaborator, for his day-to-day life was distracted by divorce proceedings. As a result it was six months before Tchaikovsky received a first portion of the libretto, and because Shpazhinsky remained appallingly dilatory, the opera could not be fully sketched until August 1886, by which time Tchaikovsky had realized that its length had to be radically reduced (even in its final form it remains the longest of his compositions). Nor was this all, for in the meantime the Empress had requested him to compose and dedicate a set of songs to her, and he had to divert his attention to composing his Twelve Romances, op. 60, as well as supervising the production of Cherevichki , which he had agreed to conduct. This in itself would have been a formidable challenge, for his first sorties into conducting while still a student had proved traumatic; feeling his head might roll off his shoulders, he had habitually clutched his chin with his left hand while conducting with his right, and since then he had never repeated the experience. However, at the opera’s premiere in January 1887, he kept a grip on himself, and subsequently conducting would play a more and more important part in his musical life, especially because he realized that this would ensure that his own compositions would receive more performances.
This deluge of distractions had impinged drastically on the fortunes of The Enchantress , and the opera was not finished until May 1887. Its premiere was given on 1 November (Tchaikovsky again conducting), and though he was generally well satisfied with the performance, and the final applause suggested that the opera was a success, audiences soon began to fall off, and after the twelfth performance it was withdrawn from the repertoire.
Briefly, the plot of The Enchantress , a tragic love story, runs as follows. Nastasya (nickamed Kuma, and the ‘enchantress’ of the tale) has an inn on the banks of the River Oka. Prince Nikita visits the inn, falls for Kuma, but she rejects him. When his wife, Princess Evpraksiya, hears of this, she is violently jealous, and when their son, Prince Yury, learns of the situation, he swears to kill Kuma. But meeting her, Yury is overwhelmed by her beauty and seeming innocence, falls passionately in love with her, she with him, and they plan to elope. Learning of this, the Princess decides to poison Kuma, proceeds to meet a Wizard who will supply the necessary potion, then encounters Kuma as the latter arrives to flee with Yury. The Princess tricks Kuma into drinking the poison, Yury enters as Kuma dies, and he denounces his mother. His father appears, Yury denounces him too, and is stabbed to death. The Princess throws herself on her son’s body, is borne away and, to the sound of a gathering storm and the Wizard’s maniacal laughter, Prince Nikita goes mad.
It must seem incredible that Tchaikovsky could ever have been attracted to such a contrived and, by its end, ridiculous plot. But that his perceived view of it was very different is uncovered in his letters to Emiliya Pavlovskaya, whom he hoped would create the part of Kuma, but who had herself expressed doubts about the wisdom of Tchaikovsky’s choice of subject, and about the implausibility of his heroine managing to turn the young prince into a passionate and devoted lover. Tchaikovsky responded by claiming that, though Kuma’s most obvious charms were the mundane ones that ensured success for her hostelry, she also possessed other far higher qualities:
The point is that in the depths of the soul of this loose country woman is a moral force and beauty that had merely had no place in which it could declare itself. That force is love . Her nature is strongly feminine, capable of falling in love only once and for ever, and of giving up everything for the sake of that love. While love was no more than an embryo, Nastasya had disposed of her power lightly – that is, she had amused herself with what made one and all who came across her fall in love with her. In this she is simply an engaging, attractive, though also depraved, country woman. She knows she is captivating , she is content with this knowledge, and having been enlightened neither by religious belief nor education while she was an orphan, she has made her sole mission in life to live gaily. But the man appears who is destined to touch her instincts ’ better strings which till then had remained silent, and she is transformed. Life becomes nothing for her unless she attains her goal; the power of her attractiveness , which before had functioned instinctively, now becomes an invincincible weapon which in an instant demolishes the alien power – that is, the hatred of the young prince. After this both surrender to the ungovernable torrent of their love which leads to inevitable catastrophe, to her death , and this death leaves in the spectator a sense of reconciliation and tenderness.Since being tempted by The Enchantress I have remained completely faithful to my soul’s fundamental need to illustrate in music what Goethe [in his Faust ] said: ‘Das Ewig-Weibliche zieht uns hinan.’ [‘The Eternal in woman leads us on.’]
But Tchaikovsky’s attempt to equate Kuma with the ideal of Marguerite, who had saved Faust’s soul in Goethe’s great epic, was ludicrous. Kuma was Kuma – and that was that. Clearly what led to the opera’s ultimate failure was the realization by Tchaikovsky’s audiences that the opera had no true dramatic heart, and that the characters of the participants were as hollow and generally as uninteresting as the events into which they were caught in Shpazhinsky’s libretto. Yet Tchaikovsky’s music is often a very different matter. Most of it is at least very good, and the best excellent. In fact, Act 1 is quite splendid – well planned and paced, and of a very consistent quality. Yet more impressive still is the love scene in Act 3, which is not a conventional operatic celebration of a confessed love, but traces in detail the stages of the process in which Kuma converts Prince Yury, who has come to kill her, into her passionate and committed lover. It is so sad that The Enchantress should have become the inevitable casualty of its creator’s misjudgement of his chosen subject, and though the opera has received a very occasional revival in more recent years, it will never become a repertoire piece. Nevertheless, for those who remain interested in getting to know the opera, especially the finer parts, I have provided the following guide.
[This is perhaps the saddest case among all Tchaikovsky’s major works: an abundance of excellent music saddled with an unworthy subject. Classifying it has been very difficult. I did originally give it a three-star grading, but having returned to it after a long period, I find its general musical quality so high that I have upgraded it and allocated it more generous space. Those readers who are utterly committed to Tchaikovsky’s music and can tolerate the more ludicrous aspects of the drama should listen to it in its entirety; others should pass on. Because of the opera’s length I have, in this instance, conflated the musical commentary with the outline of the plot.]
Overture: This is in two sections, the first based on Kuma’s touching aria in the middle of Act 1, the second on a Russian folksong.
Act 1: This is by far the most consistent of the four acts, and is particularly interesting because Tchaikovsky goes back to the self-consciously Russian idiom he had employed in the earlier 1870s (notably in his Second Symphony and Vakula the Smith ), but rarely returned to subsequently. The first scene is set on the banks of the Volga where Kuma has her hostelry. The musical idiom is festive and folky, though we learn that Kuma is alleged to be a witch and that this will be bad for her with Prince Nikita. The revellers pause for a moment as the sound of women’s voices marks the approach of a group of girls with Kuma, who soon establishes herself as the centre of attention, but is warned that a dry, elderly deacon, Mamïrov, is planning to bring Prince Nikita to see for himself the iniquities of Kuma and her companions. A second group, male guests this time, arrive in boats, soon church bells from the city across the river are briefly heard, and after some further exchanges, Kuma sings a very contrasting song in praise of ‘our benefactress, mother Volga’, based on the two themes of the overture. Prince Yury appears on the river with a hunting party, but cannot spare the time to land (but his appearance has served to introduce him to us, and for Kuma’s agitation to reveal that she is already attracted to him). Suddenly Prince Nikita is seen approaching. There is consternation: some revellers flee, but Kuma takes control, and orders that a table be set for him. This has brought a total change of mood, and the stern string theme that introduces Nikita instantly defines him as a very formidable figure. Mamïrov lists the evils of the place, but Kuma parries by saying that Nikita can judge about these for himself. Faced with the accusation of sorcery, Kuma denies this with quiet dignity, and invites Nikita to be her guest. He assents, praises her for her wine, and throws a ring into his cup.
All this has been excellently paced. But now a decimet intervenes – a corporate and static movement for all ten solo singers, each voicing his or her private reaction to what has now transpired, the chorus also providing some backing. Obviously only fragments from any of the ten texts will ever be heard, but that scarcely matters: rather, the movement serves as a breathing space in the drama before the act’s last phase, the bating of Mamïrov, is played out. The Prince is now enamoured of Kuma, and she offers the hapless deacon wine. Then Kuma suggests a vigorous tumblers’ dance in which, at Kuma’s prompting, the Prince finally orders the deacon to join. Mamïrov’s humiliation is complete.
The tone changes sharply with Act 2. The setting is now the garden of Prince Nikita’s house, and the main concerns of the act are the individual members of the royal family and their problems. The Princess comes first, the orchestral introduction presenting the opening snatch of her main theme which then recurs obsessively in a variety of guises and within an increasingly tempestuous context before declaring itself in full: this woman is clearly tormented and furious, tough and resolute, another in Tchaikovsky’s line of matronly women whose natural vulnerability is matched by resolve and a seemingly prodigious power of endurance (think of the Boyarina in The Oprichnik , or Kochubey’s wife, Lyubov, in Mazeppa : note that the latter, too, had a chorus of attendant women). Mamïrov enters to tell of the Princess’s husband’s visits to Kuma, and she enjoins him to be her eyes and ears. She will have no truck with her maid’s attempt to calm and comfort her: Kuma must die. Yury now enters, and the music that accompanies him – leisurely in tempo, calm in mood – reflects his own relaxed mood. His mother tries to hide her troubled state, but then discloses that she and his father have chosen a bride for him. He brushes that aside: he is more troubled by his father’s irascibility and his mother seeming so preoccupied. In her turn she tries to brush this aside and, their conversation ending inconclusively, before she leaves they join in an extended duet of mutual devotion. Outwardly it is untroubled: ‘God grant that we shall live in happiness!’ – but it is also a powerful foil for the turbulence to come.
