Annotations for Acts

1:1 The former account I made. In multivolume works, a new volume would often open by referring to the previous volume. Theophilus. Writers often dedicated works, as here, to a person of prominence, which helped promote the book and might secure the dedicatee’s help in promoting it. Although some have suggested that Theophilus is used as a symbolic name, it was a common actual name, including among Diaspora Jews. There is no record of symbolically named dedicatees in ancient sources. See note on Luke 1:3.

1:3 A new volume in a series would often open by recapitulating key elements of the previous volume’s closing narrative; elements that differed were meant to complement the previous information.

1:5 baptized with water ... baptized with the Holy Spirit. The analogy with water is often used for God’s Spirit in the Prophets (e.g., Is. 44:3; Ezek. 39:29; Joel 2:28–29). The prophets had associated the Spirit with the promised future era of restoration (Is. 32:15; 44:3; Ezek. 36:26–27; 37:14; 39:29; Joel 2:28–29; perhaps Zech. 12:10). Given talk about the kingdom (v. 3) and the Spirit (vv. 4–5), the disciples then ask the obvious question in v. 6.

1:6 restore the kingdom to Israel. A central aspect of ancient Jewish hope was the restoration of Israel, which generally included the return of the “lost” tribes, gathering of the exiles, restoration of the house of David, and restoration of the temple. Jesus’ disciples may have shared all these hopes.

1:7 not for you to know times or seasons which the Father has put in His own authority. Jewish people debated whether God had fixed the time of restoration beforehand or if it could be adjusted based on Israel’s repentance. Many tried to calculate when the end would occur; others argued that the time was unknown.

1:8 power. If the term is used here as most often in Luke-Acts, it probably includes occasions of healing and deliverance to draw attention to the message (3:12; 4:7; 6:8; 10:38; Luke 4:36; 5:17; 6:19; 8:46; 9:1); although such experiences were expected for the Messianic era (see Is. 35:5–6; see also note on Luke 7:22), they were not expected as activities of the remnant witnesses. you shall be witnesses. In Isaiah, God told the remnant of Israel, “You are My witnesses” (Is. 43:10, 12; 44:8); they would affirm the truth about the one true God against the nations’ polytheism. The context in Isaiah also may suggest the Spirit prophetically empowering God’s servant, i.e., these witnesses (Is. 42:1; 44:3; 48:16; 59:21). Here God’s witnesses become Jesus’ witnesses. the ends of the earth. Echoes many OT passages but most directly Is. 49:6 (cf. Acts 13:47). Ancient works sometimes provided a preliminary outline of subjects they would treat; this verse functions as a very rudimentary (though asymmetric) geographic outline. Jewish people often viewed Jerusalem as the world’s center; Luke’s first volume begins and ends there, but his second volume progresses from Jerusalem to Rome. Many in Luke’s world thought of Spain as the western end of the earth, Ethiopia (8:27; cf. Luke 11:31) as the southern end, and knew of the east as far as China. Although Acts climaxes with the gospel reaching the heart of the empire, Luke’s immediate world, “the ends of the earth” looks beyond this to all peoples (e.g., Is. 45:22; 52:10).

1:9 while they watched, He was taken up. Whether at this time or on further reflection, Jesus’ disciples would likely compare His ascension to God’s taking up of Elijah (see the article “Ascensions”). cloud. Fits the announcement that Jesus would “come back in the same way” (v. 11); it probably evokes Dan. 7:13–14 (cited in Luke 21:27, though Luke 22:69 omits the cloud). It may additionally evoke the cloud of God’s glory (Ex. 16:10; 40:34–35; 1 Kin. 8:11).

1:10 in white apparel. Cf. note on Luke 24:4.

1:12 the Mount called Olivet. Relevant to returning “in the same way” (v. 11); the divine Lord had promised to stand on the Mount of Olives (Zech. 14:4) in the time of His coming (Zech. 14:1), a context to which Luke alludes in Luke 9:26 (Zech. 14:5). a Sabbath day’s journey. This mountain was roughly a half mile (three-quarters of a kilometer) to the temple’s east, which was also roughly a Sabbath day’s walk by the most common Jewish standards. (A Sabbath day’s walk was 2,000 cubits, probably in the general range of some 3,000 feet [900 meters].)

1:13 upper room. Large upper rooms were more available in Jerusalem’s wealthy upper city. Peter ... Judas. Ancient sources often included lists of heroes, leaders, and so forth. See notes on Mark 3:16–19. Judas the son of James. Not Judas Iscariot, but the same person as Thaddaeus (Matt. 10:3).

1:14 in prayer. Prayer is a key theme in Luke-Acts. Although women were separated from men in later synagogues, there is no evidence for such separation in this period. Nevertheless, it is significant, in view of cultural prejudices, that Luke notes the women’s participation in the prayers (so implying also their receiving the Spirit in ch. 2; cf. 2:17–18).

1:15 stood up. One would normally stand to address a group. a hundred and twenty. A large number, especially if all were in an upper room. One Jewish tradition reported that in Ezra’s day 120 elders transmitted the Torah; others suggest one priestly leader for every ten members in the Dead Sea Scrolls, and propose that 120 disciples therefore fits a group of about 12 leaders. Apart from the observation that the number is large, none of these proposed parallels is certain.

1:18–19 Ancient writers often used digressions. People often expected the wicked to meet a painful end; apostates were deemed among the most wicked. If Judas died by hanging, as in Matthew’s account (Matt. 27:5), his innards could well have ruptured when the rope was cut and the body fell, if he were far above the ground.

1:19 in their own language. The local language was Aramaic, though Greek was also widely used in Jerusalem.

1:20–21 The texts cited here are Ps. 69:25 and Ps. 109:8; both verses begin similarly in Greek. Both psalms were laments and prayers for deliverance. Early Christians often applied Ps. 69 to Jesus, as it was one of the psalms of a righteous sufferer. Peter might use the common Jewish “How much more?” approach to applying Scripture: in this case, if something was true of a righteous sufferer’s enemies, how much more would it be true of the most righteous sufferer’s enemies?

1:22 must become a witness. Hearers took eyewitness testimony more seriously than other claims. Restoring the original number of chief witnesses was also important. Twelve was the sacred number of Israel’s tribes; those who saw themselves as a remnant of or renewal movement within Israel could symbolize this belief by choosing 12 leaders (cf. 1QS 8.1–2 in the Dead Sea Scrolls). A group would often be given a title according to the number of its members (e.g., the Four Hundred); in contrast to here (“the eleven” in v. 26; 2:14), the title would sometimes remain even when the number of actual members in the group fluctuated (cf. 1 Cor. 15:5).

1:23 Joseph called Barsabas, who was surnamed Justus. Papyri show that many people had two or even three names or nicknames, especially if one of their names (such as Joseph) was very common. Barsabas. Means “son of the Sabbath”; the name was sometimes given to one born on the Sabbath. Justus. Means “the just one”; it was common both as a name and as a nickname.

1:24 you who know the hearts of all. Judaism widely acknowledged that God knew everyone’s heart.

1:26 they cast their lots. Gentiles cast lots to fill many sorts of leadership positions; Jewish people also did so (e.g., 1 Chr. 24:5). Because Scripture allowed casting lots, Jewish people did not consider it divination, which was prohibited (although Gentiles treated it like divination). lots. People could use various items as lots (often stones or pieces of pottery), often with a particular item designating a particular person; then they could shake the container till a particular lot fell out. At other times, each could pull a random lot.

2:1 Pentecost. The Feast of Weeks, about seven weeks or 50 days after Passover (Lev. 23:15–16). It was here that God’s people celebrated the first of the wheat harvest (Ex. 34:22; Num. 28:26; Deut. 16:9–10). Jewish tradition also associated the festival with covenant renewal. Not everyone in the Diaspora could attend the three expected pilgrimage festivals (Deut. 16:16; 2 Chr. 8:13), but local people could, and large numbers of Diaspora Jews would be present for each festival. Jerusalem would thus be crowded at this time.

2:2–3 sound ... as of a rushing mighty wind ... tongues, as of fire. Storm phenomena such as wind and fire attended some Biblical theophanies (Ex. 19:16; 1 Kin. 19:11; Ezek. 1:4). Wind also could evoke God’s Spirit raising the dead and restoring God’s people, as in Ezek. 37:5–14. Fire similarly could evoke end-time judgment (Is. 29:6; 66:15–16,24), as it does elsewhere in Luke’s work (Luke 3:16–17). Thus the wind and fire may suggest a theophany, the in-breaking of the end-time era, or both.

2:4 other tongues. One Jewish tradition suggests that God offered the Torah to all nations at Sinai in their own languages. Most relevant is Luke’s connection of the speaking with Joel’s promise of prophetic empowerment (vv. 17–18); that it is in other languages comports well with Luke’s emphasis on the Spirit’s power to speak cross-culturally (1:8).

2:5 dwelling in Jerusalem Jews, devout men. Scholars debate whether these Diaspora Jewish residents had merely stayed over since Passover because the journey was long and their coming would be rare or because they had settled in Jerusalem long-term (such as those noted in 6:1; this fits the usual meaning of the Greek term translated “staying”), or some of both.

2:6 each heard ... his own language. Diaspora Jews in the Roman Empire mostly spoke Greek; in the east, they spoke especially Aramaic. Yet many Diaspora Jews would also be familiar with local languages and dialects spoken in the areas where they lived. The hearers must have understood at least enough of such dialects to recognize that Jesus’ followers were praising God (v. 11).

2:7–8 Many scholars see here a reversal of or a parallel with Babel (Gen. 11:1–9). There God scattered languages to divide the people; here He scatters them to bring people together in Christ.

2:9–11 Although updated to reflect the geographic titles of Luke’s day, the list of nations here evokes the Bible’s first list of nations, Gen. 10—which directly precedes the Biblical account of Babel (Gen. 11:1–9). Most of the descendants of Israel who had not returned to Judea after the Babylonian exile remained in Parthia and among other eastern peoples listed here. Many Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora lived in Alexandria in Egypt, Cyrene in Libya, Syria, Asia Minor, and Rome. “Arabs” refers especially to the Nabateans, who were common to the east and south of Judea and as far north as Damascus. Nabateans controlled the caravan route from Damascus in the north to the Sinai in the south, and thus also controlled the spice trade from the east; they were known as merchants even in China. Nabatea’s capital, Petra, was in a steep and rocky area yet was prosperous and well watered; its king was Aretas IV (see note on 2 Cor. 11:32). They spoke an ancient dialect of Arabic, although Greek was known among them; they were polytheistic, but many Jews settled in their region and some Nabateans converted.

2:13 mocking. Heckling speakers was common in public settings, often as a way of making hecklers seem more clever. full of new wine. Some ancient writers, especially the Jewish philosopher Philo, depicted divine inspiration as a form of spiritual inebriation.

2:14 the eleven. See note on 1:22, though it could mean “eleven besides himself” (cf. 1:26).

2:15 only the third hour. People who got drunk usually did so at night.

2:17 In the last days. Jewish interpreters sometimes adapted the wording of texts to bring out their meaning. Joel says “in those days”; Peter says “in the last days,” rightly understanding that Joel’s context refers to the end time (Joel 3:1). prophesy. Many Jewish people, especially among the educated and the elite, believed that prophets no longer existed in their day in the same manner that they did in the past (though some did allow for accurate prophecy without the prophets). Peter, however, cites the prophetic promise that all God’s people would be empowered by the prophetic Spirit to hear from God. see visions ... dream dreams. Most commonly those who dreamed dreams and saw visions were prophets (e.g., Num. 12:6; 1 Sam. 3:1; Ezek. 1:1).

2:18 they shall prophesy. Peter adds this to Joel and, in doing so, summarizes Joel’s point.

2:19 wonders ... signs. Although Joel already mentioned wonders, Peter adds “signs,” probably to clarify a connection with some events that had already taken place. Although aspects of this promise may remain future (Luke 21:25–27), Peter can apply it to the present (v. 22; Luke 23:44–45).

2:21 Shall be saved. Salvation belongs to the same era as the outpoured prophetic Spirit. Peter breaks off his Joel quotation here; Joel goes on to speak of those “whom the LORD calls” (Joel 2:32)—a point to which Peter finally turns in Acts 2:39. In the intervening verses, Peter expounds (as Jewish interpreters often did) the line he has just quoted. In Peter’s day, “LORD” (the divine name Yahweh) was read in Hebrew in the same way as “Lord,” (adonay) and the Greek word for “Lord” (kurios) was used for both, so it is easy for Peter to link the name of “the LORD” in Joel with the exalted “my lord” of Ps. 110:1 (see note on Acts 2:34–35).

2:22 miracles, wonders, and signs. See note on v. 19. The collocation of “wonders” and “signs” recalls the signs that took place when God saved His people in the exodus (e.g., Ex. 7:3; Deut. 4:34).

2:23 you ... put to death. Even if others carried out the direct action, those who designed it shared the guilt (2 Sam. 12:9). crucified. Crucifixion was a naked, humiliating death by slow torture.

2:24 pains of death. Reflects OT phraseology (cf. the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, for 2 Sam. 22:6), as do other elements here.

2:29 his tomb is with us to this day. Tombs dedicated to famous people of the past, including David and Huldah, existed in Jerusalem.

2:30 fruit of his body. Many prophecies applied not to David himself but to his line or, in much first-century understanding, his ultimate descendant, the Messiah.