Paisy, a drunken vagabond monk, and a frequenter of Kuma’s hostelry, enters, tries to ingratiate himself with Yury (note how many chains of repeated notes there are in his part – a legacy from the trails of repeated notes so characteristic of religious chants?), but is interrupted by Mamïrov’s entry. Yury leaves, and Mamïrov orders Paisy to be his spy at Kuma’s hostelry. Paisy leaves (to fidgety music) and, alone, Mamïrov vents his anger at Nikita for having made a fool of him at Kuma’s. Nikita enters (again to strings playing in octaves, though now his music is restless and troubled). Ordering Mamïrov to summon the Princess, he gives voice to his own torn feelings and the distress he has caused his wife because of his continuing inability to forget Kuma. A piece of her own music marks the Princess’s re-entry. The confrontation that follows is the most formidable of the act. Nikita tries to talk about other matters, but his wife gets straight to the point, accusing and reproaching him, revealing at length the full force and sheer strength of her personality. It is a most impressive performance. Nikita tries to browbeat her, but without success, and finally threatens to confine her to a religious cell. There can be no reconciliation here, and they end by rushing out in opposite directions.
An orchestral interlude prefaces the forced intervention of a group of peasants to complain that Prince Nikita’s servants have been robbing them. This is the first really weak moment in the plot (but not in the music), clearly a contrived incursion as much to introduce some variety into a relatively unpeopled act as to demonstrate the authority and respect that Yury commands with the peasantry. The instant he appears the intruders fall respectfully silent, he tells them to go back home, and they leave. The Princess emerges and reproves Yury for having intruded into a matter that was his father’s business, asks where her husband is, and Paisy reveals that he is at Kuma’s. At last Yury hears the truth and, once he has fully digested it, his music assumes a more martial tone. Perhaps, after all the furious agitation of the Princess’s music in her earlier exchanges with her husband, we may feel some surprise at the stability and absence of manifest agitation in some of her final utterances, but by this stage what I can only call ‘the ecstasy of transcendental hatred’ has possessed her. She has a champion, and her rival’s death is certain.
Kuma has not appeared in the second act, but in the third she is the dominant player. The location is her modest cottage, and the scene’s opening has a corresponding sense of intimacy. The introductory music is hers, as is confirmed when it provides the basis for her first words. With her is Prince Nikita, deeply depressed by her lack of response; he is now the supplicant – and how different is his tone at this scene’s opening from that of the authoritarian figure of Act 1! He pleads his case, but in vain, and she confesses she loves another. He demands who his rival is, but she will not say. There is little need of comment from me on what immediately follows. Kuma plays on her vulnerability in the face of his power, but when finally Prince Nikita attempts to take her by force, she draws a knife, threatening to kill herself. In a rage he leaves and a brief orchestral interlude changes the mood drastically. Alone, Kuma reflects on what the reaction would be if her love for Yury becomes known, but her reverie is interrupted by the agitated entry of her friend, Polya, and her uncle, Foka, with news that Yury believes her to be a witch and has sworn to kill her. Having told her to secure her cottage, they leave. It is a moonlit night, and Kuma spies two men outside. In terror she retreats to her bed, and closes its curtain. Yury enters with Zhuran, a huntsman, draws his knife, and pulls back the curtain.
And so begins what Tchaikovsky himself described as the ‘most important scene of the opera’ – and which makes a truly splendid ending to Act 3. It is a love scene, and it traces an evolving situation. Shpazhinsky had paid particular attention to its construction. ‘I am offering you the possibility, through your lovely music, of conveying our heroes’ feelings through nine motifs,’ he explained to Tchaikovsky. And the latter responded magnificently. Because a full appreciation of this scene’s effect requires a fairly detailed awareness of each of these successive stages, I have presented it through a table, indicating where each ‘motif’ (as Shpazhinsky put it) begins by a snippet of translation. It is probable that these snippets will not, in your libretto, use the exact language of mine, but I hope that where they come can be identified. As heard in the opera, the scene seems to me more readily to encompass ten stages, but perhaps Shpazhinsky viewed the final celebration of committed love as being beyond the system.
Orchestra: Violent tutti – Yury sees Kuma for the first time
The challenge this extended love scene presented to Tchaikovsky was daunting, and what he achieved is therefore all the more remarkable. Here he shows himself not only as the creator of splendid music in itself, but also as a genius for creating whatever kind of music was required for each character at each stage. It makes for a magnificent ending to the act.
If only (again!) … If only the plot of the final act had maintained the level of the preceding three! Nevertheless, there are some very good things in it. The entr’acte’s opening theme is a folksong, a sibling of the one in the opera’s introductory entr’acte, thus providing a modest frame for the opera so far; by contrast, the horn calls that follow forewarn of what is to come. The scene is a forest on the banks of the Oka, and after the Wizard, Kudma, disgruntled by the noise, has retreated into his cave, Zhuran and other hunters appear. Zhuran is to await Yury, and has made arrangements for his master and Kuma to elope. Yury arrives, resists Zhuran’s persuasions to abandon his plan, and launches into a rapturous song of praise to his beloved – one of the musical peaks of the act. That done, and a bear having been spotted, all leave in pursuit. Paisy and the Princess, the latter disguised as a pilgrim, enter. The Wizard reappears, Paisy flees in terror, the former greets the Princess ungraciously, and she instantly and angrily silences him. Seeing a money-filled pouch, he decides not to turn her into a she-wolf. Has he the most deadly and agonizing of poisons? Yes, he has – and both revel at the prospect of its dire effect, then disappear into his cave where he will prepare it.
This whole incident could have been rather ridiculous, but it is redeemed by the resurgence of that venomous ferocity which the Princess had brought to her encounter with her husband in Act 2. The arrival, backed by the folksong from the preceding entr’acte, of a boat bearing Kuma with some friends from her hostelry is well handled; their mutual farewells are affectionate and deeply felt, and the party retire to their boat where they will intercept any pursuers. Alone, Kuma in her turn sings of her longing for Yury, a declaration that matches Yury’s earlier soliloquy, both in expressive depth and quality. But this is virtually the last substantial moment in The Enchantress where the human drama (that is, not the atmospheric melo drama) enables Tchaikovsky to compose something that moves the listener within rather than excites through its masterly, sometimes brilliantly graphic substantiation of a trail of highly charged (and sometimes over-the-top) incidents. True, all this is, in its way, very exciting, but only Kuma’s death, Yury’s desperately sad lament over Kuma’s body, and the men’s requiem as they bear her away are likely truly to touch something deeper.
But – to complete the summary of the act’s last, and very complicated, stages – the Princess emerges from the cave, spies Kuma, and approaches her, describing herself as a pilgrim who has outpaced her companions, and will now wait for them. Once again it is the Princess who raises the general dramatic level, here through the ingratiating ruthlessness with which she insinuates herself into the confidence of her unsuspecting victim. Claiming the local spring has restorative powers, she offers Kuma a cup of water from it, slips the poison into the cup, Kuma drinks – and the Wizard’s laughter is heard from offstage. The Princess withdraws, Kuma waits, and Yury rushes in, embraces her, and they sing of their blissful future, while the Princess and Wizard gloat from behind.
Suddenly Kuma feels strange. Yury is alarmed (the Princess and Wizard in the background are gleeful). Kuma tells how she has been given water, the Princess comes forward triumphantly, reveals the truth, exclaims ‘I have purged the shame of my family’ – and the Wizard withdraws into his cave. Yury denounces his mother, hunting horns are heard, Kuma dies, the Princess tries self-justification, Yury denounces her again, and is led aside. The Princess orders the huntsmen to throw Kuma’s body into the river. They carry it off. Recovering himself, Yury asks where Kuma’s body is, and his mother tells him. Yury is in despair. It grows dark. Boats with Prince Nikita and servants appear. Nikita demands to know where Kuma is (he now knows of the lovers’ plan to escape). Yury charges him with causing Kuma’s death, and Nikita stabs him. The Princess cries out in horror as her son dies, throwing herself on his body. Distant thunder. Yury’s corpse is carried away, to a men’s chorus of mourning. The storm breaks, the Prince’s reason begins to give way, the Wizard approaches him, the Prince sees him and recoils in horror, the Wizard laughs demonically, and the Prince goes mad.
As already noted, much of the music in the later stages of this final act has been concerned simply to heighten, or at least substantiate, the veritable torrent of incident that concludes The Enchantress . (If Tchaikovsky had lived two generations on, he would certainly have matched Prokofiev as a composer for films.) But we have finally been moved out of a situation to which we can give any credence; all has become overblown, breathless melodrama, and despite Tchaikovsky’s genius for conjuring and sustaining atmosphere, the tale being told has left behind the world of credible human emotions and relationships. It is such a pity – for there is so much that is splendid, sometimes truly great, elsewhere in The Enchantress .
23
The transformation in Tchaikovsky’s personal life brought about by the move to his own home at Maidanovo, and the sudden awareness that his music was becoming not merely respected but popular, was to be reflected also in his own attitude to the world around him. Suddenly he seemed to gain a new self-confidence. But what is so striking is that this did not manifest itself in an access of arrogance, but in a greater ease in his contacts with others – in a greater warmth in his existing relationships and in his increased willingness to make new ones and collaborate in matters of common interest. And that thoughtfulness which he had so often shown towards family members and sometimes complete strangers, and his readiness to intervene with advice and practical help where he could, seemed to grow even greater. Emiliya Pavlovskaya, who had created the part of Kuma in The Enchantress , knew she was now nearing the end of her singing career: how could she cope with the ultimate void of retirement? Tchaikovsky had suggestions both recreational and practical:
Can you not walk – that is, not in the sense of movement, or simply mooching around, but in the sense of lively intercourse with the infinite and inexpressible beauty of nature? Can’t you busy yourself with translations from Russian into Italian, of which, it seems, you have an excellent command? Surely Russian literature is now a strong interest in the West? Forgive me that I allow myself to give advice but, you see, I’m not interested only in Pavlovskaya – that is, in my best advocate on the stage – but also in Emiliya Karlovna, whom I shall love in twenty-five years times as much as I do now.