2:33 having received ... poured out. In the OT, only God could pour out God’s Spirit; Peter thus identifies Jesus as divine—God who pours out the Spirit in Joel 2:28–29.

2:34–35 Jewish interpreters commonly linked texts based on a common key word or thought. Ps. 110:1, like Ps. 16:8–11 (cited in Acts 2:25–28), speaks of exaltation and of a “right hand.” Ps. 110:1 clearly speaks of one who would rule as God’s vizier, and Peter links the Davidic risen one with this ruler at God’s right hand.

2:36 Lord and Christ. Ps. 16 applied to David’s descendant; as the risen one of Ps. 16, Jesus is Christ; as the one at God’s right hand of Ps. 110, He is called “Lord” (as Peter learned from Jesus; Luke 20:42–43).

2:37 what shall we do? Ancient writers could examine points from different angles; Luke provides complementary answers for this basic question in different passages (16:30–31; cf. 9:6; Luke 18:18–22).

2:38 Repent and ... be baptized. Peter applies the demand of Joel 2:32, which he quotes in v. 21: “whoever calls on the name of the Lord shall be saved.” He has demonstrated that the “Lord’s” name (in light of Ps. 110:1, Ps. 16:8–11, and Jesus’ resurrection) is Jesus; people may call on His name by being baptized in it. (Baptism in a “name” made the baptism distinctive.) Jewish people believed in repenting for sins and in various ceremonial washings, but a once-for-all sort of baptism and turning applied especially to Gentiles converting to Judaism. For Peter, everyone, whether Jewish or Gentile, must acknowledge their need and embrace Christ. the gift of the Holy Spirit. Refers to the promise of Joel 2:28–29 (cited in Acts 2:17–18), which most Jewish people believed had been available to at most a few people in their time.

2:39 to all who are afar off. Probably echoes Is. 57:19. “as many as the Lord our God will call” completes Peter’s quotation of Joel 2:32; from Acts 2:21–36, Peter was explaining an earlier line of Joel 2:32, quoted in Acts 2:21, arguing that Jesus was the Lord’s name on which they were to call.

2:40 with many other words. Ancient writers lacked means to quote speeches verbatim, except when speakers followed and later published manuscripts of their speeches, but sought to offer their essence. Luke summarizes Peter’s urging here in words that echo the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT for Deut. 32:5 (a “perverse and crooked generation”).

2:41 baptized. Jewish people baptized Gentiles converting to Judaism—for Jewish people to be baptized the same way displays remarkable commitment (see note on v. 38). three thousand. So many pools for ritual immersion were on the temple mount that 3,000 could easily be immersed in a few hours. These pools were segregated by gender, and people normally walked down the steps into them naked, immersed themselves (often by bending forward), and then walked back up steps. Against earlier estimates, Jerusalem’s population at this time may have been around 70,000 to 80,000 (not including visitors). Nevertheless, 3,000 is no small figure: by way of comparison, Josephus, known to often estimate high, estimates only 6,000 Pharisees in all of Judea.

2:42–47 Summary sections such as this were common in ancient sources.

2:44–45 The language Luke employs here is typical of the language other ancient writers used for ideal, sometimes even utopian, communities; it is, in other words, very positive language. At the same time, the sharing it depicts was very rare. Among exceptions, ancient writers report that the Jewish sect of Essenes (with an estimated 4,000 members) lived without private property, sharing everything in common; the Dead Sea Scrolls confirm this report at least for the community in the desert. Likewise, some Greek idealist sects such as the Pythagoreans rejected private property. By contrast, the early Christians sold property whenever anyone had need (4:34–35); they valued people more than property without rejecting private property altogether. They did not go as far as the Essenes or Pythagoreans, but they went much farther than the vast proportion of ancient society.

2:46 daily. Greek associations typically met once a month. Except for the most radical sects, the daily sharing here is unusual in antiquity and most resembles how people treated members of their own family.

2:47 having favor with all the people. Cf., e.g., Gen. 39:4, 21; Ex. 3:21.

3:1 the hour of prayer—the ninth hour. Coincides with the time of the “evening” offering in the temple.

3:2 the gate of the temple which is called Beautiful. Some think that this refers to the bronze Nicanor gate, which was renowned for its beauty, although this local name for it (or another of the temple’s gates) is not attested elsewhere.

3:3 about to go into the temple. Ancient understandings of purity may have kept the disabled from entering the court of Israel, but nothing would have kept them from the outer courts. The temple was a public place, and because Judaism connected piety with generosity, it was probably a more profitable place to beg. The disabled often lacked means of support other than the difficult life of begging (see note on John 9:8).

3:6 Ancient observers tried to discern harmful sorcerers from those who worked by divine power. One criterion for distinguishing them was that those who used power for their own material advancement were associated with sorcery; sorcerers also acted secretively. Wonderworkers who lived simply and acted in public, as here, were more respected and trusted. In the name of Jesus Christ. Probably means that Peter and John act as His agents, ministering on behalf of Jesus; senders authorized agents to act in their stead.

3:11 porch ... Solomon’s. See note on John 10:23.

3:12 as though by our own power or godliness. Jewish tradition sometimes associated miracle workers with exceptional holiness (as in later rabbinic stories about Honi the Circle-Drawer and Hanina ben Dosa). Peter attributes the power instead to the Lord in whose name he has acted (vv. 6,16).

3:13 The God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. Jewish prayers regularly referred to God in this way. glorified His Servant Jesus. In the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, for Is. 52:13, the “servant” (in the passage preceding Is. 53) was “glorified” (cf. also Is. 49:3,5); see notes on Matt. 12:18–21; John 12:32. Pilate. See note on Matt. 27:2. determined to let Him go. Isaiah’s servant was “righteous” (Is. 53:11; cf. perhaps Acts 3:14).

3:15 Prince of life. In the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, the term “prince” applied to clan leaders, and in the Greek world, to founders of cities, sometimes heroes, and so forth; it had a wide range of meaning, but here some think it refers to the founder who paved the way of life.

3:17 you did it in ignorance. In ancient thinking and even law, ignorance reduced culpability.

3:18 His prophets, that the Christ would suffer. Some later rabbis suggested (exaggerating for emphasis) that the prophets prophesied only about the Messianic era. Apparently the Christians were the first to recognize Biblical teaching about a suffering Messiah, however.

3:20 that He may send Jesus Christ. Later teachers debated whether God had fixed a time for the end (cf. 1:7) or conditioned it on Israel’s repentance, or both. Biblical prophets promised restoration when Israel would turn back to the Lord (e.g., Hos. 14:1–7; Joel 2:18–3:1; cf. Deut. 4:30–31).

3:21 the times of restoration. Isaiah promised the restoration of creation—peace and prosperity in the earth (e.g., Is. 11:6–9; 65:17). It was associated with a new Jerusalem (Is. 65:18–19; 66:8–11) and the restoration of God’s people (which may be the primary focus here; see Acts 1:6 and note).

3:22–23 Peter cites from Deut. 18:15–19; the Dead Sea Scrolls and other sources suggest that many of Peter’s contemporaries were expecting a prophet like Moses to arise.

3:25 Peter cites Gen. 22:18; cf. Gen. 26:4; 28:14; cf. also the wording of Gen. 12:3.

4:1 The majority of the ruling elite, especially from aristocratic priestly families, came from the Sadducees. captain of the temple. Also known as the sagan, the captain of the temple guard was a powerful Sadducee and was known for being harsh even to those under his command. temple. Consisted of Levites designated as the temple’s police force, who were tasked with keeping order (cf. 1 Chr. 9:26–27; 2 Chr. 35:15).

4:2 the resurrection from the dead. Resurrection was the raising and transforming of the body expected at the beginning of the new world. The Sadducees, who rejected future bodily resurrection, tolerated the Pharisees. Evidence suggests that the majority of Judeans and Galileans believed in a future resurrection, and the Sadducees also had to tolerate them. Jesus’ witnesses, however, advocated not some theoretical hope for the future but the belief that the first case of the promised resurrection had already occurred.

4:3 evening. Most business, including legitimate legal hearings, occurred during daylight; the two apostles had been preaching since late afternoon (3:1).

4:4 five thousand. For how extraordinary these numbers are, see note on 2:41. Because no festival was occurring, these converts would be mostly Judeans not already familiar with Jesus’ Galilean ministry. The usual ancient practice was to number only the men, as in Luke’s source here.

4:5 their rulers, elders, and scribes. Together leading members of these groups constituted the Sanhedrin (v. 15), Jerusalem’s municipal senate that oversaw Judean matters.

4:6 Annas. See note on John 18:13. Caiaphas. See note on Matt. 26:3. Alexander. A common Greek name among the high priests. Other Jewish sources from this era depict the aristocratic priests as abusing their authority.

4:8 filled with the Holy Spirit. Jewish sources often associated the Holy Spirit with prophetic inspiration.

4:9 judged for a good deed. The mandatory ancient response to benefaction was gratitude; in ancient legal settings speakers sometimes denounced those who responded to benefaction instead with hostile treatment.

4:10 whom you crucified. It was customary to countercharge the accusers with an offense; in this case, one lies ready at hand. Charging one’s judges, however, was usually regarded as foolhardy, since it usually led to one’s conviction.

4:11 On Ps. 118:22, see note on Mark 12:10–11.

4:12 under heaven. Everywhere (e.g., for God’s future kingdom, Dan. 7:27).

4:13 uneducated. This need not be a comment on their literacy one way or the other; it does indicate that they lacked the sophisticated rhetorical training to which the elite had access. Ancient thinkers appreciated frankness in speaking truth; this behavior characterized most Biblical prophets.

4:17 that it spreads no further. In a world focused on honor and shame, the elite’s public honor is at stake (given the apostles’ charge in v. 10).

4:19 Whether it is right ... to you ... to God. Speakers would sometimes offer a choice to their audience, the answer to which was obvious.

4:21 Elites did not normally allow open challenges to their authority from people of lower status (as in vv. 10,20); they thus offered further threats. Elites usually detested those more influential with the people, deriding them as demagogues.

4:24 The prayer may echo Ps. 146:6; the context in that psalm emphasizes God helping His needy people.

4:25–26 This prayer repeats the familiar Ps. 2:1–2, which was understood Messianically in this period.

4:26 Christ. The ultimate royal “Anointed [one].” Greek christos is the translation of Hebrew messiah (NKJV “anointed”).

4:27 Herod. See notes on Mark 6:14,17; on his role, see notes on Luke 23:7,12. Pilate. See note on Matt. 27:1–2.

4:28 whatever ... determined before. From Scripture, Jewish people recognized that God could establish His purposes sovereignly even through the misdeeds of the wicked.

4:29 In contrast to some OT prayers for vengeance (e.g., 2 Chr. 24:21–22; Ps. 137:9; Jer. 15:15), this prayer is for boldness as exhibited in v. 13 (cf. Ps. 138:3; 144:1). Here this may be accomplished at least in part through continuing signs (v. 30), as v. 9.

4:31 shaken. In some ancient accounts God answered prayers with places shaking or with thunder (cf. 1 Sam. 12:17–18); most relevant here is Is. 6:4, in the context of Isaiah’s calling and empowerment.

4:35 distributed to each as anyone had need. In many ancient Judean circles, designated leaders distributed group charity funds. See note on 2:44–45.

4:36 Luke offers a specific example of the positive behavior summarized in vv. 34–35. Joses ... named Barnabas. Nicknames were common and especially important for those with names as common as Joseph was in Judea. Cyprus. Had a large Jewish population.

4:37 having land, sold it. In contrast to OT expectations, some Levites had become fairly wealthy; many of the wealthiest were the Sadducean aristocratic priests in upper-city Jerusalem, with many other wealthy priests in Jericho.

5:1 Ancient writers often paired positive and negative examples; Joses Barnabas (4:36–37) was a positive example, and (here) Ananias and Sapphira are negative ones. Sapphira. Some argue that this rare name appears especially in wealthy circles, so this couple may have had significant monetary resources.

5:2 he kept back part of the proceeds. Those who joined the Qumran community had to surrender all their property. Such surrender was voluntary and not always wholesale for early Christians, but it had to be genuine. Ananias and Sapphira wanted the honor without the sacrifice. kept back. Can also mean to “steal” or “pilfer”; it likely evokes the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, for Josh. 7:1, where Achan took for himself some of the plunder dedicated to God and brought death to himself and his family. (Because the family knew and did not report him, they were counted as accomplices.)

5:3 Satan filled your heart. The OT and (more abundantly) ancient Jewish literature portrayed Satan as tempter, deceiver and accuser.

5:4 On the voluntary nature of the gift, in contrast to the commitment of members at Qumran, see note on v. 2.

5:5 fell down and breathed his last. Occasionally God struck those who violated what was sacred (e.g., Lev. 10:2; 2 Sam. 6:7).

5:6 wrapped him up. People covered the dead, and especially their faces, to protect their honor. Burial was an urgent matter carried out quickly; the action of the community here probably evokes Lev. 10:4–5. Normally the family would be involved, but here the church acts as family; those who devoted their resources to a community would depend on the community for burial costs.

5:7 his wife came in. She may have come looking for her husband. Although values in traditional Athens or Hellenistic Egypt were against wives leaving the home without the husband’s permission, in Judea women were free to go to the market or elsewhere in public, though married Judean women covered their hair.

5:10 See notes on vv. 5–6.

5:11 Great fear came upon all the church. Judgment miracles generated fear (Num. 16:34; 2 Kin. 1:13–14); executions were meant to generate fear as a deterrent (Deut. 13:11; 17:13; 19:20).

5:12 signs and wonders. The ancient world had stories of secretive magicians, but most of its reports of wonderworkers came from many generations after the reputed wonderworkers, in contrast to Acts’ reports of the apostles. Solomon’s porch. See note on John 10:23.

5:13 none of the rest dared join them. The fate of Ananias and Sapphira made people fear halfhearted commitment.

5:15 the shadow of Peter ... might fall on some. Many people in antiquity believed that one’s shadow was attached to a person; some believed, e.g., that injuring the shadow could injure the person, and Jewish tradition suggested that one’s shadow touching a corpse made one impure. The crowds may respond to the apostles with elements of superstition, but God touches those who come to Jesus’ representatives (cf. 19:12).

5:17 filled with indignation. Caiaphas and other members of the leading aristocratic priestly families were Sadducees. They had theological (see notes on 4:1,2) as well as political (cf. 4:10) reasons for wanting the movement stopped. Considering the warnings given in 4:17–18,21, they probably believe they have been quite patient, but the popularity of Jesus’ movement is growing, risking the Jerusalem elite’s dishonor. Unlike the Pharisees, Sadducees were not as popular with the people, though the people respected the office of the elite priests. Ancient biographies often note jealousy as a reason for enmity; this is not surprising in view of the ambition and strife that characterized ancient urban politics.

5:18 common prison. Imprisonment was sometimes a punishment, but jails were more often used to hold people until the time of their trial or sentence.

5:21 early in the morning. Most people in antiquity arose at sunrise and people would begin to gather in the temple early.

5:26 without violence. Ancient Jewish sources complain that sometimes these Levite temple police used force at the bidding of the corrupt elite priests. The authorities were not always popular; see note on v. 17.

5:28 bring this Man’s blood on us. Those responsible for murder were “guilty” of the person’s “blood” (Deut. 21:7–8; 2 Sam. 21:1; Ezek. 22:4). Such behavior brought judgment on the land unless the murderers were punished. The apostolic preaching thus threatens the political security of the elite.

5:29 We ought to obey God rather than men. Socrates (cf. note on 17:19) was famously reported to have declared that he preferred to obey God rather than people; such boldness helped precipitate his execution. Whether or not Peter would have recognized the similarity with Socrates, the elite priests, many of whom had some Greek education, would have done so.

5:30 whom you murdered. For secondary guilt, see note on 2:23. hanging ... on a tree. Lit. “hanging on wood” or “on a tree”; people normally considered this fate a cursed humiliation (Deut. 21:22–23), but Peter contrasts God’s verdict in v. 31.

5:32 Holy Spirit whom God has given to those who obey Him. In some circles, Jewish tradition limited the giving of the Holy Spirit to only a few very pious people in this age; Scripture promised it to all God’s people in the era of restoration (see notes on 2:17,18).

5:33 plotted to kill them. The Sanhedrin could not legally execute a person without the Roman governor’s permission, and ordinarily would not risk the political repercussions of a public lynching. Other ancient sources, however, reveal that tempers did flare in the Sanhedrin and other senates, sometimes leading to violence.

5:34 Pharisee named Gamaliel. Pharisees were known for being much more lenient than Sadducees. Gamaliel I (cf. 22:3) was the best-known Pharisaic sage of his era; he apparently continued the merciful interpretation of the Pharisaic school of Hillel (versus that of Shammai), and was one of the minority Pharisaic members of the elite. (Josephus shows that Gamaliel’s son, Simeon ben Gamaliel, was among the highest elite a generation later.)

5:36–37 Like most other members of the Sanhedrin, Gamaliel compares Jesus with other leaders of revolutionary movements. Josephus mentions both Judas and Theudas as revolutionary leaders, though his version of the facts differs somewhat from Luke’s. Judas the Galilean was the leader in the notorious revolt against the Roman tax census in AD 6; one of Judas’s leading supporters was Saddok, a Pharisee like Gamaliel. Josephus’s report places Theudas’s revolt (a fairly uncommon name) under the governor Fadus, around AD 44 (after Gamaliel’s speech). Theudas promised to part the Jordan River, probably trying to emulate Joshua, but Roman soldiers intercepted and killed many of his followers. Theudas was beheaded. Scholars have offered various attempts to harmonize Luke and Josephus, as well as regarding one or the other as mistaken in some details. (No one denies that Josephus was sometimes mistaken.) What would have mattered most to most ancient historians, and what remains undisputed, is the basic point that Gamaliel compares Jesus with revolutionary figures.

5:36 Theudas rose up, claiming to be somebody. Cf. 8:9–10; Luke 21:8.

5:39 fight against God. Both Greek and Jewish martyr literature often spoke of fighting against God or the gods. One of the first and seminal uses was a passage in the Greek poet Euripides, with the following setting: the god Dionysus delivered his devotees from imprisonment (cf. v. 19; 12:11), and the king who was fighting against him died a terrible death (cf. 12:23). See note on 26:14.

5:40 beaten. Public beatings were meant to shame (see v. 41) those so beaten. The person would be stripped and given a maximum of 39 lashes in a public place (see note on Matt. 10:17).

5:41 rejoicing ... counted worthy to suffer shame for His name. Luke’s audience probably knew about and respected philosophers who rejoiced in spite of suffering. Here, however, Jesus’ disciples rejoice specifically because of the reason why they suffer (Luke 6:23). Jewish tradition praised suffering for “the Name,” meaning that of God; here, however, the name is that of Jesus (cf. Luke 6:22).

6:1 Hebrews. Probably refers here to traditional Judeans and Galileans, many of whom would have known both Greek and Aramaic. Both groups were Jewish, just as, e.g., American or European Jews today are no less Jewish than are Jews who live in Israel. Hellenists. This term was often applied to those who had absorbed much Greek culture. In this passage, it probably refers to foreign (Diaspora) Jews or their descendants for whom Greek remained their mother tongue. daily distribution. Local synagogues or other circles supported destitute widows within their own circle, but foreign Jews now settled in Jerusalem apparently had a disproportionate number of widows. Many Jews apparently immigrated to the Holy Land in their old age, leaving more widows and fewer younger Hellenists to provide support for them. This wider social problem spilled over into the church.

6:3–4 Moses delegated some of his administrative duties to others who were God-fearing and trustworthy (Ex. 18:21), so he could devote himself to prayer for the people and to teaching God’s message (Ex. 18:19–20). Judaism was already familiar with the common practice of appointing groups of roughly seven leaders (especially as local judges).

6:3 seek out. This might suggest the Greek and sometimes Jewish practice of voting; for the people choosing someone and the leader ratifying, cf. Deut. 1:13. full of the Holy Spirit and wisdom. Joshua was filled with the Spirit of wisdom because Moses laid hands on him (Deut. 34:9).

6:5 Many Diaspora Jews had Greek names, but most Galileans and Judeans did not. All seven of these men, however, have Greek names; they were not only Hellenists (v. 1), but are very obviously Hellenists. Elites often repressed complaining minorities; here the apostles graciously put trustworthy members of the offended minority into leadership roles. Many Gentile converts to Judaism lived in Antioch.

6:6 laid hands on them. Laying on hands could bring blessing (Gen. 48:14) but the more relevant OT model is Moses laying hands on Joshua as his successor (Num. 27:18,23), as a consequence of which Joshua was filled with the Spirit of wisdom (Deut. 34:9). (The later rabbinic movement also used laying on hands for ordination.)

6:7 Historians often concluded sections with summary statements. great many of the priests. Although most of the elite priests were Sadducees, poorer priests held a range of views.

6:11 blasphemous words. Words that dishonor are in view here, rather than the later, technical rabbinic sense that involved cursing with God’s sacred name. Yet, ironically, false testimony under oath automatically desecrated God’s name. False witnesses were so common that a few handbooks of rhetorical instructions even explained how to provide false testimony most effectively (see note on Matt. 26:60).

6:14 destroy this place. See note on Mark 14:58. Even prophesying the temple’s destruction was dangerous (cf. Jer. 20:1–2). In the generation following the events of Acts but before the Judean revolt of AD 66, a prophet named Joshua ben Hananiah prophesied the temple’s destruction. Members of Jerusalem’s elite beat him and handed him over to the governor, who had him scourged until, Josephus reports, some of his bones were visible.

6:15 face as the face of an angel. On transfiguration, see note on Mark 9:2, although some may take the point here as more figurative, given the incomprehension of Stephen’s opponents.

7:2 Abraham. One of the most respected figures in Jewish history, Abraham was regularly used as a model for righteousness. in Mesopotamia. Some conservative Jewish teachers believed that God revealed Himself almost exclusively in the Holy Land (allowing exceptions for pure places near water).

7:4 when his father was dead. Some Jewish traditions depict Abraham leaving Harran only after his father’s death (cf. Gen. 11:31–12:1).

7:5 no inheritance in it, not even enough to set his foot on. Besides the clear reference to Gen. 17:8, Stephen apparently draws the idea of inheritance from its use in Numbers and Deuteronomy; the phrase “to set his foot on” echoes the idiom in Deut. 2:5.

7:6 four hundred years. This is from Gen. 15:13; a more specific estimate was 430 years (Ex. 12:40–41).

7:9 Defense speeches often returned the charges against the accusers. Stephen begins preparing for that counterattack (vv. 51–53) by noting the behavior of the patriarchs against God’s chosen deliverer.

7:14 seventy-five. Stephen, a Hellenist preaching in Greek to people who understood Greek, takes the count “seventy-five” from the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT (although two Qumran Hebrew texts have the same), unlike the reading of the probably dominant Hebrew text, which reads “seventy” (Gen. 46:27).

7:16 Because this is only a summary of Biblical history (and perhaps of Stephen’s defense), this verse telescopes the story, leaving out some details, as summaries sometimes did. Technically Jacob rather than Abraham bought the land (Gen. 33:18–19). Shechem. The OT has Jacob buried near Hebron and Joseph at Shechem (Josh. 24:32); Josephus thinks that Joseph’s brothers were buried at Hebron, but they probably died after Jacob and could have been buried at Shechem. Samaritans affirmed that Joseph’s brothers were buried with him at Shechem, the center of life for the Samaritan people. Josephus—and Stephen’s Judean hearers—would naturally resent such a claim. (Hebron, by contrast, lay in Judea.)

7:19 making them expose their babies. Killing the babies of God’s people remained a painful memory for the Jewish people, who had also suffered this oppression (when they circumcised babies) in the time of the evil ruler Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Greeks and many ancient peoples (except Jews and Egyptians) sometimes abandoned babies; usually the babies were either adopted by passersby (as children or slaves) or were eaten by vultures or dogs. Jews strongly opposed such behavior by pagans, so Pharaoh’s behavior in Exodus remained a relevant and painful issue for them.

7:20 well pleasing to God. The Hebrew text of Ex. 2:2 notes that Moses was a beautiful child; unlike Stephen here, much Jewish tradition fancifully elaborated this claim, so that Moses shone with brilliant light at his birth. (Ancient writers liked to include special features of their protagonists’ births if they were known, but Stephen does not depend on these traditions here.)

7:21 brought him up as her own son. In the culture familiar to Luke’s audience, the daughter’s adoption of Moses made him Egyptian and Pharaoh’s grandson.

7:22 learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. Exodus itself does not specify this, but it is a likely inference; the princes raised in the royal household would be well educated. Egyptian wisdom was famous in the ancient world (though many non-Egyptians in the first century valued Egyptian wisdom especially in the sphere of magic). (Stephen as a Hellenist may appreciate Diaspora education more than did many Judeans.) Jewish writers often elaborated Moses’ upbringing, e.g., telling stories of his military exploits against Ethiopia; the present speech dispenses with such elaborations.

7:23 forty. A round number that may fit some Jewish traditions on this point.

7:25 Although the OT is not clear on this point, Jewish tradition presents Moses’ killing of the Egyptian (Ex. 2:12) as a just act of heroism. deliver them. This phrase also can be rendered literally “give them salvation,” perhaps recognizing Moses’ mission as foreshadowing the greater rescue by Jesus (cf., e.g., 4:12; Luke 1:69; 19:9–10).

7:29 had two sons. Mention of Moses’ sons might highlight Moses’ interethnic marriage (Ex. 2:21–22), furthering Stephen’s emphasis beyond the boundaries of the Holy Land.

7:30 forty years. Added to the figure in v. 23, Moses is now 80 in Stephen’s accounting, his age in Ex. 7:7.

7:33 the place ... is holy. Stephen uses the wording of the Law (Ex. 3:5) to refute his accusers, for whom only the temple was a fully holy place (6:13).

7:35–38 This Moses ... God sent ... He brought ... This is the Moses ... who was. In ancient rhetoric, repetition drove home emphasis; in Greek, Stephen repeats “this one” five times. God sent Moses as deliverer and his people rejected him; the expected prophet like Moses (Deut. 18:15–18) could likewise be rejected.

7:41 calf ... works of their own hands. Jewish writers by this period were ashamed of Israel’s calf-idol; Josephus even leaves it out of his retelling of Israel’s history. The Mediterranean world associated the veneration of animals and their images especially with Egypt. Following especially Greek assumptions, most of the Mediterranean world detested this practice, although most Gentiles worshiped more humanlike images. Jewish writers often drew attention to the fact that idols were not divine but were made by human hands.