Then there was Yuliya Shpazhinskaya, the former wife of The Enchantress ’s librettist, and now a single parent with a family to rear. As he had with Leonty Tkachenko before her, Tchaikovsky thought she could perhaps become a writer, and over the next six to eight years, he wrote to her over eighty letters, some very lengthy, offering advice, criticism and encouragement in her halting efforts to learn her trade, and then negotiating, though unsuccessfully, with the Imperial Theatres to get her work performed.
Such interventions absorbed time, but others involved financial support. Family members facing some difficulty which money could ease would be helped, and all this time there was still Georges-Léon to support. Then there were the outside beneficiaries. On arriving in Maidanovo, Tchaikovsky had ordered that all royalties earned during that year from performances of his works should be given to the Musicians’ Benevolent Fund. Conservatoire students also benefited; in the same season one received a hundred roubles to fund her through an untimely pregnancy, while another, a piano student who had been surcharged for being admitted as a supernumerary, had her extra fee paid, Tchaikovsky doing this secretly and the student never knowing who her benefactor had been.
Finally there were benefactions to the community around him. Only months after his arrival two-thirds of Maidanovo had been ravaged by fire, and Tchaikovsky had not only helped in tackling the flames but had contributed handsomely to the relief fund. Yet his biggest single community service was educational. The more he got to know his impoverished neighbours, the more his admiration for them grew. ‘Their cottages are of the most pitiful, tiny, dark sort,’ he wrote to Nadezhda von Meck:
They must be terribly stuffy, and when you remember that they have to live in this dark and crowded state for eight months of the year, your heart bleeds. I do not know why, but the people here are especially poor. Yet – and this is the most noticeable thing – the adults, old and young, and the children have a thoroughly happy and contented appearance: in no way do they complain of their ill-starred fate – and the less they express their dissatisfaction with their life, the more I pity them and am touched by the Russian race’s humility and long-suffering. The children have surprisingly sympathetic faces. There is no school and the nearest is four miles away. I should like to do something.
Which he did. The village priest confirmed that, if he would finance the project, then permission would be granted. Tchaikovsky wasted no time, and in February 1886 the Maidanovo school was opened. Three days later Tchaikovsky conducted an inspection, deciding that at this stage the teaching was marked more by good intentions than expertise. All the same, twenty-eight boys and girls were now receiving the basics of an education: it was money well spent, and he continued to support the school for the rest of his life.
In the preceding chapter the narrative had jumped ahead in its account of how The Enchantress came to be composed, and now this biographical gap requires filling. If in the months after February 1885, when Tchaikovsky had settled into Maidanovo, he had thought he would find permanent relief from the outside pressures which had become more and more intolerable in his professional life, his new celebrity status would soon disabuse him. The winter of 1885–86 was to be increasingly filled with meetings in Moscow, official events, committees, receptions and social occasions, as well as individual consultations, not to mention visits to Maidanovo by family, friends and acquaintances. There were also some minor compositional demands, including a substantial piano piece, Dumka (Scène rustique) , which he composed for the French publisher, Félix Mackar, with whom he had established a business relationship to foster his music in France, and also a little ‘melodrama’ (that is, a piece where an actor declaims against a musical background) for a revival of Ostrovsky’s play, The Voyevoda , which had been the subject of Tchaikovsky’s first opera. It was to support a monologue from the Domovoy (or house-spirit), and the music was required to express ‘the noises of the night’. Tchaikovsky was given only six days’ notice for this, and had been warned that the orchestra would be ‘so vile that you can’t entrust any serious piece to it’. But Ostrovsky was a friend who, years before, had helped him to the first big public exposure of his music, and in the event Tchaikovsky’s offering for five woodwind instruments, harp and strings proved to be a little gem. However, all these and other commitments made him all the more determined to accept without further delay the standing invitation from brother Anatoly, who had now moved to Tiflis in the Caucasus, to visit him in his new home. Thus, having attended the premiere of the Manfred Symphony , then spent five days catching up on business affairs, on 4 April 1886 he could leave Moscow, briefly visit brother Ippolit and his family at Taganrog, then head south.
Tchaikovsky had never journeyed so far within Russia itself, and he found the Caucasus scenery, and especially the last stage to Tiflis, overwhelming. His delight in it all comes across vividly in his account to Modest:
At first you approach the mountains rather slowly, then the valley of the Terek becomes even narrower, then you come out into the Daryalskoye Gorge – terrifying, gloomy, wild – then, little by little, you enter the region of snow. Finally we climbed up between two high walls of snow. At six in the evening we descended into the valley of the Aragvi and spent the night at Mleti. I dined, took a walk along the gallery in the moonlight, and went to bed at nine. We left early next morning, constantly coming across picturesque villages and every different kind of dwelling. The descent was made at a speed which was sometimes truly frightening, particularly on the bends. Not far from the station at Dushet there suddenly opens up a distant view so amazingly wonderful that you want to weep for joy. The farther you go, the more the south makes itself felt. Finally we passed through Mtskheta, and at about 4.30 we were already in Tiflis.The town’s delightfully picturesque. Not all the trees are yet in leaf – but then, in the gardens all the fruit trees are in blossom, the masses of flowers stand out vividly, it’s as warm as June and, in a word, it’s the most true of springs, exactly as it was in Naples when we left it four years ago. The main streets are very lively, the shops are luxurious, and it smells totally of Europe. But today, when I went into the native quarter (Maidan), I found myself in an environment completely new to me. The streets are unusually narrow, as in Venice. Downstairs on both sides is an endless row of small shops and craft establishments of all sorts where the locals sit cross-legged, working in full view of the passers-by. There are bakers and special kinds of food shops where they bake and fry various things. It’s very interesting and novel.
It was more than just a family visit that had drawn Tchaikovsky to Tiflis. The conductor at the local opera house was the twenty-six-year-old Mikhail Ippolitov-Ivanov, who four years earlier had arrived in Tiflis, where he was now in charge of the local academy of music and of the regional branch of the RMS. More important from Tchaikovsky’s point of view: he was conductor of the local opera house, and had recently had the enterprise to mount Tchaikovsky’s still-new Mazeppa . Excited to have this now famous Russian composer present, Ippolitov-Ivanov ensured that Tchaikovsky would gain pleasure from his stay, arranging a performance of Mazeppa for his forty-seventh birthday on 7 May, and a week later an all-Tchaikovsky gala concert, in which was included Romeo and Juliet , the Serenade for Strings, and Tatyana’s Letter Scene from Eugene Onegin , sung by his wife, Varvara Zarudnaya. As Tchaikovsky entered the directors’ box he was greeted with an ovation, an address of welcome from the RMS, and was presented with a wreath made from wrought silver. The occasion was rounded off by a grand supper with speeches. Tchaikovsky had anticipated this evening with dread, but when he wrote of it to his patroness five days later, it was the sincerity and genuine warmth of his reception that he recalled: ‘It all exhausted me terribly, but the memory of this triumph, with the like of which I have never been favoured anywhere, will for my whole life remain pleasant for me.’ Modest later set it in a larger context: ‘It was the first public acknowledgement of his service to the Russian peoples.’ His brother was now becoming recognized as Russia’s greatest composer.
Tchaikovsky remained in Tiflis for a month, and when he left a crowd saw him off at the station, and threw flowers into the train. His ultimate destination was Paris, but his intention was first to proceed by sea to Marseilles, and thence to the French capital. The twelve-day voyage from Batum started along the north Turkish coast with numerous dockings which allowed time for ventures ashore, including at Trebizon: ‘Very picturesque, very interesting – especially the bazaar. Drank coffee in a coffee shop, and smoked a hookah. Went up a mountain on horseback to a monastery – only two Greek monks. Amazing view.’ Arriving in Constantinople [now Istanbul], he spent a night ashore, attended half a concert, slept in a bug-infested room, and took a guided tour of the city: ‘Saint Sofiya amazed and delighted me – but in general Constantinople is unsympathetic’. Passing close to Greece, the vessel then headed for Sicily where Etna was in eruption, and Tchaikovsky was awakened at 2 a.m. to see the spectacle: ‘The sea proved to be rough, and it is impossible to convey the beauty of the combination of moonlight with the fire of Etna and the stormy sea.’ They passed through the Strait of Bonifacio between Sardinia and Corsica: ‘Sardinia reminded me of a lunar landscape as seen in a book by Flamarion [a popularizer of astronomy]. Corsica is grand and picturesque.’ On 23 May they berthed in Marseilles.
The previous six weeks had been one of the pleasantest interludes in his life. But Paris meant business matters, though not before he had settled Georges-Léon’s long-term future, the arrangement now being that brother Nikolay and his wife, Olga, who were childless, would adopt the boy, and that Olga would journey to Paris, then return to Russia with the lad and Tchaikovsky. There were legal formalities to complete, and Tchaikovsky also saw as much as he could of the boy to help accustom him to a new family environment. He discussed business matters with his French publisher Mackar, and discovered that many of the leading French composers wished to see him, including Delibes, who showed a gratifying deference (‘which I value especially because I consider him the most talented of French musicians after Bizet’), Ambroise Thomas (‘a very nice and gentle old man’), Lalo, and Fauré (‘whom I liked extremely, both as a man and musician’). At a specially arranged soirée one of Tchaikovsky’s string quartets and several of his songs were performed. But after four weeks the longing for Russia became irresistible. With masterly innocence Georges-Léon, not quite four years old, himself capped the completion of the formalities that would allow him to leave France: ‘Suddenly he broke the silence by beginning to sing the Marseillaise at the top of his voice. Even the chef de bureau , a stern old man upon whom everything depended, started to roar with laughter.’ Yet the preoccupations of a hectic three-day journey could not drive out the memory of an event of thirty-two years earlier. Writing up his diary on the second day, he ended: ‘anniversary of mother’s death’.