7:42 worship the host of heaven. Under Mesopotamian influence, veneration of heavenly bodies was growing in popularity in the Roman Empire; most Gentiles viewed stars as divine, whereas Jewish people often viewed them as angels. Stephen’s Jewish hearers, of course, abhorred veneration of stars as idolatry, although even most first-century Jews, following the “science” of their day, believed in astrology’s predictive value.

7:43 beyond Babylon. Stephen follows the Greek rendering of Amos, including the names of the deities. The Dead Sea Scrolls also emphasize Amos 5:25–27. Stephen changes “beyond Damascus” in Amos 5:27 to “beyond Babylon,” perhaps foreshadowing other judgments beyond the one that Amos mentioned (cf. Luke 21:24).

7:46 Cf. Ps. 132:5.

7:48 houses made with hands. Recalls v. 41 (see note there) and contrasts with what God’s hand has made in v. 50. Some Jewish circles emphasized the five books of the Law to the exclusion of the Prophets; most started with the Law and supplemented with texts from the Prophets. Stephen started with the Law but now moves to the Prophets.

7:49–50 Stephen cites Is. 66:1–2, a passage that goes on to challenge Israel’s outward ritual as spiritually and morally inadequate (Is. 66:3–4).

7:51 You stiff-necked. The most rousing part of a speech was often its conclusion; in a deliberative speech such as this one, the conclusion was meant to stir hearers to change or action. Returning charges against accusers was common; charging one’s judges, by contrast, might provoke one’s own martyrdom. Calling his accusers stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart evokes various prophetic critiques of Israel, but especially Deut. 10:16, where these charges appear together.

7:52 Which of the prophets did your fathers not persecute? Jewish tradition emphasized and amplified the persecution faced by the Biblical prophets (e.g., Neh. 9:26; Jer. 26:20–23).

7:53 the law by the direction of angels. Going beyond the Hebrew text of the OT, ancient Jewish tradition emphasized that angels mediated the law (cf. also Gal. 3:19; Heb. 2:2). Returning charges was good judicial rhetoric; Stephen returns his accusers’ charge of law breaking (6:13).

7:54 Although gnashing teeth can signify anguish (Ps. 112:10; Luke 13:28), it can also depict anger, as here (Job 16:9; Ps. 35:16; 37:12).

7:55 gazed into heaven. See note on John 17:1. By various methods Jewish mystics tried to see God’s glory in heaven as Ezekiel did, but here Stephen experiences this vision spontaneously.

7:56 Son of Man standing at the right hand of God. The Son of Man’s coming would vindicate God’s people (Dan. 7:13–14). Ancient writers often paralleled characters, and Stephen follows Jesus’ example of martyrdom. Both declared to the Sanhedrin the Son of Man at God’s right hand (Acts 7:56; Luke 22:69); both entrusted their spirit to God (Acts 7:59; Luke 23:46); and both prayed for their persecutors to be forgiven (Acts 7:60; Luke 23:34). Why is the Son of Man “standing” rather than seated (contrast Luke 22:69)? Witnesses would stand and judges could stand to render their verdict; this may imply that it is Stephen’s accusers and not Stephen who are really on trial before the Lord. (Ancient writers sometimes depicted unjust judges as the ones really on trial before God or the bar of truth.)

7:58 cast him out of the city. Executions and burials needed to be outside cities. and stoned him. Stoning was the Biblical penalty for blasphemy (Lev. 24:16) and some other crimes, but Rome prohibited executions without the governor’s permission. Both Jewish and Gentile texts from antiquity, however, reveal that mobs often stoned people to death. Others had wanted to stone God’s servants (Ex. 17:4; Num. 14:10; 2 Chr. 24:21). If the mob here followed anything like the ideal procedure in some second-century Jewish traditions, Stephen would be thrown from a height, and those above would hurl large stones (requiring both hands), aiming for the chest (though precision was unlikely). The witnesses would strike first (Deut. 17:7). laid down their clothes. Because the activity was physically strenuous, they could lay aside their outer garments, as was customary during exercise (especially for Hellenists, as the witnesses here probably are). Ancient practice, however, specified not the stripping of executioners but rather the stripping of the person being executed—Luke may ironically emphasize their stripping themselves to remind the reader who is really on trial (see note on v. 56). young man. The term is a general one that can include people in their teens, their 20s (as most often, and as is likely here) and even their 30s. People in antiquity associated youth with both strength and rashness; those who achieved prominent roles in their youth, as here, were generally counted as exceptional.

7:59 receive my spirit. Stephen follows Jesus’ example in Luke 23:46; see note on Acts 7:56.

7:60 do not charge them with this sin. Jewish custom insisted that the person being executed confess his sins; instead, Stephen confesses theirs. This fits the reversal of charges in the speech and how Luke depicts the hearers being those really on trial before God (see notes on vv. 56,58). fell asleep. Among both Jews and Gentiles, sleep was a common metaphor for being dead.

8:1 except the apostles. Luke depicts the scattering here as affecting more than just the Hellenists, but they were clearly affected (11:19–20).

8:2 lamentation. Mourning for an executed criminal—which was how Stephen’s critics would view his lynching—was typically illegal. Ancient readers respected those who buried and mourned the dead when the prohibition against mourning them was unjust. (Only the most vicious leaders denied their enemies burial.)

8:3 men and women. Only the most severe persecutions targeted women as well as men.

8:5 the city of Samaria. This may refer to Neapolis, on the site of ancient Shechem (cf. note on 7:16); Neapolis was the urban center of Samaritan activity. (The OT city of Samaria, now known as Sebaste, no longer had primarily Samaritan residents; Greeks and their religion now dominated it.) Philip was a Hellenist who probably could preach only in Greek, but Greek was widely spoken in Neapolis.

8:9 sorcery. Even if Samaritans ignored the nearby Hellenized city of Sebaste, Greek influence was common. For magic, see the article “Magic in the New Testament,” below.

8:10 great power of God. Later tradition, not necessarily dependable, reports that Simon viewed himself and his consort Helena as expressions of the male and female divine principles, respectively. This tradition fits some Greek ideas known in nearby Sebaste, but could depend on subsequent Christian ideas from this area.

8:12 when they believed ... were baptized. Samaritans were already circumcised, but Jewish leaders would not welcome Samaritan “conversions” that did not acknowledge the Jewish way as the right one. Philip’s concern, however, is bringing people to Christ.

8:13 amazed ... miracles and signs. Although magic often could emulate God’s works, it could not emulate their scale. Divine displays of power can overwhelm rival spiritual powers (Ex. 7:11, 22; 8:7,18–19; 9:11).

8:17 laid hands on them. See note on 6:6.

8:18 offered them money. Magicians sometimes bought magical spells. One common feature of ancient magic was its use for personal purposes rather than the common good.

8:20 the gift of God. Most Jewish people viewed the Spirit as a rare or wholly future gift; the Qumran community believed that the Spirit was active among them but as a treasured gift from God. Treating the Spirit like a magic charm was an insult to the Spirit.

8:23 poisoned by bitterness. Lit. “gall of bitterness.” Gall was bitter. This might evoke the context of idolatry and Gentile sin in the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, for Deut. 29:17; 32:32. bound by iniquity. Here Peter reuses language in the Septuagint for Is. 58:6.

8:25 preaching the gospel in many villages of the Samaritans. As a Hellenist, Philip probably could not speak Aramaic well enough to minister in the villages (he could use Greek in the city), but Peter and John knew Aramaic in addition to Greek.

8:26 south. Any road to Gaza would lead south, although some take this Greek word to mean “midday” (also one of its meanings), which would make this commission an urgent one (people rarely traveled at midday). This is desert. Scholars debate whether “desert” belongs with “road” or with “Gaza,” since old Gaza lay in deserted ruins near new Gaza.

8:27 eunuch. Although the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, sometimes used the term “eunuch” for officials who were not true eunuchs, the emphatic repetition of the term five times in this narrative suggests that this official is a true eunuch. This makes sense because men who served queens in some parts of the world were often eunuchs. As a royal treasurer, the man controlled great wealth (which is obvious also from his chariot and personal Isaiah scroll). Nevertheless, Greeks often derided eunuchs as “half-men,” and they were barred from joining the people of Israel (Deut. 23:1). Thus, although he worshiped God, he was not a full convert to Judaism (in contrast to the “converts” mentioned in Acts 2:11; 6:5) and is thus the first Gentile Christian, the forerunner of other Gentile believers. Candace the queen of the Ethiopians. See the article “The African Empire of Meroë.”

8:28 chariot. Only a wealthy person would have had access to a four-wheeled, covered carriage such as is likely envisioned here; this official also has servants (v. 38). As noted in the article “The African Empire of Meroë,” Meroë was a wealthy kingdom. Once reaching Alexandria, the official would probably leave the chariot and sail southward on the Nile. On his reading and the probable language, see note on v. 30.

8:30 ran to him. Some have compared Philip running up to the chariot, which was probably traveling at a leisurely pace, with 1 Kin. 18:44–46. Ancients praised youthful strength. he was reading. Reading was normally done aloud, so Philip hears the man, who is probably reading from a Greek translation of the Isaiah scroll. Meroë had a distinct language and script, but the official undoubtedly knows more than one language. Because of trade between Meroë and Egypt, including Alexandria, it is not surprising that the educated Nubian official knows Greek and understands Philip.

8:32–33 This passage uses the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of Is. 53:7–8. Jewish teachers often took for granted that their Biblically literate primary hearers knew the context of the passages they cited. A person of means could have easily acquired Septuagint scrolls from Alexandria.

8:34 Of whom does the prophet say this ... ? Apart from looking back through the passage’s fulfillment in Christ, many scholars even today continue to wonder who the servant is in Isaiah. Elsewhere in this section of Isaiah (Is. 41:8; 42:1–4; 44:1–2,21; 45:4; 49:3), the “servant” is Israel; but because the servant fails in his mission (Is. 42:18–19), God raises up one within Israel to fulfill the mission and suffer on behalf of Israel (Is. 49:5–7; 52:13–53:12, especially 53:4–6,9). Later in the same context, God declares that He welcomes eunuchs and Gentiles (Is. 56:3–8).

8:36 What hinders me from being baptized? As a eunuch the official would not be permitted to enter other forms of Judaism as a convert, hence he would not be allowed to be circumcised (Deut. 23:1; see note on Acts 8:27). In addition to circumcision, most converts to Judaism were immersed to wash away their Gentile impurities. Thus the official here understands that, in contrast to his previous inability to convert to other forms of Jewish faith, he is now being welcomed as a member of this new movement.

8:39 the Lord caught Philip away. In the OT, prophets could be carried away in visions (Ezek. 3:12,14), and at least some people expected that prophets could be carried away physically (1 Kin. 18:12).

8:40 Azotus. On the site of OT Ashdod, Azotus was roughly midway between Gaza and Joppa, some 20–25 miles (30–40 kilometers) northeast of Gaza. Caesarea. The Roman capital of Judea; it was roughly 50 miles (80 kilometers) north of Azotus. Many Gentiles lived in Gaza, Azotus and Caesarea. Philip anticipates Peter’s ministry on the coast and in Caesarea, and Philip’s preaching as he traveled fits the pattern in vv. 4,25.

9:1–18 The three accounts of Paul’s calling in Acts include different but generally complementary details (9:1–18; 22:4–16; 26:9–18). Ancient hearers liked variation, so including differing elements in the different retellings prevented the narrative from seeming tedious.

9:1 went to the high priest. Access to the high priest would be difficult for a young man (7:58) unless he were exceptional (cf. Gal. 1:14) and from a prominent family (see the article “Synagogue of Freedmen”; see also note on 22:3).

9:2 letters ... to the synagogues in Damascus. Throughout the empire, social superiors provided letters of introduction to their peers or inferiors on behalf of those they recommended. Such recommendations could also aid Jewish travelers in finding lodging with Jews in various areas. Because the high priest in an earlier period had authority to extradite Judean fugitives, Damascus’s synagogues would take Saul’s commission very seriously. synagogues. The plural is not surprising; Damascus had many more than 20,000 Jewish residents. the Way. It is also not surprising that a group that believed it preached the true divine path would be called this; the Qumran community called itself this too.

9:3 The journey north from Jerusalem to Damascus was about 135 miles (220 kilometers); on foot (cf. v. 8), such a journey could take perhaps six days. light ... from heaven. Sometimes OT theophanies (revelations of God’s glory) accompanied a divine call (Ex. 3:2–10; Is. 6:1–8; Ezek. 1:1–2:8), as here (Acts 9:6,15–16).

9:4 fell to the ground. It was natural to fall when confronted with divine or even angelic glory (Ezek. 1:28; Dan. 8:17). Jewish tradition recognized that God sometimes spoke with a heavenly voice, as at times in the OT. Saul, Saul. God sometimes doubled the addressee’s name, calling special attention to what followed (Gen. 22:11; 46:2; Ex. 3:4; 1 Sam. 3:10).

9:5 Who are You, Lord? The direct address “Lord” can mean “Sir,” but it means more in this context. Saul knows the OT, and, given the theophany and heavenly voice (vv. 3–4), he must recognize that God is speaking. But how could he be persecuting (v. 4) God or even an angel? In ancient custom, letters of recommendation (v. 2) often identified the sender with the person recommended; treatment of messengers also reflected the attitude toward their sender. This was also true for God’s agents (cf. Ex. 16:8; 1 Sam. 8:7; Luke 10:16).

9:7 Selective and partial revelation appear also in Dan. 10:7.

9:8 he saw no one. God could strike people blind to stop them from harming others (Gen. 19:11), sometimes, as in this case, temporarily (2 Kin. 6:18–20).

9:9 neither ate nor drank. People often used fasting to express mourning, including when repenting from sin. Three days was possible for this kind of fast (Esth. 4:16), though fasting without water is dangerous if sustained very long.

9:10 Here I am, Lord. Unlike the carefully trained Saul (v. 5), Ananias offers the natural Biblical response to God’s call (Gen. 22:11; 46:2; Ex. 3:4; 1 Sam. 3:10; Is. 6:8).

9:11 street called Straight. Damascus was a very old city, and old cities tended to have haphazardly winding streets. Much of Damascus’s street grid, however, was gradually shifted to the Greco-Roman grid pattern of evenly spaced east-west and north-south streets. Although we cannot be certain, many believe that Straight Street was the colonnaded, major east-west thoroughfare; tradition places Judas’s house near its west end. Tarsus. See the article “Tarsus.”

9:12 Paired visions (here and in the case of Cornelius and Peter in ch. 10) were deemed very convincing, because together they provided independent attestations. Tradition, the reliability of which is uncertain, places Ananias’s house north of the eastern end of Straight Street.

9:13–14 Even someone who responded with an obedient “Yes, Lord” (v. 10) might voice objections to a calling that made no human sense (cf. 10:14; Ex. 3:4, 10–11; 4:10).

9:17 Brother Saul. Figurative family terminology was common. People often called members of their own ethnic group, association or other group “brother”; it could also apply, as here, to those who share a common faith.

9:18 something like scales. Some of Luke’s audience may have recalled the scales or films that fell from Tobit’s eyes when he was healed in a traditional Jewish story (Tobit 3:17; 11:11–13). baptized. Damascus had plenty of water, not least in the Barada River that ran through the city (not far from the traditional location of Straight Street).

9:24 plot became known. Both plots and leaks of information were common in antiquity. watched the gates. Cities closed their gates at night for security, limiting the number of people passing through. Saul’s Damascene Jewish opponents were apparently allied with Nabatean opponents as well (see 2 Cor. 11:32–33).

9:25 let him down through the wall. Saul and his supporters undoubtedly learned this method of escape from Scripture (Josh. 2:15; 1 Sam. 19:12). Because a very ancient tradition reports that Ananias’s house, like a number of ancient houses, was built on the city wall, some suspect that Ananias’s house provided the basis for the escape.

9:26–30 Paul’s experience in Jerusalem (here) closely follows the pattern of his experience in Damascus (vv. 13–25). By selecting which elements to omit, ancient writers often developed patterns in the way they narrated events.

9:30 Rome used the mixed Jewish and Syrian city of Caesarea, rather than Jerusalem (which was roughly two days’ walk inland), as its administrative capital for Judea. Herod the Great had constructed a massive harbor at Caesarea and it was a major hub for maritime commerce. Here Paul could easily find a vessel traveling to southern Asia Minor to return to his childhood home city of Tarsus (v. 11). Caesarea. See the article “Caesarea and Its Soldiers.”

9:31 On summary statements, see note on 6:7.

9:32 Lydda. Roughly 25 miles (40 kilometers) northwest of Jerusalem and 11 miles (17.5 kilometers) from Joppa (v. 36). Joppa and Lydda together were the most important Jewish cities near Judea’s coast. (Neither rivaled Caesarea, but Caesarea included a much larger proportion of Gentile residents than these cities did.)

9:33 Visiting the sick was a conventional act of Jewish piety.

9:35 All who dwelt at Lydda and Sharon. “All” statements such as this tend to be hyperbolic, but at the least indicate massive numbers, probably the majority of people, converting. Second-century sources suggest that Christians continued to flourish in Lydda. Lydda and Sharon. Sharon is the coastal plain; Lydda lay on its southern end.

9:36 Joppa. Today called Jaffa; it was 11 miles (17.5 kilometers) from Lydda and 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of Caesarea. Though less important than Caesarea, the harbor of which was constructed by Herod the Great, Joppa was wealthy and was the only significant Jewish port. Dorcas. Greek for Tabitha, which means “gazelle.” In the Mediterranean world many women of means were benefactors, helping sponsor associations; Jewish women were deeply devoted to charity (cf. v. 39).

9:37 washed her ... laid her in an upper room. Women prepared other women’s bodies for burial; preparation included washing, as here. Bodies were occasionally kept in upper rooms; Luke might specifically take note of the upper room here to recall the setting of raising stories in 1 Kin. 17:19, 23; 2 Kin. 4:10,32–35.

9:38 not to delay. People usually buried bodies before sunset, so the matter is urgent. The 11 miles (17.5 kilometers) between Joppa and Lydda might require four hours’ travel each way.

9:39 All the widows. Jewish piety emphasized caring for widows, who often lacked other means of support and protection.

9:40 put them all out. For privacy in some prayers for raisings, cf. 1 Kin. 17:19; 2 Kin. 4:33.

9:41 presented her alive. Cf. 1 Kin. 17:23; 2 Kin. 4:36.

9:43 Tanners dealt with carcasses and thus with strong odors; they normally had to reside outside the walls of the city. Conservative Jewish pietists would limit involvement with them, since those in contact with carcasses were ritually impure. Like Gentiles, however, Jews were more often concerned with the odors. Later rabbis even ruled that tanners’ wives should be permitted to divorce them because of the odors associated with tanning.

10:2 feared God. Diaspora Jews recognized many Gentiles who had not become proselytes (converts) to Judaism and yet were attracted to the synagogues and the one true God. all his household. During the typical 20-year span of military service soldiers were officially prohibited marriage. Officers usually looked the other way, however, at liaisons between soldiers and local women, and the government usually recognized these unions as marriages when soldiers retired. Most soldiers remained stationed in particular areas and were unhappy to be moved. Alternatively, they could marry on retirement. By ancient definitions, “family” could also include servants (v. 7), though Cornelius has relatives in the more specific sense (v. 24).

10:3 ninth hour. Cornelius was praying at this time (v. 30), which was one of the regular times of prayer, corresponding with the evening offering in the temple (cf. 3:1). This notice underlines Cornelius’s devoutness.

10:9 sixth hour. People normally rested from the day’s activities for a period of time around midday. went up on the roof to pray. People used their homes’ flat roofs for a wide range of activities, from drying flax to sleeping and, here, having a private place to pray. Joppa was some 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of Caesarea; given the time of Cornelius’s vision (v. 3), to reach Peter around noon the next day would require hard riding on horses or walking through part of the night. (The return journey is less demanding; vv. 23–24.)

10:10 became very hungry. Many people in the ancient world would have a light meal around noon.

10:12 all kinds of four-footed animals ... creeping things. For a strict pietist, the presence of unclean animals such as reptiles would contaminate all the others. During the Maccabean era, Jewish people suffered much for their food laws (the laws appear in Lev. 11; Deut. 14:3–21), which were a deeply engrained part of their upbringing.

10:14 Peter protests, as did Ezekiel when confronted with an exhortation to eat what appears impure (Ezek. 4:14; God made a concession in Ezek. 4:15).

10:17 vision. Paired visions (here, those of Cornelius and Peter; cf. also 9:12) were deemed very convincing, because they were independent attestations. made inquiry. Tanners (v. 6; see note on 9:43) would generally live in the same neighborhood as other tanners, naturally near water, as here. Once in a neighborhood, visitors normally located homes by asking directions. the gate. Homeowners with outer gates possessed more resources than average.

10:19 the Spirit said to him. The Spirit was often associated with prophetic insight and speech; Luke emphasizes the Spirit’s leading in crossing cultural barriers (1:8; 8:29).

10:23 invited them in. Bringing into one’s home Gentiles who had probably worshiped idols violated strict Jewish purity protocols; but then, the house already belongs to a tanner (see note on 9:43). Hospitality obligations demanded offering food to the guests; stricter Jewish circles, however, forbade eating with Gentiles. Because Joppa, though predominantly Jewish, included many Gentiles, some Jewish residents may have been less particular about such rules, but the Jerusalem church includes many conservative members (see 11:2–3).

10:24 Caesarea was about 30 miles (48 kilometers) beyond Joppa; they had stayed overnight somewhere, probably lodging in a town that included both Jewish and Gentile residents (cf. v. 30). called together. In this period, soldiers were often stationed in the regions where they were recruited; the relatives, probably Syrians, could be relatives of Cornelius or of his wife (whether she was official or unofficial; see note on v. 2).

10:25 worshiped him. Gentiles prostrated themselves before gods and rulers, or sometimes important persons from whom they needed to beg a favor.

10:26 I myself am also a man. Even Gentiles expected mortals to reject divine honors; Peter (like Paul in 14:11–15; cf. 28:6) behaves honorably here, in contrast to Herod Agrippa I in 12:22–23 (cf. 8:9–10; Luke 21:8).

10:28 Strict Jews avoided eating with Gentiles (cf. 11:3). Ethnic division between Jews and Syrians in Caesarea (11:1) often led to violence; God, however, was working to transcend this barrier.

10:30–33 Ancient literature often repeated events or messages when people recounted them, although by this period they preferred to vary the wording.

10:34–35 It was customary to begin speeches by praising (or here, at least accepting) the hearers. God’s impartiality (cf. Deut. 10:17; Rom. 2:11) was a common emphasis in Jewish thought. Some Greek writers also appealed to this idea to underline the universality of chief deities.

10:36 peace ... Lord of all. Evokes the promised era of restoration in Is. 52:7 (cf. 57:19). Jewish people called God “Lord of all,” a title here applied to Jesus. Some scholars contrast this claim with the emperor’s title of “lord” and his claim to establish peace (cf. note on Luke 2:14).

10:38 anointed ... with the Holy Spirit. Jesus being anointed recalls Is. 61:1–2 in Luke 4:18 (“Christ” also is literally “anointed one,” evoking the anointing of kings).

10:39 tree. See note on 5:30; cf. 13:29.

10:41 not to all the people. For selective revelation, see note on 9:7.

10:42 ordained by God to be Judge. Exalted humans sometimes judged the dead in Greek (Minos and Rhadamanthys) and occasionally Jewish (Abel and Enoch) sources, but in Jewish literature the ultimate judge depicted in these terms is God.

10:44 the Holy Spirit fell upon all those who heard. In the OT, the Spirit normally “came on” people to empower them for God’s work (e.g., Num. 11:17, 25–26; Judg. 6:34).

10:45 on the Gentiles also. The prophets had promised the Spirit in the future time of restoration, but only explicitly for God’s own people (e.g., Is. 44:3; Ezek. 36:27).

10:47 This may be an implicit “How much more?” argument (cf. note on 1:20–21)—a form of argument often used by Jesus and other Jewish teachers: if they have received the greater baptism to which the lesser one points (11:16), how much more is it appropriate to grant them the lesser one?

10:48 baptized. Gentiles who converted to Judaism were circumcised (if male) and normally also baptized; here the believers are baptized but not circumcised. stay a few days. Staying with the converts a few days would entail eating with them, which stricter Jews deemed problematic (see 11:2–3; see also notes on 10:23,28).

11:3 ate with them. In contrast to many Diaspora Jews, many Judeans had strict rules against eating with Gentiles (cf. 10:23,28). Those who have been Jesus’ followers for some time now act like the Pharisees and teachers of the law acted in Luke 15:2.

11:6–17 Ancient writers often included recountings of events they already narrated; including such retellings might emphasize the point for the writer’s audience.

11:18 God has also granted to the Gentiles repentance to life. Many Jewish people believed that the small minority of Gentiles who maintained a basic level of decency—no sexual immorality, idolatry or the like—would be saved. More conservative Jewish thinkers, however, demanded conversion, or expected a turning of Gentiles to Israel’s God only in the end time. (The conservative authors of key Qumran documents did not even believe that most Jewish people would be saved.) For the sake of conciseness, Luke may simplify the picture here (cf. 15:1), which was an accepted practice in ancient histories and biographies, and, for that matter, in ordinary speech.

11:19 Phoenicia, Cyprus and Antioch. Many Jewish people resided in these locations.

11:20 Antioch. Various cities were named Antioch; the Antioch here is Antioch-on-the-Orontes (on the Orontes River), the third or fourth largest city in the empire (with between 100,000 and 600,000 residents). The Roman governor of Syria and his legion resided there; it did not have the status of a Roman colony, but was a “free city” with a measure of autonomy. Antioch and Cyrene had particularly large Jewish populations. Jewish residents may have constituted even a quarter or a third of Cyrene; Antioch’s proportion is unknown (some estimates are close to 10 percent), but many Jews lived there. The status of Jews differed in the two cities: in a time of later strife, many of Cyrene’s Jews were massacred, but after the Judean revolt Antioch spared its Jewish residents. Hellenists. This time (in contrast to 6:1) of the Gentile variety (because of the contrast with “Jews” in v. 19); they are cultural Greeks but ethnically could also include Syrians. In contrast to the Syrian countryside, Antioch had many cultural Greeks. It was also a cosmopolitan center with considerable exchange among cultures; many Gentiles converted to Judaism or were God-fearers in Antioch (cf. 6:5). Pagan cults flourished in Antioch as in other Gentile cities; the most famous was the local cult of Apollo.