Nor was this the only cause for sorrow. It would seem that from time to time on his travels Tchaikovsky would strike up a fleeting relationship, clearly homosexual, with another man. Such, it would appear, was the case with Ivan Verinovsky, an artillery officer whose name turns up almost daily during the last three weeks of the diary Tchaikovsky kept while in Tiflis, and who, for some unknown reason, committed suicide only three days after Tchaikovsky’s departure. Usually it is only Verinovsky’s name that the diaries mention, but occasionally there are cryptic additions (‘sympathetic’ or ‘attractive Verinovsky’); there is mention of a ‘rendez-vous’, but also a hint that it was not primarily Tchaikovsky who was taking the initiative (‘again, exaggerated expressions of love from Verinovsky’). There are two curious mentions of Tchaikovsky finding Verinovsky ‘being dressed in my clothes’. But it is also clear that Tchaikovsky was personally very concerned about him (‘news of a night at cards, and of Verinovsky’s losses’), and it is also clear that Anatoly’s wife, Praskovya (nicknamed ‘Panya’), who had already shown herself to be a flirt, had turned her attentions to Verinovsky (‘At Panya’s. Her outrageous behaviour a propos Verinovsky’, ‘at lunch a quarrel with Panya over Verinovsky’, ‘infinitely sorry for Verinovsky, and am furious at that wretched woman’). It was while he was in Paris that Tchaikovsky learned accidentally of Verinovsky’s suicide. Back in Russia, he at last received ‘details of Verinovsky’s death, and wept so violently that I was almost hysterical, and was unable to eat anything’. In October, still tormented by the thought that he might have been the cause of Verinovsky’s death, he sought details from both Anatoly and Ippolitov-Ivanov and, on receiving them, and despite learning that he could have done nothing to help, ‘wept endlessly on account of Vanya Verinovsky’.
July saw Tchaikovsky home in Maidanovo. His three-month trip had been his longest and most wide ranging so far and, with evidence of his reception in Paris to confirm his growing international reputation, it would prove to be only the harbinger of many such professional expeditions, including visits to England and, most ambitious of all, a tour in the United States. But all this public exposure was in the future; by contrast, currently he found himself appreciating more and more the growing richness of his inner life made possible by the relative seclusion of his country home. He started a special diary to record his own responses to whatever was at the time engrossing him. For a while he was much occupied with Tolstoy: ‘More than ever I’m convinced that Lev Tolstoy is the greatest of all writers who have ever existed. He alone is enough for the Russian man not to have to bow his head in shame when everything that Europe has given humanity is reckoned up.’ At the other end of his quality scale came Brahms. He had been playing one of the German composer’s symphonies during a piano-duet session with Laroche. ‘What an untalented S–! It angers me that this presumptuous mediocrity is recognized as a genius !’ Very soon, on meeting Brahms, his view would soften. He found increasing pleasures in simple things – the flowers in his garden, in feeding chickens and, less innocently, in using his binoculars to spy on his neighbours when they were eating. One matter on which he profoundly disagreed with Tolstoy was alcohol. Tchaikovsky recognized the danger in over-indulgence; nevertheless, ‘I – that is, a sick man filled with neuroses – emphatically couldn’t manage without the poison . Each evening I’m drunk. In the first phase of inebriation I feel the most complete happiness, and in that condition I understand infinitely more than I understand when making do without the poison. Nor have I noticed that my health has particularly suffered in consequence of it. But then: quod licet Jovi, non licet bovi [“What is allowed to Jove is not allowed to the ox”],’ he added contentedly.
With the arrival of autumn his greatest professional irritation – the noise of pianos from the surrounding dachas – departed with their summer occupants. However, by the end of October over-assiduous work on scoring The Enchantress had taken its toll, and he headed for St Petersburg for a three-week break with Modest, enjoying the company of his family, reassuring himself that Georges-Léon had settled into his new environment, and meeting Bob, now fifteen, as tall as his uncle – and more handsome than ever. As noted earlier, Tchaikovsky’s new celebrity status put him at far greater ease with his fellow composers, both on a personal level and in regard of his own judgements on their works. But it was not simply the respect he enjoyed with his fellow professionals that delighted him: it was also the love of his music by the wider public, and which was reflected in their attitude to him personally. ‘From everywhere, at every step in St Petersburg, I encountered so many expressions of sympathy and love that frequently I was moved to tears,’ he recalled to Nadezhda von Meck. He had just been elected an honorary member of the St Petersburg Chamber Music Society (CMS), and the event had been marked by a concert of his music, including the Second String Quartet and the Piano Trio. ‘The enthusiasm was genuine, and I left overwhelmed by emotion and gratitude. Two days later I was still thoroughly out of sorts from the emotions I had experienced.’
If the end of 1886 found Tchaikovsky’s professional morale, on a public level, higher than it had ever been, the next year would bring two very painful events. The year 1887 had begun well with his triumph as conductor at the premiere of Cherevichki , his major revision of Vakula the Smith . Tchaikovsky never became a virtuoso at this trade. Some years later a violinist who played under him in a concert in Kharkov recalled his manner of directing, and the problems it posed:
He did not hold the baton in his fingers, as most conductors do, but clasped it firmly in his fist. He then raised it above his head, on the first beat brought it down sharply, on the second raised it to his left shoulder, on the third to his right shoulder, and on the fourth again raised it. The players were not accustomed to such a way of conducting. Everyone glanced around, but the sense that the composer himself was conducting the piece made us quickly forget this initial awkwardness, and we tried our best – and by the end of the rehearsal we were already accustomed to Pyotr Ilich’s idiosyncratic way of conducting.
Clearly, as with Sir Edward Elgar and the London Symphony Orchestra some fifty years later, it was the respect with which the players held Tchaikovsky that made them co-operate in a way they would not have done with a lesser composer. As for the audiences, his success stemmed from the increasing affection he had earned from them for the many rich and varied experiences they had now gained from his music.
Yet it was only hours after conducting the premiere of Cherevichki that a telegram arrived informing him that his eldest niece, Tanya, Georges-Léon’s mother, whom he had supported so assiduously, and for whose son’s welfare he had taken such care and prolonged responsibility, and who had at last seemed to be bringing more order into her life, had collapsed and died at a masked ball in St Petersburg. It struck Tchaikovsky very hard: as he wrote next day to his sister-in-law, Parasha: ‘Poor Tanya! Now that all’s over, you involuntarily forget all her dark sides, and remember only what a marvellous girl she was twelve years ago.’ He conducted the second performance of Cherev ichki but – ‘It’s time to go home! O, how it’s time!’ he wrote to Modest, having survived that nerve-racking experience. Tanya’s sister, Anna, was in Moscow, and he broke the news to her, but her preoccupation with her newly born daughter fortunately provided some distraction. With Moscow-based relatives he attended a special Requiem for Tanya – then, as soon as his term conducting Cherevichki was over, he returned to Maidanovo and scoring The Enchantress .
This time he would spend three and a half months at his rural home, but with constant visits to Moscow or St Petersburg to deal with all the various matters, some professional, others personal, which seemed increasingly numerous, but which his conscience told him he could not ignore. There were talks and negotiations about Conservatoire affairs and the politics of the Imperial Theatre (he played a significant role in getting rid of a dictatorial and incompetent head of the latter), and he devoted much private time to the young Anton Arensky, now a professor at the Conservatoire, but whose latest composition, an orchestral fantasia, Marguerite Gautier , dedicated to Tchaikovsky himself, he nevertheless felt was badly flawed. Having penned a very long and detailed criticism of the piece, Tchaikovsky then privately negotiated with Rimsky-Korsakov in St Petersburg, who was about to conduct a concert including Romeo and Juliet , to replace this with a piece by Arensky, simply to hearten the latter. One item of news particularly pleased him: Mackar reported from Paris that an all-Tchaikovsky concert had drawn an audience of a thousand, of whom two hundred had had to stand. So, too, was he gratified by an invitation from St Petersburg to conduct a concert devoted entirely to his own works. It was the first time he had appeared as conductor at a public concert, and the event was a sensation, several pieces being encored, and the press (even his old tormenter, Cui) enthusiastic. There was, however, a sad side to this visit: his friend Kondratyev was seriously ill with syphilis, and in due course Tchaikovsky would return for a week simply to visit him.
All this finally brought total exhaustion, and at the beginning of June Tchaikovsky left Moscow for Tiflis, this time heading east to Nizhni-Novgorod so that he could travel down Russia’s greatest river, the Volga, to its mouth. Quickly his mood improved. During the trip he accompanied, in one of his own songs, a young conservatoire student who did not know his identity, and who found his understanding of the music defective, her authority being her own teacher who had studied the song with Tchaikovsky himself! Tchaikovsky never let on. Along the Volga they made a number of stops, including at Kazan (‘very beautiful from a distance’) and Saratov, where he saw that Onegin had been performed the previous evening. After crossing the Caspian Sea, they docked at Baku, already a significant source of oil. From Baku he took a train to Tiflis. He would pass nearly a month in the Caucasus, but only twelve days in Tiflis, for the town’s musical season was over, and the Ippolitov-Ivanovs were away. A touring theatre company was presenting Shpazhinsky’s play, The Enchantress , and a reluctant Tchaikovsky was persuaded to see it. He hated it, but had compensation in the knowledge that Ippolitov-Ivanov proposed to mount Tchaikovsky’s opera – and, indeed, at the end of December The Enchantress was given, Tchaikovsky having agreed to conduct (in the event he had to withdraw). On this present visit he was able to repay the town for the warmth and generosity of their reception of him the previous year. A new opera house being under construction, but there being insufficient funds to complete it, Tchaikovsky promptly wrote to the Tsar, and His Majesty equally promptly allotted the nearly a quarter of a million roubles needed to complete the building.
After twelve days in Tiflis, Tchaikovsky passed what he intended should be a six-week stay at Borzhom, a small spa town where there was an ample choice of walks, beautiful vegetation and, above all, relative privacy. He took the waters after a local doctor had decided, curiously, that pressure from his stomach had exiled his liver to some place where it had no business to be. Not having composed anything for a month, he now set about a Fourth Suite, compiled this time not from newly composed music of his own, but from orchestral arrangements of four pieces by Mozart, to which he gave the collective title Mozartiana . *** The year 1887 was the centenary of Mozart’s Don Giovanni , and this would be his homage to, as he heard it, the greatest piece ever written by the greatest composer ever. As for the four items themselves, it would be a case of ‘the old given a contemporary treatment’. His choice fell on three piano pieces: the Gigue in G, K . 574, the Minuet in D, K . 355, the Variations on ‘Unser dummer Pöbel meint’, K . 455, and one of Mozart’s most exquisite shorter pieces, his Ave, verum corpus for voices, strings and organ, K . 618, though working from Liszt’s piano transcription, to which the Hungarian composer had added an introduction and a coda.
Tchaikovsky’s treatment of the three piano pieces was both deferential and affectionate: deferential in the sense that he took Mozart’s pieces as they stood, affectionate in that he availed himself of late nineteenth-century orchestral resources, but only to make his beloved Mozart that little bit more winning for an audience of Tchaikovsky’s own day. The remaining piece is a different matter. In using Liszt’s piano transcription Tchaikovsky’s musical text was already ‘corrupt’, and his use of celestial strings and twangling harp abetted Liszt’s benign vandalism, converting what in Mozart was ethereal tenderness into glutinous sentimentality. Does this matter? Not really – as long as we recognize that Mozart knew his own business, and in no way does Tchaikovsky’s act of homage (for that is how Tchaikovsky would have seen it) invalidate Mozart’s original.
Tchaikovsky had hoped that a remission in Kondratyev’s illness, which had permitted his friend’s removal to Aachen in the hope that the mineral waters of this spa town would further prolong his life, would mean that he could complete his summer break as planned. But then a telegram had arrived: ‘Supplie venir: votre arrivée peut me ressusciter.’ Abandoning all his further plans, Tchaikovsky journeyed by sea to Odessa, then by train to Aachen. On 27 July he was with Kondratyev.
He found his friend supported neither by family nor friends; not even his wife was there, and for a fortnight Tchaikovsky filled the gap. The patient’s condition was clearly dreadful and his moods fitful, optimism quickly giving way to despair, with frequent outbursts of anger and ingratitude at those looking after him. Tchaikovsky’s diary records something of his own torment and self-questioning during this time; what follows here are only snippets from this record:
29 July : Still more and more I see that I was very necessary to him …3 August : Now I’m remorseful. Take now, for instance. I sit here, and all the while I take pride in my sacrifice . But there is no sacrifice … I can enjoy myself in peace, gorge myself at the table d’hôte … Am I not, quintessentially, a self-centred individual ? …5 August : I found him talking with Sasha [his servant] about the fact that in reality there is no improvement. He wept a lot. Ah! How painful this was! I can no longer remember what I said to him, only that little by little he became quieter …12 August : Talked with Sasha in his room. We are coming to the conclusion that things are bad …
After a fortnight Tchaikovsky realized that a break was imperative, and he left for Paris where various of his friends were, where there were diversions, and he could meet Mackar. But his break was no more than a week:
19 August : … After my dinner and walk I found him still weaker. I sat with him. Sudden anger at me. Although I could not get angry, I was terribly cold … Then it passed, but with difficulty. Pity took over. He was suffering terribly …23 August : He roused painful thoughts in me. His self-centredness and lack of true goodness declare themselves so sharply and in so unattractive a manner that by now, except for pity, I nourish no feeling for him. Shall I soon tear myself from this hell? …
At last one of Kondratyev’s nephews, Dmitri Zasyadko, had agreed to come to Aachen, and an end was in sight for Tchaikovsky’s vigil:
27 August : Ten more days to live in this hell!!! …Sunday, 28 August : He is much worse since morning. He’s in utter despair. I cannot describe the scenes that took place: I shall never forget them … Hours of torment. A strange thing – I was thoroughly weighed down by horror and anguish , but not by PITY!!! … And yet, God, how he suffers! No! I know I’m not wicked and heartless …30 August : From this morning the ray of freedom has shone on me, for in a week I shall not be here …31 August : He was quiet and meek. In such a state he especially arouses my pity … Lying in bed, I began to think of him, of his endless depression and suffering, and for a long time I sobbed like a child …2 September : He is very weak … from time to time he complains and weeps. Wearying, terrible hours!
The nephew arrived on 4 September:
All today I lived in a nightmare. His rampant selfishness tears me to shreds. One thought: to leave!!!! My patience can no longer be confined … Lord, is it possible a time will come when I shall no longer suffer thus! Poor Nikolay Dmitriyevich! Poor Mitya Zasyadko! What lies before him!
On 6 September Tchaikovsky set out for Maidanovo, so drained that he had to rest in Berlin. In St Petersburg he met Kondratyev’s wife, and on 11 September he was home. Having observed so closely death confronting another, he drew up a new will of his own.
This diary is an extraordinary record of one incident in the life of an extraordinary human being. Tchaikovsky was fast becoming the most famous commoner in all Russia after Tolstoy, but to the end of his life he never lost his human touch or his capacity for active compassion, nor ever became grand. It is no surprise that, when he died only six years later, silent crowds swarmed on to the St Petersburg streets to pay their respects, holding up his funeral procession for four hours.
The first requirement for Tchaikovsky on his return to Russia was to attend the final rehearsals and then conduct the premiere of The Enchantress . A week later he conducted in Moscow a concert of his own works, including Francesca da Rimini and 1812 , as well as the first performance of Mozartiana . The concert was such a success that it had to be repeated the following day. Then it was back to Maidanovo for three weeks, as much to rest as to tidy up some of his musical affairs. He had composed very little during 1887, and nothing of much significance. In Paris, during the break in his Kondratyev vigil, he had encountered Brandukov, and had managed to compose his Pezzo capriccioso , **(*) for cello and orchestra, as a distraction when not at his dying friend’s bedside, but the result is an unremarkable piece. This, plus a set of six songs on verses by the Grand Duke Konstantin, and a handful of other vocal pieces (and, of course, Mozartiana ), is the sum total of his compositions for the year.
The news that Tchaikovsky would begin conducting his own works beyond the boundaries of Russia spread with phenomenal speed. Instantly invitations began to pour in. In July the Hamburg Philharmonic Society had invited him to conduct a concert of his own works; in September an agent had secured for him an engagement in Prague, to be swiftly followed by an invitation from the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra. Tchaikovsky recognized that accepting these invitations would be the best way to promote his music outside Russia, and he readily agreed, in the end taking in Leipzig, Berlin, Hamburg, Prague, Paris – and London. Before leaving Russia he still had to conduct the first St Petersburg performance of Mozartiana . Having fulfilled this promise on 24 December, he was within three days on his way to Berlin to begin his first international tour.
24
Tchaikovsky’s first engagement was in Leipzig, where he would conduct his First Suite. But far more significant was what happened ahead of the concert. The violinist Adolf Brodsky, who had given the premiere of Tchaikovsky’s Violin Concerto in 1881 and become its dedicatee, had invited Tchaikovsky to lunch, and when the latter arrived he found his host rehearsing Brahms’s C minor Piano Trio, with the composer himself at the piano. Then, before the rehearsal was over, another figure appeared, ‘a very short man, middle-aged, of frail build, with a head of prominent wavy fair hair, a very thin, almost youthful beard, and unusually attractive, blue eyes of an inexpressibly captivating nature, recalling the look of a charming innocent child’. It was Grieg, together with his wife, also very short (when later they sat with Tchaikovsky at a concert of his own works, one member of the audience declared it was ‘Tchaikovsky with his children’). He took to these two immediately; as for Brahms, this first encounter at least broke the ice, and Tchaikovsky wrote to Jurgenson that he had found him ‘a very nice person, and not at all proud as I had imagined’ (though to Modest he described him as ‘rubicund, pot-bellied, and a dreadful toper’). In order to consolidate these new relationships, the Brodskys mounted a quiet and exclusive dinner party for the three composers, which ended, we are told, convivially with Brodsky performing conjuring tricks from one of his children’s Christmas presents, Brahms demanding to know how each was done. Tchaikovsky would spend six days in Leipzig, encountering Brahms several more times, finding the latter did everything he could to be agreeable, but was easier as a drinking companion than as conversationalist.
Tchaikovsky’s first rehearsal with the magnificent Gewandhaus Orchestra went very well. Brahms was present, and it was reported that he had expressed approval of the Suite’s first movement (the introduction and fugue), but had been silent about the rest except for the tiny march, about which he was scathing. As for the concert itself, it was judged very successful. An all-Tchaikovsky chamber recital was given the following day (very clear evidence of how his international stature had grown); this included the First String Quartet and the Piano Trio. Tchaikovsky’s next commitment was in Hamburg, and on 9 January he travelled thither with Brodsky, who had an engagement in the city. Since Tchaikovsky’s own appearance was ten days away, and he feared that, if he remained in Hamburg, he might be drawn into social engagements, he moved on to Lübeck, which he found an attractive town, with a good cultural life. While there he learned that the Tsar had awarded him an annual pension of 3000 roubles. Tchaikovsky, with typical generosity, decided that Antonina should enjoy a share. On the debit side was a bad attack of homesickness. Back in Hamburg on 16 January to prepare for his part of the concert (the Serenade for Strings, First Piano Concerto, and variation finale of his Third Suite), he was resignedly drawn into a social whirl, with many introductions. Most of these were eminently forgettable, but one, the most improbable of all, would by chance have an extraordinary and profound impact on his own creative life. It was with a certain Theodor Avé-Lallement, a teacher of advanced years, who nevertheless struggled to all Tchaikovsky’s rehearsals, then told him frankly he disliked his noisy scoring and especially his excessive use of percussion, adding that he could improve his music if he settled in Germany and followed their classical traditions, but who nevertheless respected Tchaikovsky sufficiently to have his photo taken as a memento of his visit, and who had in general shown him such warmth that, as Tchaikovsky put it, they ‘parted great friends’. As for the wider reaction to his music, he was at least satisfied: ‘It’s not that I roused never-ending rapture, but I did awaken great interest ,’ as he put it to Yuliya Shpazhinskaya.