11:22 News of these things came to ... Jerusalem. Antioch was over 300 miles (480 kilometers) north of Jerusalem.

11:25 Tarsus. See the article “Tarsus.” The city was roughly 100 miles (160 kilometers) north of Antioch.

11:26 Christians. The title seems a political nickname (resembling Pompeiians—members of Pompey’s party—and other titles of political parties). Those who believed that Christ was king could be accused of treason, and the title “Christians” became a legal charge (1 Pet. 4:16), though it was soon embraced by Jesus’ followers as a welcome title. Here it was probably merely ridicule; Antiochians developed a reputation for mocking people.

11:27 prophets. Although many ancients believed in prophets, no other movement had large numbers of prophets as a norm. Outsiders hearing and believing such reports would be astonished.

11:28 stood up. One would stand to address others. great famine. A series of famines struck in the time of the emperor Claudius (AD 41–54), in the mid- to late-40s.

11:29 send relief to the brethren. Trade made Antioch prosperous; nevertheless, their generosity is significant, since the famine is predicted to affect Antioch as well. Cities depended on grain imported from the countryside. Wealthy benefactors were known to contribute to the public good, but all the disciples here share. Given the diverse ethnic composition of the believers in Antioch (v. 20), sharing with Jerusalemites as “brethren” speaks of spiritual kin ties that transcend even ethnic differences, in a world where such differences were often significant.

11:30 elders. Traditionally, elders were the leaders in Jewish communities. Historians often shifted their narration to a different location or series of events only to return to the original subject later (12:25).

12:1 Herod the king. Herod Agrippa I, the popular grandson of Herod the Great (Matt. 2:1) and his favorite wife, the Maccabean princess Mariamne. He was the full brother of Herodias (Mark 6:17), who had to lend him money when he spent his resources too lavishly. During his years in Rome he became close friends with Gaius Caligula, who became emperor; as a result of this connection, Agrippa became the first king of Judea (AD 41–44) since his grandfather. After Caligula’s death, the new emperor Claudius sent Agrippa to Jerusalem, where he reigned until his death.

12:2 with the sword. Decapitation was considered one of the most merciful (because it was swifter) forms of execution. Although the Sanhedrin lacked the right to execute without Roman permission (John 18:31), Agrippa as a king approved by Rome could execute at will.

12:3 pleased the Jews. Agrippa’s character here is in keeping with his portrait in Josephus. Agrippa sometimes clashed with the traditional elite in Jerusalem. Despite (or because of) his years living among the elite in Rome, however, he sought to prove his conservative Jewish identity to his people, and often acted to please them, including the Pharisees. This example began a nationalistic resurgence in Judea that continued until the first Judean revolt of AD 66. during the Days of Unleavened Bread. Festival seasons drew large crowds, hence providing optimum warning value for executions (cf. Luke 22:7).

12:4 four squads of soldiers. The Roman military sometimes delegated special tasks to units of four soldiers. The different “squads” here probably work different shifts. before the people after Passover. Agrippa is known to have sometimes executed condemned persons for public entertainment.

12:6 bound with two chains between two soldiers. Each chain connected Peter to a soldier; this was one of the most secure forms of detention, making escape impossible without collusion.

12:8 Gird yourself ... sandals. Prisons did not provide clothes or sandals; these are Peter’s own. He may have been using the outer garment as a blanket, as was common.

12:10 opened ... of its own accord. In a popular Greek story, the deity Dionysus freed his followers from prison and could make a door open by itself; such features also appear in a traditional Jewish story about Moses. Peter probably did not expect to experience this in his own real life, however. down one street. Possibly Agrippa had kept Peter in the Antonia Fortress on the temple mount; if this is correct (it is not certain), Peter could have followed a major street to Wilson’s Arch and from there walked to the wealthy upper city (see vv. 12–13).

12:12 the house of Mary, the mother of John. It is not surprising that in a section of Luke’s work addressing first-century Judea (here) and Galilee, we find various women named Mary; Mary was the most common Judean and Galilean female name. In the first three centuries AD, churches met especially in homes, as did some other kinds of associations. This was economically feasible and under some circumstances also safer. A house large enough for many people to gather, with an outer entrance and a servant (v. 13), was wealthier than average and probably located in the upper city of Jerusalem.

12:13 a girl named Rhoda came to answer. The wealthiest homes had porters to watch the outer gate; in other moneyed homes servants might fill multiple roles. Rhoda was a common slave name. (Meaning “rose-bush,” “Rhoda” was roughly equivalent to the modern name “Rose.”) In socioeconomic terms of education and even social mobility, household slaves often had better advantages than peasants (who comprised the majority of free persons in the empire). Male householders sometimes sexually abused slaves, but this would rarely if ever happen in households headed by women (cf. v. 12).

12:15 You are beside yourself. Foolish slave women often constituted the butt of Greek comedy, but here Luke instead makes fun of the foolish people who were praying for Peter (v. 5) yet refused to believe Rhoda (cf. Luke 24:11,37). his angel. Jewish sources sometimes compared the righteous deceased with angels.

12:17 motioning ... with his hand. Raising the right hand with the end finger stretched out was a conventional way of calling for silence. James. This James, Jesus’ half-brother (15:13; 21:18; Gal. 1:19), differs from the one executed in v. 2; the name (lit. “Jacob”) was common in Judea and Galilee. Known for his conservative piety, this James would invite less hostile attention from the people Agrippa sought to please (v. 3). Indeed, when a high priest martyred him 15 to 20 years later, those most devout in the law, probably Pharisees, led the outcry against the high priest.

12:19 commanded that they should be put to death. Apart from a supernatural explanation, Agrippa could only expect the collusion of the guards on duty for the escape. Romans punished guards who let prisoners escape according to the penalty the prisoners would have received; Agrippa chooses to follow that practice here, executing the squad of four soldiers who had been on duty. Caesarea. Judea’s capital, easily accessible by sea to representatives from Tyre and Sidon (v. 20).

12:20 their country was supplied with food by the king’s country. Tyre and Sidon were Hellenistic cities dependent on agricultural imports, including from lands under Agrippa’s jurisdiction. Agrippa had cut off exports to them, and the limitation of resources (11:28) had made the situation critical.

12:21 royal apparel. Josephus also comments on the splendor of Agrippa’s robes on this occasion, noting that they were woven with silver. gave an oration. He was addressing delegates of Tyre and Sidon in Caesarea’s massive theater, where Agrippa often spoke.

12:22 voice of a god. Josephus agrees that Agrippa’s flatterers called him a god. Although such adulation had a long history in Persia and the eastern Mediterranean world, even Caesar expected non-emperors to reject such honors.

12:23 struck him ... eaten by worms and died. Josephus indicates that Agrippa collapsed and spent the next five days with terrible pain in his stomach before succumbing to death. A range of ancient sources depicts death from bowel troubles or worms as among the most horrible deaths, suitable especially for wicked tyrants.

12:25 returned from Jerusalem. Antioch was more than 300 miles (480 kilometers) north of Jerusalem. took with them John. It was safer to travel in groups, and disciples or apprentices could travel with teachers.

13:1 The leadership team has geographic, cultural, and possibly some ethnic diversity. Simeon. A common Jewish name. Niger. A common Latin name, but here functions as a nickname, meaning “dark.” He could be descended from African proselytes, although “dark” was used as a relative term. Lucius. A common name; he was from the prosperous North African city of Cyrene, which had a large Jewish population (11:20). Manaen. A Greek form of the Jewish name “Menahem.” brought up with Herod the tetrarch. The Herod in view here is Herod Antipas (see notes on Mark 6:14,17). The designation “brought up with” could mean that Manaen was a slave who used the same wet-nurse as Antipas but was later freed and given authority (as sometimes happened for rulers’ slave playmates). Conversely, Manaen could have been one of the aristocratic children tutored by the same teacher as Antipas. In any case, he had come from a position of great authority and probably education; he could be in his 60s at this point.

13:2 fasted. A primarily Jewish custom, it was often used for mourning, occasionally used to seek revelations, but here, as often, probably linked with prayer.

13:3 sent them away. Probably includes their fare.

13:4 Seleucia. A port town on the coast, some 15 miles (24 kilometers) west of Antioch. It was a wealthy and well-fortified mercantile city. From here, Cyprus was just 60 miles (95 kilometers) by sea. Cyprus. The island is wealthy and important, and Barnabas already has contacts here (4:36; 11:19–20).

13:5 Salamis. The first port that a ship from Seleucia would reach, it was Cyprus’s most prominent city and is estimated to have had more than 100,000 residents. A Jewish community is known there, although it was slaughtered during strife in the early second century AD.

13:6 through the island. The missionaries likelier traveled on the shorter and newer southern road rather than on the northern one; if so, cities where they ministered along the way could have included Citium, Amathus and Curium. Paphos. New Paphos on Cyprus’s west was the governor’s seat, and a fine palace uncovered by archaeologists there may have belonged to the governor. Paphos had a significant harbor and well-known temples, though the most famous shrine, a temple of Aphrodite, lay about seven miles (11 kilometers) to the southeast in old Paphos. sorcerer. Some of the most respected magicians in antiquity were Jewish, and Jewish elements often occurred in magical texts (often alongside pagan elements).

13:7 with the proconsul. Rulers and governors sometimes included diviners among their advisors. Inscriptions show that the senatorial family of the Sergii Paulii were established in southern Asia Minor. Growing up in a Roman family in western Asia, Sergius Paulus probably had more eclectic religious tastes than traditional families in Rome. Given what we know of Sergius Paulus’s senatorial career and other factors, he was presumably proconsul on Cyprus c. AD 45–46.

13:9 Paul. A Roman cognomen, normally only used by Roman citizens (see note on 16:37); Romans had three Roman names, but could go by their cognomen alone. In the eastern Mediterranean, people often had a local name in addition to a Roman name; sometimes, as here, the other name resembled the Roman name in sound (here, Saul) or meaning. (Saul, the name of Israel’s only Benjamite ruler, may have been especially favored among Benjamites; cf. Rom. 11:1; Phil. 3:5.)

13:13 Perga in Pamphylia. On the southern coast of Asia Minor (modern Turkey), Pamphylia was north of Paphos; ships landed especially at Attalia on the coast. A paved road from Attalia led about ten miles (16 kilometers) inland to Perga, one of Pamphylia’s two chief cities; some estimate that Perga held over 100,000 residents.

13:14 came to Antioch in Pisidia. Three routes northward were possible, but the likeliest is the Via Sebaste (Augustus Highway), which passed through Comama en route to Antioch (and beyond it to Iconium; v. 51). The road from Perga to Antioch was more than 100 miles (160 kilometers) uphill, probably at least a week’s journey. Unlike many other cities mentioned in Acts, Pisidian Antioch was not important in the larger scheme of the empire’s affairs; it was, however, very important in the interior of Asia Minor. A prosperous Roman colony, it had about 5,000 colonists (a minority of its total population), and had 115 acres (46.5 hectares) inside its walls (plus vast holdings in its larger territory). Technically this Antioch (a common name for cities) lay in Phrygia, but because another Phrygian city also bore the name Antioch, this one was commonly identified by its proximity to Pisidia. Although worshiping many gods, this region was famous especially for its local god called Mên; Antioch’s most conspicuous temple, however, honored the emperor. Although this Antioch was strategic as far as the interior of Anatolia went, it could not compete in importance with the coastal megacities. Why did Paul and Barnabas go there? One likely motivation is the connection with Sergius Paulus (vv. 7,12), whose family controlled vast estates in this region. A letter of recommendation from him could be expected to open many doors—at least until local interests shut them (v. 50). the Sabbath. When the Jewish community as a whole gathered.

13:15 reading of the Law and the Prophets. Scripture was read in synagogues in this period, though probably not yet with specified (lectionary) readings. rulers of the synagogue. In many locations an honorary title, but normally belonged to respected people of status who exercised influence on how the synagogue meetings occurred. if you have any word of exhortation. Perhaps anyone educated could give public explanations of the readings, especially in the Diaspora.

13:16 stood up. In the Diaspora, a speaker would stand. To secure attention, he might follow the conventional gesture of stretching out his hand with the thumb pointed up. listen. Speeches normally began by specifying the addressees and often opened with invitations like this one.

13:17 Paul’s speech displays thorough knowledge of the OT.

13:20 four hundred and fifty years. May be a round number blending some 400 years in Egypt (7:6; Gen. 15:13) plus 40 years in the wilderness (7:36; Ex. 16:35; Deut. 2:7); a specific estimate for the former period was 430 years (Ex. 12:40–41; Gal. 3:17).

13:21 Saul ... forty years. The length of Saul’s reign cited here by Paul fits one line of Jewish tradition, though opinions varied.

13:22 See 1 Sam. 13:14.

13:23 Savior. See Savior.

13:25 sandals ... I am not worthy to loose. Carrying or tying another’s sandals was the sort of menial work a slave would do; although the prophets were “servants of the LORD” (e.g., 2 Kin. 9:7; 17:13; Jer. 7:25), John counted himself unworthy to be the coming one’s servant—even in the most lowly sense of the word.

13:27 fulfilled the words of the prophets. In Is. 53:1–4, Israel despised their righteous deliverer, fitting a pattern found also in other texts (see note on 7:35–38).