His next concert was in Berlin, but that was still a fortnight away. Nevertheless, he headed for the city for a day to finalize the concert’s programme, then visited Magdeburg for two days, but spent the rest of this break in Leipzig, where he met the young Gustav Mahler, one of the four resident conductors at the local opera. News of Tchaikovsky’s successes had already brought in offers of further engagements in Weimar and Dresden, as well as in Paris. The Berlin concert was an all-Tchaikovsky programme including the First Piano Concerto, 1812 (Tchaikovsky was surprised the Berliners had chosen this rather than Francesca da Rimini , which Tchaikovsky rated far more highly, and thought would have been more to their taste), and Romeo and Juliet . Both Grieg and the Brodskys travelled from Leipzig for the final rehearsal and concert, which drew a generally more favourable press than had those in either Leipzig or Hamburg. This was Tchaikovsky’s final appearance in Germany, and his self-confidence had risen hugely. ‘Would you now recognize in this Russian musician travelling across Europe that man who, only a few years ago, had absconded from life in society and lived in seclusion abroad or in the country!!!’ he wrote to his patroness.
Next stop was Prague. On the way there Tchaikovsky passed a night in Leipzig, and next morning was awakened by a military band serenading him from under his window (this had been organized by the bandmaster, who was already a Tchaikovsky devotee). It was highly flattering, but it came at a price, Tchaikovsky being forced to stand at an open window for an hour on what was a bitterly cold morning. But even this spontaneous compliment could not have prepared him for his reception in Prague.
There was forewarning of this when his train reached the frontier. As he reported to Modest:
The senior guard enquired whether I was Tchaikovsky, and he looked after me all the way. At Kralupy, the station before Prague, a veritable crowd and a deputation awaited us, and accompanied us to Prague. At the terminus there was a mass of people, deputations, children with bouquets, and finally two speeches, one in Russian, the other in Czech. I went to my carriage between two walls of people and cries of ‘Slava!’ [‘Hurrah!’]
He was forthwith installed in a splendid hotel room, and a carriage was put at his disposal. At a performance that evening of Verdi’s brand-new Otello he was greeted by František Rieger, a leading nationalist politician (Tchaikovsky realized early on that this visit to fellow Slavs had a political anti-German element to it). He was given tours of the city, met Dvořák, who was very hospitable, was introduced to other Czech celebrities, was installed in the place of honour at a ball and afforded a torchlight serenade from the street, to which he had to listen from his hotel balcony, was taken on a visit to the Rathaus where the assembled members rose to greet him, then received a welcome from the Students’ Society, an ovation from the Civic Society, while the Artistic Society, an association of leading figures in the arts, arranged a grand musical evening for him, with his portrait displayed and garlanded in flowers. At the Conservatoire there was a special concert, which included Dvořák’s D minor Symphony, the autograph score of which Dvořák presented to Tchaikovsky as a memento of his visit.
Tchaikovsky himself was to conduct two concerts in Prague. At his first of three rehearsals he was greeted with a fanfare, Dvořák attended all three, and the concert (which included the First Piano Concerto, Violin Concerto, Romeo and Juliet and 1812 ) was a triumph. At the following banquet he managed a speech in Czech (written out in phonetics). Later that evening he would write in his diary that ‘there is no doubt this has been one of the most notable days in my life. I love these kind Czechs very much. With good reason, too!!! God! How much enthusiasm, and all this not for me at all, but for dear Russia!’ He had not previously realized how much the Czechs hated the Germans. His second concert was two days later, but this time he conducted only half the programme (which included the Serenade for Strings), for the second part consisted of a performance of Act 2 of Swan Lake. ‘A moment of complete happiness ,’ he noted in his diary.
Tchaikovsky’s exit from Prague was as much an occasion as his arrival, and he was sad to leave. But now he had to be in Paris for his first rehearsal. Modest believed that, whereas his brother’s reception in Prague had a deep and genuine root, his popularity in France was merely because things Russian happened to be in fashion, and that his current success arose simply because the moment was opportune. His first concert was at the grand home of an expatriate Russian, Nikolay Bernardaky, who had already done what he could to promote Tchaikovsky’s cause in France. The French programmes were all far more fragmentary than the German and Czech ones, and Tchaikovsky had to conduct only two movements from the Serenade for Strings, and the Andante cantabile from his First String Quartet, arranged for string orchestra, though he also provided the piano accompaniment for the two solo singers, the de Reszke brothers, Jean and Édouard, two of the now legendary stars of the late nineteenth century. The audience of three hundred was drawn from the cream of Parisian society, and Tchaikovsky did not arrive home until 4.30 a.m., it having proved ‘a famous evening’, as he noted in his diary. His other conducting commitments were for two half-concerts with Edouard Colonne. The players had greeted him with enthusiasm, but the press was cool, perhaps because the Concert Fantasia (with Louis Diémer as soloist) and Francesca da Rimini were not much to French taste. But in the wider Parisian world he was lionized, the Figaro mounting a special soirée in his honour. He met Gounod (‘very aimiable’) and Delibes (‘most sympathetic’), and the young pianist, Jan Paderewski – who would also become both prime minister and foreign secretary of his native Poland, and his country’s signatory in 1919 to the Versailles Treaty after the First World War. Tchaikovsky was particularly delighted to hear that his very early song, ‘None but the lonely heart’, had achieved sufficient fame to feature in a novel, Le Froc , by Émile Goudeau. He also attended an audition by Louis Diémer and his pupils, all playing pieces by Tchaikovsky – in all, some forty (‘touched, but weary’, as he noted in his diary).
By now Tchaikovsky was, indeed, very weary. He had received no fees for his French engagements, and the only thing that now persuaded him to press on to London was the remuneration he would receive. The first stage of his journey was not pleasant; the Channel crossing was rough (at least, he discovered, he was not liable to seasickness), while Kent was blanketed in snow, and the train was five hours late in London. But the French-run Hôtel Dieudonné in Ryder Street proved an excellent base for his five days in the capital. His hope had been that Grieg could have been tempted to London to share as conductor in his single concert, but in this he had been disappointed, and instead the pianist, composer and conductor Frederic Cowen conducted part of the concert as well as acting as interpreter between Tchaikovsky and the orchestra. Tchaikovsky was struck by that sight-reading facility for which British orchestras have always been noted, and at the concert the applause for both the Serenade for Strings and the variation finale of the Third Suite was highly satisfactory, coming as it did from a public that Tchaikovsky had been warned was not noted for being demonstrative. Indeed, so pleased were the concert’s promoters that they increased his fee from £20 to £25, and though he had conducted in only one concert, he would find that his popularity would become greater in Britain than in any other foreign country except the United States.
In London he had been spared the social round that had been forced on him in France, but instead had found himself often bored, and London itself cheerless. He had relinquished the lease on his Maidanovo house, and since Alexey had not yet found a new one, he decided Tiflis would be his first destination. Leaving London on 24 March, he would have preferred to retrace in reverse the land-and-sea-route that had brought him from Tiflis to Paris the previous year. But he feared Mediterranean and Black Sea storms, and instead chose a more direct overland route, journeying through Aachen, where memories of Kondratyev resurged distressingly, and thence to Vienna, where he paused to write various letters of thanks to those who had contributed so much to making his tour both successful and pleasurable. He addressed Dvořák with special warmth:
I shall never forget how well and in how friendly a fashion you received me in Prague. Dear friend, convey my heartfelt greetings to your dear wife, and allow me to say again that I am very happy and fortunate to have gained your most precious friendship.
In Vienna he saw an English opera – but one act of The Mikado was as much as he could take. In Taganrog he paused for three days with Ippolit and his wife. For all the travails of his conducting marathon, he had gained a taste for the kind of success, both personal and musical, that he had enjoyed on this tour. ‘I shall try to get an invitation to conduct in America next year or in two years’ time,’ he confided to his patroness. ‘Is it not strange that after more than three months of exhausting travel abroad, I am already again dreaming of a journey?’ On 7 April he was with Anatoly and Parasha in Tiflis.
All these concerts had been splendid occasions that had greatly enhanced Tchaikovsky’s international standing. But, at the other end of the scale, when Tchaikovsky had arrived in Berlin on the first stage of this tour, he had had a surprise reunion that both touched him very deeply and would have a major consequence for his creative activity. It was now some twenty years since he had last encountered Désirée Artôt, the woman who in 1868 had briefly seemed poised to become his wife. Now they met again, and their reunion seems to have touched them both. Then in early February 1888, when Tchaikovsky returned to Berlin to conduct his concert for the Berlin Philharmonic Society, they met again and, at a reception that Artôt had arranged, she asked Tchaikovsky to compose a song for her. He assured her that he would, though he pleaded that current commitments precluded a swift discharge of this undertaking. Artôt was untroubled: ‘I am in no hurry. One day when you are composing songs and you think I could perform one or another of them well, then just think of dedicating one to me. That’s all I wish.’
Five months passed – but the delay had fruitful consequences. As he wrote the following October:
I have just delivered to Jurgenson, my publisher, six Mélodies which I have composed for you, and I ask you to consent to accept the dedication. I would very much hope these Mélodies can please you, but I must confess that latterly I have been working too much, and it is more than probable that my new compositions are more the product of good intentions than true inspiration. But then, one is a little intimidated when one is composing for a singer one considers the greatest among the great.
For her part, Artôt also seemed a little intimidated by the size of her former suitor’s gift:
I asked for but one song – and so generously you have composed six for me. They say ‘generous like a king’: they have forgotten to add ‘or like an artist’. Naturally I am very curious to make this new acquaintance, but I do not wish to cause you additional work. I will wait until Jurgenson has published them – but then ask him to send them to me immediately.
However, Jurgenson was slow to act, and in the meantime, in February 1889, during his second European concert tour, Tchaikovsky was trapped in Berlin for eight hectic days, and was unboundedly grateful for her presence. ‘My sole comfort is Artôt , who is invited everywhere with me, and whom I like enormously,’ he reported to Modest. As for the songs, they were published in May, but Jurgenson failed for three months to send Artôt her copy. When this finally arrived, she hastened to acknowledge receipt:
At last, at last, dear friend, your songs are in my hands, waiting to be transferred to my voice. Yes, indeed, four, five and six are superb, but the first, ‘Sérénade’, is adorable and has charming freshness. ‘La déception’ also pleases me enormously. In a word, I am in love with your new offspring, and proud that you have created them while thinking of me.
But Artôt would soon present problems. Early in 1890, when she was in Paris, a minor French writer, Joseph Capoul, had devised a libretto on a Russian subject and shown it to Artôt, who had promptly decided that only Tchaikovsky could provide the music, and had forthwith written to him in Florence, where he was immersed in composing The Queen of Spades :
He [Capoul] is ready to come and meet you, and submit it [his libretto] to you personally. Send me a word in reply, and if you wish to be even nicer, send a telegram saying, ‘I await Capoul’: that will suffice. Two hours later he will be on his way .
This, however, was too much for Tchaikovsky, especially with his current commitment. Desperate to forestall Capoul’s appearance, he telegraphed Artôt that he was leaving Florence imminently, and followed this up with a letter claiming that he already had a trail of commissions which would keep him occupied for the next few years. All this was, of course, totally fictitious. Yet Tchaikovsky simply could not bear to damage permanently his friendship with Artôt: in any case, she might discover the truth. ‘I end by confessing to you an untruth ,’ he wrote.
I am not leaving for Russia this evening. I told this untruth so that M. Capoul would be quite certain he would not find me. I feared that, encouraged by your friendship towards me (which I enormously value), he would have come to find me here. Thank you, thank you a thousand times for singing my songs. I do not know when I shall be coming to Paris; I know only that, if I should come, I shall be enormously happy to see you.
Artôt did not reply, and they never met again.
*
Tchaikovsky would spend three weeks with Anatoly and Parasha recovering from the strains of his conducting tour. While at Tiflis he pondered what his next composition should be, and decided emphatically on a symphony. He was delighted by the new house Alexey had found for him at Frolovskoye, even though it was a little further from Klin than Maidanovo. It had a superb view, ‘but what’s most precious of all is that you can go straight from the garden into a wood and stroll there all day. There’s not a trace of the inhabitants of the dachas’ – nor, he might have added, of their pianos. Alexey had now succeeded in marrying. An earlier attempt had failed when his first bride had taken fright and run away on the day of the wedding, but his second had worked, and Tchaikovsky approved of his choice: ‘extremely nice and sympathetic’ – though he found her best feature was her teeth. In fact, Tchaikovsky became very fond of Feklusha, and her death from tuberculosis in 1890 saddened him deeply. The one current reason for distress was Kamenka, which he visited for ten days. Sasha’s morphine addiction had become worse and she had aged, Bob was growing unhealthily fat, and Tasya’s good looks had faded. Back in Frolovskoye Tchaikovsky reviewed his various compositional options, but within ten days had returned to the decision he had made at Tiflis. On 21 May he set about his Fifth Symphony.
However, there was now a clash of interests. Twelve years earlier Modest had offered his brother a programme for a symphonic poem on Hamlet , but instead Tchaikovsky had settled to composing Francesca da Rimini . Nevertheless, Hamlet had continued to haunt him, and during his recent concert tour his actor friend, Lucien Guitry, had asked him to provide some incidental music for a charity performance of Shakespeare’s play. The event was cancelled, but the subject had now firmly embedded itself in Tchaikovsky’s creative mind, and when he arrived back in Russia he had already jotted down some ideas for a symphonic poem. However, he had now decided that sketching the symphony should take precedence, but having finished this by the end of June, he proceeded straight to Hamlet , and within five days that, too, was drafted. Other commitments now intervened, and it was late October before both pieces were complete. Their premieres took place in November within a week of each other. Both were triumphs with their audiences, but less successful with the press, including Cui, who described the symphony as ‘routine’.
In fact, superficially, Cui’s judgement can be understood – which brings us back to the previous January in Hamburg, and the elderly music teacher, Theodor Avé-Lallement. To get to the fundamental point (but also to generalize very widely): the nineteenth-century symphonic tradition was an Austro-German one growing out of the work of, primarily, Haydn and Mozart in the later eighteenth century, and this had established a line of symphonic works extended by composers such as Beethoven and Brahms in the nineteenth, and characterized by ‘thoughtful’ practices, often with a strong intellectual element that came naturally to peoples famed for the strength of their powers of reasoning (many commentators on a classical symphonic work will still talk about its ‘argument’). But Slav composers created much more impulsively. Tchaikovsky’s description of his own creative processes reveals this vividly and, for such composers, entering this mainstream symphonic tradition meant adopting some practices and attitudes that did not come naturally to them. Put it this way: whereas a symphonic creation of an Austrian or German composer was (to use an analogy from chemistry) a compound , that of a composer from outside was more a mixture – or take Musorgsky’s succinct, but far more precise, dictum: ‘A German, when he thinks, first analyses, then creates. A Russian first creates, then amuses himself with analysis.’ That the greatest of nineteenth-century Russian composers, such as Tchaikovsky, so often modified traditional symphonic forms, even in some instances seeming virtually to abandon them, was often a cheering sign of their recognition that, if they were to be truly themselves, they had to be prepared to go out on a limb. The great first movement of Tchaikovsky’s Fourth Symphony is a classic example of this. It is recognizably in sonata form, but this has been drastically modified and reshaped so that Tchaikovsky’s most natural creative gifts can exercise themselves to the full. However, what Tchaikovsky has done in the Fifth Symphony’s first movement is even, in a way, bolder than that radical adventure; he has fearlessly presumed to enter the German–Austrian symphonic citadel and occupy it on his own terms. The relative lengths and characters of its four movements reflect the German–Austrian model; the structural proportions within the individual movements correspond to those typical of a classical symphony, and only in the slow movement are there intimidating irruptions of the kind observed in the first and last movements of the Fourth, but not typical of the West European tradition. Yet – and this is the crucial point – the music of the Fifth Symphony could be by none other than Tchaikovsky. Let us not underestimate the achievement this represents.
And if we have any doubts about who was responsible for this shift in Tchaikovsky’s style, the answer lies, surely, in the symphony’s dedication: ‘To Theodor Avé-Lallement’. The piece was, in fact, a deliberate and delicious refutation of Avé-Lallement’s prescription. Tchaikovsky had no need to leave Russia, and settle permanently in Germany, so that classical traditions and conditions of the highest culture would rectify his shortcomings. He could do that perfectly well in Russia – but in his own way and without sacrificing his own style.
There was, however, to be a rather sad ending to this episode. The following year Tchaikovsky would once again tour Europe, and include Hamburg in his itinerary. On his programme was, perhaps pointedly, the Fifth Symphony. Sadly, however, his dedicatee was unable to be present, and could not give his verdict on the work on which he had so unwittingly had such an influence.
[As already noted, the Fifth Symphony is a more regular (I do not use the word ‘conventional’, which might suggest mundane) work than its predecessor, and the closer examination of it will be less extensive than was that of the Fourth Symphony. Do not assume that this reflects on the importance of the piece.]
Among the sketches of the Symphony there is evidence of a programme to the first movement:
Introduction. Total submission before Fate – or, what is the same thing, the inscrutable design of Providence.Allegro. 1 Murmers, doubts, laments. Reproaches against … xxx ; 2 Shall I cast myself into the embrace of faith?A wonderful programme, if only it can be fulfilled.
Whether the object of reproach signified by the triple x was Tchaikovsky’s homosexuality we cannot say, but the mention of faith suggests that, this time, there is a possibility of escape from some catastrophic outcome through the divine, implying a confidence in clemency. That there is an optimism behind this symphony would also seem to be contained in the work’s opening phrase, which appears to be a quotation from Glinka’s opera A Life for the Tsar , where it sets the exhortation ‘Do not turn to sorrow’, and which seems to become, in this symphony, the hope theme – and note that it is immediately succeeded by a six-note stepwise-descending phrase that seems to echo the six-pitch Fate theme that I first identified in Tatyana’s Letter Scene in the opera Eugene Onegin . Indeed, there are strong hints of a loose programme encompassing the whole symphony.
The Symphony has a muted and lengthy slow introduction, opening (as has been observed) with the Glinka-derived Hope theme, followed by the six-pitch Fate theme. The exposition enters quietly with pizzicato chords that will support a theme which, though faster, seems almost an extension of the introduction’s, but which builds to a very strong climax: clearly there is some powerful rhetoric in store. As is customary, Tchaikovsky’s exposition contains three themes, the second easily identified as the strongly rising tune that enters abruptly on the strings, and which will go on to alternate with a repeated two-note chordal motif in the woodwind; from this close dialogue the third theme, which might fairly be described as a gentle waltz, emerges. Or – and this is a teasing point for those readers familiar with key usage – did the third subject begin with the repeated two-note idea, with the second subject’s rising theme overlapping briefly into it? In fact, it would seem that this is so, since the third subject’s key, D major, is reached here.