13:28 asked Pilate that He should be put to death. The Sanhedrin could not execute anyone without the governor’s permission (see note on John 18:31). Pilate. Pontius Pilate was governor of Judea from AD 26 to 36; he may have remained in power during Jesus’ ministry partly because the praetorian prefect Sejanus, who was close to the emperor, may have been his patron. If this was the case, Pilate’s position would have become more tenuous, inviting more caution, after Sejanus was executed in AD 31.

13:33 My Son. Ancient Middle Eastern peoples often cited prophecies confirming that their kings were sons of deities, hence fit to rule. Ps. 2 affirms the adoption of David’s line. It may look to the ultimate Davidic ruler par excellence, and was so applied in early Judaism, after Davidic rule had been cut off. The ruler publicly received the title at his coronation; Jesus’ exaltation here is His enthronement.

13:34 David. The assumed author of Ps. 2 (cited in v. 33), so relevance to the Davidic promise provides a natural connection to the present citation of Is. 55:3 (which goes on to speak also of witness to and ruling other peoples in 55:4).

13:35 Jewish interpreters often connected texts that used the same key word or concept; “holy” appears in Is. 55:3 cited in v. 34 and also in Ps. 16:10 cited here. Ancient interpreters assumed that Ps. 16 was Davidic, so the theme of the Davidic promise continues in both verses.

13:36 saw corruption. Thus the Davidic promise cannot refer to David himself (texts such as Jer. 30:9; Ezek. 34:23–24; 37:24–25 refer not to David literally but to his household; cf. Jer. 33:17,21).

13:40–41 Paul cites Hab. 1:5 (a text also used in the Dead Sea Scrolls to underline Israel’s rejection of God’s messengers). Possibly in the original sermon, here condensed, Paul had already explored this context, citing Hab. 2:4, in his discussion of justification by faith (summarized in vv. 38–39).

13:44 almost the whole city. When a well-known speaker came to town large crowds would gather. Many Gentiles were interested in the Jewish faith but did not wish to be circumcised or become Jewish (which in first-century thought entailed abandoning one’s ethnicity to embrace a foreign people as one’s own). Most of these Gentiles had also been participating in the local imperial cult and had been worshiping the local god Mên as well as other deities.

13:47 Paul cites Is. 49:6 to support the Gentile mission. Elsewhere in this section of Isaiah (Is. 41:8–9; 44:1–2,21; 45:4; 49:3), the servant who is to carry out God’s mission is Israel as a whole; but because the servant fails in his mission (Is. 42:18–19), God raises up one within Israel to fulfill the mission and suffer on behalf of Israel (Is. 49:5–7; 52:13–53:12, especially 53:4–6,9). Jesus fulfills that mission (Acts 8:32–33), and this verse (“commanded us,” Acts 13:47) suggests that His agents should follow Him in continuing that mission.

13:48 appointed to eternal life. Most Jewish people believed that they themselves were the ones appointed to eternal life, but Luke includes here believing Gentiles.

13:50 devout and prominent women. Many Gentile women, including aristocratic women, were interested in Judaism; inscriptions show that they far outnumbered Gentile men as worshipers of Israel’s God. (In addition to considering the pain of circumcision, men would lose considerable social status by following Jewish practices.) The small local elite held much power in a city; in Antioch, the elite were Roman citizens, and the most prominent families were the Caristanii and the relatives of Sergius Paulus.

13:51 shook off the dust from their feet. Shaking dust from one’s feet or even showing one’s heel was a sign of repudiation. Because some Jewish people also removed dust of profane, pagan territory when entering the Holy Land, the action may also depict the Jewish opposition as equivalent to pagan behavior (cf. Luke 10:11–12). Iconium. A prosperous city, though not comparable to the major coastal cities, it lay over 85 miles (135 kilometers), or over four days’ walk, farther east along the Via Sebaste (Augustus Highway) than Pisidian Antioch. Because of the rugged terrain, the Via Sebaste was the only practical route Paul and Barnabas could have taken either to the east or to the west.

14:1 Iconium. See note on 13:51. Many people in Iconium spoke a Phrygian dialect but also Greek, and Greek would be the language of the synagogue. Gentiles there worshiped the traditionally Phrygian mother goddess Cybele and the Roman emperor as well as an array of traditional Greek deities.

14:5 a violent attempt ... to abuse and stone them. Civic leaders could have officially expelled Paul and Barnabas from the city. Stoning exceeded their legal authority, and would constitute a mob action (perhaps designed by some of the Jewish critics because it was the designated penalty for blasphemy).

14:6 cities of Lycaonia. Ancient writers often included Iconium itself in Lycaonia, but it was culturally Phrygian. The Sergii Paulii owned estates a few days’ walk to the north of Iconium, but that area was not well populated, and events in Antioch may have weakened the apostles’ assurance of a hospitable reception with more of this family in any case (cf. note on 13:50). They therefore continue south 20–25 miles (32–40 kilometers) on the Via Sebaste to Lystra (see note on v. 8) on the colder Lycaonian Plateau. Derbe lay 60 miles (95 kilometers) farther southeast on another road.

14:8 Lystra. A Roman colony that often emphasized its Roman character in ways that connected it more to the more distant Pisidian Antioch (cf. v. 19) than to the Hellenistic towns in its own vicinity. One-third of its inscriptions are in Latin, though the countryside spoke Greek and Lystra was less Romanized than Antioch (see note on v. 11).

14:9 heard Paul speaking. Sages and orators who lacked schools often spoke in markets or other public places to whoever would gather to listen.

14:11 Lycaonian language. Most of Lystra’s landowners, as Roman colonists, spoke Latin. Lystra, however, also served as a market town for its region, and the other people spoke Greek and the local Lycaonian dialect; local languages persisted in rural Asia Minor long after Greek became the trade language. They would understand Greek even if they spoke with one another in Lycaonian.

14:12 Zeus ... Hermes. Zeus was considered king of the gods, and Hermes the messenger of the gods. Although rejecting disguised gods or angels was always deemed dangerous, one regional story in particular may have been most influential on the hearers’ behavior here. In this tale, Zeus and Hermes had visited Phrygia but found hospitality with only one couple; the deities had therefore destroyed the rest of the land with a flood. The apostles’ hearers determine not to risk the same mistake.

14:13 temple was in front of the city. Many temples in Asia Minor were outside their cities. Although only one priest is leading here, Lystra’s temple of Zeus may have had multiple priests. oxen. Bulls were some of the most expensive sacrifices; possibly these were donated by the priest (in Asia Minor, wealthy benefactors often were rewarded with annual priestly offices). garlands. People could wear garlands at festivals; perhaps more relevant, garlands were frequently placed on animals before the animals were sacrificed. gates. Could refer to city gates or to temple gates (since Lystra may have been unwalled).

14:14 heard this. Someone explained to the apostles in Greek what was being said in Lycaonian (see note on v. 11). tore their clothes. Jewish tradition mandated tearing one’s robes in mourning if one heard blasphemy.

14:15 Although contextualizing the message for their audience (see note on v. 17), the apostles draw on Biblical concepts, such as “worthless things” as a title for idols and “living God” for the true God. The description of the Creator evokes Ps. 146:6 and possibly similar texts.

14:17 rain ... fruitful seasons. Most of the audience consisted of farmers, and the speech fits their setting; rhetoric emphasized keeping one’s speech relevant to one’s audience (cf. the very different speeches to different audiences in 13:16–47 and 17:22–31).

14:19 Jews from Antioch and Iconium. Antioch was close to 100 miles (160 kilometers) away and Iconium only 20 miles (32 kilometers), but Antioch would have been influential. As significant colonies in the region, Antioch and Lystra were considered sister cities despite their distance. persuaded the multitudes. Mobs were considered extremely fickle, and another explanation is also relevant for why the crowds shift loyalties so quickly: once Paul and Barnabas preach against the people’s gods (vv. 15–17), they appear impious rather than divine. Their enemies could thus explain the apostles’ superhuman powers as works of magic instead of miracles. stoned Paul. Stoning was the conventional punishment for blasphemy (see note on 7:58) but also a frequent action of urban mobs, who sometimes employed tiles and other available objects as well as stones. dragged him out of the city. Executions and burials were typically outside cities; even if mob violence killed someone within a city, residents would not want a dead body to remain within the city walls.

14:20 departed with Barnabas to Derbe. Decrees from one community (if any decrees in addition to mob actions had occurred) were not binding in another community. That the apostles travel to Derbe—60 miles (95 kilometers), some three days’ journey farther southeast on another road, possibly not even paved—shows their eagerness to evade further interference from their opponents. Derbe achieved the status of a Greek city probably in the following decade, but did not yet have even this status.

14:21 returned to Lystra, Iconium and Antioch. Returning to the towns where they had preached, instead of crossing the Taurus Mountains south to Paul’s familiar land of Cilicia, offers an example of courage for the disciples.

14:22 through many tribulations. Most Jewish people expected a time of tribulation that preceded the kingdom, what some later teachers called the “birth pangs of the Messiah” (cf. Mark 13:5–26). The believers must be prepared to suffer.

14:23 appointed elders. Because some older men came to be known for wisdom and maturity, select elders ruled OT villages and continued to fill a respected leadership role in this period. Usually they functioned as a group. fasting. See note on 13:2.

14:24 Pisidia ... Pamphylia. These cities were so close geographically that writers sometimes linked them.

14:25 Perga. Largely Gentile, and perhaps the missionaries feel more prepared to preach in such a location than they did in 13:13–14. went down to Attalia. The paved Via Sebaste did not go beyond Perga, so they took an inferior road to Attalia. Attalia was Pamphylia’s main port, and it lay on the mouth of the Catarractes. Most of Attalia lay on a steep elevation just above the sea. That port town included some high-status Roman settlers (notably the Calpurnii). It also had many ships sailing to Syria, being a major port for trade with that region.

14:27 gathered the church together. Although most groups in the Mediterranean were informally networked through travelers bringing news, this community has special interest. Its concerted commitment to missions was more formal than comparable expectations in contemporary Judaism.

15:1 Unless you are circumcised ... you cannot be saved. Only the strictest minority of Jews limited salvation to full converts. Most Jewish people believed that righteous Gentiles would be saved (these were Gentiles who were sexually pure and did not worship idols—admittedly a very small proportion of Gentiles). Jewish people did not, however, believe that Gentiles could become members of God’s people without conversion (possibly the issue in Paul’s letter to the Galatians). From the reign of Agrippa I (AD 41–44) until Jerusalem’s fall nationalist attitudes had been growing.

15:2 go up to Jerusalem, to the apostles and elders. Local elders led Diaspora synagogues, but until AD 70 Jewish people in the Diaspora nevertheless respected the preeminence of the leaders in Jerusalem; the same principle was likely retained for Jerusalem’s role in the early Christian movement.

15:3 Phoenicia. Tyre and Sidon (12:19) were among the major cities of Phoenicia.

15:5 sect of the Pharisees. Josephus similarly applied the term translated here “sect” to Pharisees and other groups. After AD 70, the more liberal Hillelite faction prevailed among Pharisees, but the more conservative Shammaites dominated before 70. Hillel reportedly welcomed proselytes diplomatically, but Shammai reportedly insisted on them keeping the entire law from the moment of conversion.

15:6 came together to consider. Some ideal groups, such as the Essenes, tried to achieve consensus. Jewish sages debated and would settle on a clear majority opinion; consensus was ideal, though on controversial issues rarely achieved. In general, ancient society was heavily divided through political alliances and civic rivalries.

15:7 Peter ... said to them. Speakers often appealed to sources respected by those they needed to persuade; thus, e.g., a more conservative voice carried weight in support of a less conservative opinion, and so forth. The support of Peter and especially James (v. 13) thus carry much weight in the conservative Jerusalem church.

15:8 giving them the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit was an end-time gift for God’s people (Is. 44:3; Ezek. 36:27).

15:10 a yoke ... which neither our fathers nor we were able to bear. Jewish teachers spoke favorably of the yoke of God’s kingdom and the yoke of His law. They believed that the law’s duties freed them from heavier burdens. Jeremiah, however, warned that Israel had failed to keep the law, a situation to be remedied by the new covenant (Jer. 31:32–33).

15:13 See note on v. 7.

15:14 Gentiles to take out of them a people for His name. Given the wording, James probably already has in mind the Amos quotation that he will offer in v. 17.

15:16 tabernacle ... fallen. In Amos 9:11, quoted here, David’s house has become a “tabernacle ... which has fallen down,” probably like the cut-off stump in Is. 11:1; but God would restore His people and the rule of a Davidic descendant over them. The Qumran scrolls also apply this passage to the promised Davidic king.

15:17 rest of mankind. In Amos 9:12, quoted here, God’s people would “possess the remnant of Edom”; but Jewish teachers often made slight changes in the way they read the Hebrew text to get fuller meaning. The Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, read “Edom” as if it were “Adam,” i.e. “humanity,” and thus translated as “mankind,” as here. (Since his argument will be used by Diaspora Christians, it made sense for James to use the Septuagint, although Luke would have quoted the text in Greek in any case.) Since Edom was simply one example of the nations, the new wording captures the idea; the parallel line already spoke of “all the nations.” called by My name. Although having God’s name over them could mean conquest, the phrase also applies to God’s people (Deut. 28:10; Is. 63:19; Jer. 14:9; Dan. 9:19). The promised Davidic king would rule the nations (e.g., Is. 11:10; 19:25; 56:6).