The exposition moves smoothly into the development, which begins quietly (there should be no problem in identifying this moment). Material from all three themes is worked intensively, and the recapitulation opens as quietly as had the development, and (led off by a solo bassoon) becomes largely a rerun of the exposition, allowing for adjustments of key. The coda returns to the music that had opened the development, though subsequently directing itself in business-like fashion to an ending as quiet as that in which the movement had opened.
The second movement, Andante cantabile, con alcuna licenza (‘melodiously, at a walking pace, with some licence’), quickly confirms just how different this symphony will be from its predecessor. The supercharged first movement of the Fourth Symphony had been followed, very necessarily, by a relaxed slow movement in modo di canz one (‘like a song’, as Tchaikovsky expressly indicated); here the quietly majestic series of chords, which conducts us into the slow movement itself, forewarns that something of very weighty substance is in store. Very interestingly, it is said that the movement’s second melody (for oboe) was paired with the words ‘O que je t’aime! O mon amie! ’ (‘O how I love you! O my friend’), which readily confirms the impression that this movement could be a deeply personal outpouring of love (though it should be noted that the final ‘e’ of ‘amie’ indicates that the object of love is a woman, not a man). Whatever the case, here is the expressive heart of the whole symphony, and it is among Tchaikovsky’s greatest slow movements, opening with one of music’s most famous horn solos, soon joined in quiet dialogue by a solo clarinet. The oboe intervenes with the movement’s second main theme (the Love theme?), the clarinet falling silent as the horn now becomes the shadowing partner before the massed cellos return to the horn’s theme, with countermelodies provided by the three former soloists. Again the second theme recurs expansively, now on the strings, to lead this rich flow of melody to its dynamic climax before fading and rounding off the first of the three main sections that will make up this movement.
The second main section, introduced by a new third theme on the clarinet, seems more relaxed. But it, too, will build, this time to an even more dramatic climax, for it will be the Glinka-derived Hope theme that had launched the whole symphony so unobtrusively, and has not been heard since, that will break in defiantly on trumpets ff , substantiating the indication provided by Tchaikovsky’s brief programme that this symphony has been more than simply a moving, but otherwise purely musical, creation, and that personal drama has a part to play in it. This is a slow movement so eloquent that the third main section needs little further comment from me, for it retracks its way, though with modifications, through the first section, embracing the Love theme, but this time ending with a second defiant intervention of the Hope theme. All will now move towards a kind of resolution, the Love theme (calmly, and now on the violins) directing the movement to an ending even quieter than that in which it had all begun. Indeed, is this at first hesitant, then serenely assured, peaceful conclusion the ‘embrace of faith’ in Tchaikovsky’s fragmentary programme?
The quiet assurance in the conclusion of this great slow movement seems substantiated by the first sounds of the following Valse . True, it is Tatyana’s six-note Fate theme from Onegin that opens this third movement, but instantly it sounds untroubled, setting the tone for a relaxed, cheerful intermezzo – a ternary structure, the central section filled with lively decoration which spills over into the return of the first section. And at the movement’s end, having intruded so importunately in the slow movement, the Hope theme slips in benignly to join the dance. The symphony’s prevailing mood has shifted fundamentally.
The slow introduction to the finale confirms this shift, returning to the Hope theme that had opened the first movement, though it is now in the major key, mf and maestoso (majestic, stately), sounds confident, its self-assurance celebrated with abandon in the Allegro vivace that provides the body of the movement. This is a sonata structure into which the Hope theme is twice exultantly incorporated, the first time between the exposition and development; the recapitulation explodes after the long diminuendo which ends the development very quietly. Only one thing I will add: I do find the coda with its grandiose trumpeting of the Hope theme over the top. The tune itself is, frankly, not a particularly good one, which did not matter in the contexts within which it has earlier been heard. Indeed, the brashness of its irruptions in the slow movement is almost a virtue if, indeed, they represent blows against a malign and implacable obstacle to happiness, where only matching force, and not well-mannered requests to be reasonable and go away, can achieve victory. There is a place in music for the commonplace, even for ugliness, even for what many would consider vulgarity. Listen to how brilliantly Mahler, for instance, could use the otherwise banal – but its justification depends on its context. However, such ostentatious celebration, as here, can savour of triumphalism, and I find it a touch distasteful. There, my fellow listener, you have a challenge – but I believe that if you have followed me through the greater number of case studies I have presented in this book, then you are probably sufficiently versed (and some, I know, may already have been well versed before picking up this book) in getting to grips with music to be able to begin coping with critical challenges, and making considered judgements (though you may not always be right: nor, indeed, am I). One more point to note that is not in dispute: the symphony ends by trumpeting, ffff , the first subject of the first movement, thereby providing a frame for the whole conception.
[This relatively concise piece has never gained the popularity of either Romeo and Juliet or Francesca da Rimini, and it is not, to my ears, as perfectly formed a piece as either of these predecessors. Nevertheless, it contains some very powerful music. Perhaps one reason for its neglect is that Hamlet’s beloved, Ophelia, though a young and tragic figure, is neither as fully formed nor as central as were Juliet and Francesca in the earlier works, and Tchaikovsky’s personal engagement was not as strong. No matter: for those who revel in these earlier pieces (not forgetting The Tempest) , Hamlet will afford much pleasure.]
Of all the subjects Tchaikovsky chose for his six symphonic poems, Hamlet was certainly the most formidable. Romeo and Juliet and Francesca da Rimini had both been tragic love stories, and at the heart of The Tempest had been a third such, though this time a happy one, and much simpler because this entailed no trail of conflict or misery to take account of, thus leaving Tchaikovsky at liberty to track Stasov’s programme and incorporate also Ariel and Caliban in distinctive cameos. Then add to this a couple of touches of magic from Prospero, throw in a storm, and frame the whole with a representation of the sea to seal it all into a tidy package and – as I have heard said – ‘Bob’s your uncle!’ This had worked well enough when the actual plot of the play itself was really a fantasy, and relatively loose. But it would not do for Hamlet , a real-life story of a young prince whose father has been murdered by his own brother, who now occupies the throne. The ghost of the murdered king appears, calling on Hamlet to avenge him, but the tale that follows is of Hamlet’s constant indecision, which can only generate a sprawling succession of catastrophes involving a clutch of characters with powerful and diverse motivations. It presented a very daunting challenge to the composer, a possible solution being the draconian one of focusing single-mindedly on the central character himself (as Liszt did in his remarkable symphonic poem Hamlet ); the other was to compose a whole three-or four-hour opera on it. What I am really suggesting is that there will always be a sense of something lacking in a concise symphonic poem that attempts to embrace such a complex tale as Tchaikovsky had chosen – though otherwise Hamlet probably suited him. In fact, what clearly drew him to the subject was (yet again) his perception of Hamlet as another victim of Fate, whose agent is represented so plausibly in the play by the Ghost of his murdered father; the only other character whose presence Tchaikovsky decided he required was the tragic Ophelia, Hamlet’s beloved – though also necessary, if only in our imaginations, is Laertes, Ophelia’s brother and formerly Hamlet’s friend, but who accuses Hamlet of causing his sister’s death and who dies with him in their final duel; also necessary is Fortinbras, the Norwegian Prince, who appears only in transit in the main body of the play, but who is needed to preside over its catastrophic end.
It is the Ghost (and Fate) theme with which we are straight away confronted at the fantasy overture’s opening (above this moment in his score Tchaikovsky wrote ‘To be or not to be’, the words from the second of Hamlet’s great soliloquies, and perhaps the most famous of all Shakespearean quotations). It makes for a portentous beginning, its first five notes later becoming a grim sign of its spectral presence. There are two flurried interjections of louder music: subsequent events may suggest these are harbingers of Hamlet’s death. Horns toll midnight, then a mighty gong stroke heralds the appearance of the Ghost itself, with his tale of regicide, followed by his daunting injunction that Hamlet avenge him, delivered fff , and reinforced by a pounding ffff section before the spectre withdraws. While the stressed music that instantly follows is manifestly Hamlet’s response (but note the two brief breaks in this: are these already reflections of his fateful Achilles heel, his indecisiveness?), equally there can be no doubt that the gentle, slightly nervous oboe cantilena represents Ophelia, and the broad string theme is Hamlet’s confession of love. Though not really one of Tchaikovsky’s best love themes (Balakirev, who never liked the piece, wrote here in his own score: ‘Hamlet pays compliments to Ophelia, handing her an ice-cream’!), we must remember that Hamlet’s behaviour towards Ophelia becomes cruelly ambivalent, his devotion lacking the integrity and depth of Romeo’s for his Juliet. The following march surely marks Fortinbras’s first appearance before Hamlet’s stressed music resumes. Ophelia reappears, a residue of Hamlet’s music persisting uneasily beneath hers; this time she is clearly apprehensive. Again Hamlet’s love music – but it would seem that he also is less at ease than before. The Ghost/Fate theme recurs insistently as, presumably, the final duel between Hamlet and Laertes begins. Fortinbras is heard approaching from a distance, the last fateful stage of the duel is fought, Laertes is now dead and Hamlet mortally wounded. It is here that those two flurried interjections in the opening music recur, and the long-descending scale in the cellos is perhaps another final token of Fate’s over-arching presence. A brief death march presided over by the Ghost’s theme closes this rarely played piece, which, whatever its shortcomings, should be heard more often than it seems to be at the present.