15:18 known to God from eternity. Might echo Is. 45:21.

15:20 abstain from ... things strangled and from blood. Animals that were strangled still had blood in them—and one law given to Noah was the prohibition of eating meat with blood in it (Gen. 9:4). These rules applied to foreigners living in Israel in Lev. 17–18:16; widespread Jewish tradition applied them to righteous Gentiles who would be saved (what in later rabbinic tradition became known as the Noahide laws, the rules given to all of Noah’s descendants). The list given here maintains a compromise position: Gentile Christians would be treated as righteous Gentiles if they kept these few rules (some of which Biblical morals would demand anyway). The compromise does not address the theological issue on which Paul and many Jerusalem believers would not agree—whether Gentile Christians could be treated as part of God’s people without physical circumcision.

15:21 preach him in every city. The Jewish Diaspora meant that there were synagogues in most important cities, which could be hyperbolically described as “all.” Gentiles could learn about the law in the synagogues if they wished.

15:23–29 Ancient historians often included letters and decrees in their histories; this letter is of average length. This letter, delivered to many churches, would be well known in the early church.

15:23 Antioch, Syria and Cilicia. Antioch was the largest city in the massive Roman province of Syria; in this period Syria’s governor also governed Cilicia (whose chief city was Tarsus). Greetings. The standard opening in many ancient letters.

15:24 The Jerusalem leaders honor their Diaspora audience by composing sophisticated Greek (the opening Greek sentence in vv. 24–26 is a Greek “period,” a particularly eloquent Greek literary structure). Ancient writers often denounced those who sowed division.

15:25 send chosen men. Officials or councils sometimes sent important representatives to bear decrees and/or circular letters to regions.

15:28 It seemed good. Often appears in resolutions from councils or senates and in decrees from emperors.

15:29 On these prohibitions, see note on v. 20. Farewell. The standard close of letters.

15:30 delivered the letter. Would include a public reading of the letter; even in urban areas, most people could not read very well.

15:33 with greetings. Lit., simply “with peace”; to send someone away in peace meant that one had shown them proper hospitality, not doing wrong to them.

15:39 contention became so sharp that they parted from one another. Even ancient biographies favorable to their subjects usually reported negative behavior at times. Given the harmony displayed in v. 28, the conflict here seems negative, although Luke probably expects that God blessed both new ministry teams.

15:40 chose Silas. In condensing material, ancient historians sometimes omitted details; here this would include either that Silas had returned or that he was not among those sent off (v. 33).

15:41 Syria and Cilicia. See note on v. 23. During warm seasons, travelers could move from Cilicia across the Taurus Mountains in the north to Derbe and Lystra (16:1).

16:1 Derbe. See note on 14:20. Lystra. See note on 14:8. Jewish woman ... father was Greek. Although Judeans believed that intermarriage with Gentiles invited God’s wrath, the few Jewish residents in a town such as Lystra probably were less strict.

16:2 Lystra. See note on 14:8. Iconium. See notes on 13:51; 14:6.

16:3 Paul ... circumcised him. Timothy’s Gentile father apparently forbade his circumcision; Jewish people thus would view Timothy as a Gentile.

16:4 decrees to keep. See 15:20 and note; 15:29.

16:6 Phrygia ... Galatia. Much of Phrygia lay in the southern part of the Roman province of Galatia, and Phrygian Galatia is the region likely in view here. (North Galatia was less populated and does not fit a journey from Lystra to Mysia.) Asia. An important road led west to the prosperous and heavily populated Roman province of Asia (on the west coast of Asia Minor or today’s Turkey); Paul later ministers there (see 19:10; Ephesus was its most prominent city).

16:7 Mysia. They may have been at a city on its eastern border in northern Phrygia; there they could turn right to Bithynia in the north (a strategic region), or turn left to Mysia and Asia in the west. They pass northwest through Mysia in v. 8. Spirit. Identifying the Holy Spirit (v. 6), which Jewish people usually understood as God’s Spirit, with the Spirit of Jesus (v. 7, see NKJV text note) identifies Jesus as divine.

16:8 Troas. Alexandria Troas was a large Roman colony in northwestern Mysia, 10–15 miles (16–24 kilometers) south of old Troas, the site of the Trojan War. Romans believed that they descended from the Trojans, so this site commanded great respect for them; it was the historic boundary between Europe and Asia in Greek legend (Homer) and history (Alexander the Great). Some scholars estimate the population of Alexandria Troas at 100,000 people. Geographically, Troas would have been time-consuming for the apostolic team to reach by their travel inland described in 16:7–8, but it was strategically located on the northern trade route between Macedonia (on to Rome) and Asia. Its artificial harbor was the best harbor in the region, and it was consequently prosperous from trade.

16:9 Macedonia. Had itself been a powerful empire, especially after the time of Alexander the Great, but Rome defeated it in 167 BC and made it a province in 146 BC. Alexander had invaded Asia with Hellenistic culture, starting with Troas (see note on v. 8); here a different kind of message is about to spread from Asia to Europe. Greeks divided the world into three continents: everything to their east was Asia and everything to the south was Africa. By this definition, now used in the Roman Empire, Judea, like Asia Minor, belonged to Asia.

16:10 we. From this point forward, “we” recurs in some parts of the book, usually as a travel notice (vv. 10–17, and on Paul’s journeys to Jerusalem and Rome). In ancient historical works, use of the first person almost always indicated the author’s action or narration (or in this case, his presence as part of a group).

16:11 From Troas ... to Neapolis. More than 150 miles (240 kilometers). Samothrace. This island was a rough midway point between Troas and Neapolis, and its high mountain made it easy to spot; the best port was in the capital city of the same name, on the island’s north shore. Neapolis. The port town of Philippi, Macedonia’s best port besides Thessalonica. The seasonal winds are more favorable for Paul’s voyage here than those in 20:6.

16:12 Philippi. Ten miles (16 kilometers) by land from the port of Neapolis (v. 11), Philippi had been a Roman colony since 42 BC; its citizens were therefore citizens of Rome. The city took its colonial status very seriously: e.g., over 80 percent of its inscriptions are in Latin. It was a largely agrarian town and some estimate its population at only 10,000 or even 5,000. Nevertheless, it was prosperous and its location was strategic as the eastern end of the major Via Egnatia, an overland route to the eastern coast of the Adriatic, thus connected to Italy by sea. foremost city. Thessalonica was Macedonia’s capital but Philippi was the most respected city in the first of Macedonia’s four districts; Luke may simply call it a “the foremost city” without implying that no other cities merited the same title.

16:13 out of the city to the riverside. The Gangites River was about 1.5 miles (2.4 kilometers) to Philippi’s west, reached by means of the Via Egnatia (and outside the city gate); some scholars think that Luke instead means the creek Krenides, closer to Philippi, or an ancient stream on Philippi’s east. In any case, Diaspora Jewish ritual included purifying their hands. Thus in a city without a synagogue, one would look for sympathizers with Judaism to gather on the Sabbath near water. A large majority of Gentile sympathizers with Judaism were women, who would lose less status and, in the case of conversion, would not risk the pain of circumcision.

16:14 a certain woman. Macedonian women exercised much more social power, including in religion, than did women in most of traditional Greece to the southwest. seller of purple. Thyatira in western Asia Minor was strong in textiles; it was in the region of ancient Lydia, making Lydia a fitting name for this woman. Some scholars believe that 10,000 crushed shellfish were needed to yield a single gram of the costliest purple dye, the sort from Tyre. Some believe that dyers in Thyatira and Macedonia used a less expensive substance (the madder plant, for Thyatira).

16:15 her household. Who constituted Lydia’s household is uncertain; it could have included servants, freed persons, or workers. She apparently heads her own household, which could mean that she was widowed, divorced, or a prosperous freedwoman. come to my house and stay. Dealers in purple could be persons of means, although Lydia is technically a foreigner in the city. Hospitality was a prized virtue in the ancient Mediterranean world, and Lydia would count it an honor for this ministry team to stay with her. It would not be unusual for Jewish people to provide guests lodging for three weeks if they found the guests trustworthy. Inns were notorious for prostitution and other issues that made them less than ideal for Jewish travelers. Perhaps 10 percent of ancient benefactors were women; nevertheless, critics of a movement could attack it for depending on women’s financial support.

16:16 a spirit of divination. Lit. “the spirit of a Python.” Python was an epithet of Apollo, who had slain the dragon named Python; Apollo’s most famous temple, at Delphi, had a priestess known as a Pythoness, whose oracles were the most famous in antiquity. She would go into a trance and utter obscure messages that the priests would interpret for the inquirers. This spirit is thus associated with the highest-level pagan prophetic powers.

16:17 Most High God. Her utterance may relativize the uniqueness and necessity of faith in Christ by making Paul’s God simply the greatest in a pantheon. Jewish people spoke of “the Most High God” (Dan. 5:18,21), but so did Gentiles, who often applied it to Zeus and/or to the Jewish God. Ancient magic often acknowledged the Jewish God as the strongest because Jews had only one God; magical papyri sometimes tried to replicate and exploit the secret (unpronounced) holy name of YHWH.

16:18 I command you in the name of Jesus Christ. One method of exorcism was to invoke more powerful spirits to drive out lower ones (see note on 19:13). Here, however, Paul speaks on the basis of Jesus’ delegated authority. On use of the name of Jesus Christ, see notes on 3:6; Matt. 7:21–22.

16:19 the marketplace. Refers not to Philippi’s commercial agora, after the Greek model, but to its nearby central agora, its forum following the Roman model. This large forum—230 feet by 485 feet (70 meters by 150 meters) was intersected by the Via Egnatia that ran through Philippi and on through Macedonia to the west. the authorities. Philippi’s two highest officials, the duoviri. They would not normally look for criminals but waited for accusers to bring charges, as here. The accusations would be brought to a raised platform close to the forum’s north entrance.

16:20 Jews. Anti-Judaism was fashionable, and would be especially embraced in this Roman colony at this time if the emperor Claudius had already expelled Jewish people from Rome (18:2). A group of resident aliens (e.g., Egyptians or Judeans), who were neither descendants of the indigenous population or Roman colonists, were allowed to have their own community within a city, but their social situation could be precarious and they dared not challenge the city’s traditional customs. Many aristocratic Romans hated Jewish people because the latter proved so effective in winning converts, especially women. Greek anti-Judaism was often even more dangerous, as exemplified in the earlier persecutions by Antiochus Epiphanes and the subsequent massacre of Alexandria’s massive Jewish population by that city’s Greek residents. Philippi, though a Roman colony, apparently had a very small Jewish population (v. 13) that made an easy target. trouble our city. Ancient readers disliked demagogues and rabble-rousers, precisely what the missionaries’ accusers are here. Because the accusers might not win a case on the grounds of property damage, they charge the missionaries with disturbing the peace, a charge that Roman officials would punish harshly. The accusers, who are probably Roman citizens, can feel assured that their accusation will win in court, because those of higher status could usually prosecute cases successfully against those of lower status. Philippi, proud of its Roman status, gave first preference to citizens of the colony, who were Roman citizens. What the accusers do not imagine is that the accused, who have not flaunted their status, will also turn out to be Roman citizens (v. 37).

16:22 tore off their clothes. Prisoners were normally stripped naked for punishment; this action was intended to humiliate prisoners, and could be particularly humiliating for Jewish prisoners or other modest peoples from the east. beaten with rods. The officials’ six lictors carried bundles of rods; these rods were used as an emblem of the officials’ authority but also useful for beating prisoners. It was illegal to inflict this punishment on untried Roman citizens, though it sometimes happened where (say, in Jerusalem) officials believed that redress would be difficult. Paul and Silas may not yet understand that in Philippi this illegality will be taken seriously (v. 38).

16:23 prison. The filth and lack of good toilet facilities in prisons raised the risk of infection for the missionaries’ wounds. Clothing and, apart from subsistence-level sustenance, food had to be supplied from outside, and those helping prisoners often had to bribe guards to get this help to them. Prisoners normally slept on cold floors with only their outer garment as bedding. jailer. Chief jailers tended to be well paid for their harshness.

16:24 inner prison. Ordered to “keep them securely” (v. 23), the chief jailer has them placed in the inner prison. This room was the most poorly ventilated part, and if the jailer detained all the prisoners there for the night (as was sometimes done), it would be crowded. stocks. Wood stocks fastened to the floor added both security and a further element of suffering, making movement difficult. These punishments were considered appropriate only for people of low status, and certainly not for untried Roman citizens.

16:25 midnight. People usually went to sleep close to sundown or a little later, though the inner cell would lack access to outside light. praying and singing hymns to God. Even Gentiles respected sages who, in accordance with their principles, could rejoice in affliction. Cf. Ps. 119:61–62.

16:26 great earthquake. Most people in antiquity attributed earthquakes to the activity of God or pagan deities. A normal earthquake would not open doors and break everyone’s chains while leaving everyone unharmed. For shaking after prayer, cf. 4:31.

16:27 drew his sword and was about to kill himself. Although the chief jailer could not be held responsible for the earthquake, he could be deemed negligent for inadequate or sleeping staff. Rather than face execution, Romans often preferred suicide. Although some reasons for or forms of suicide were considered cowardly, Romans considered falling on one’s sword in such circumstances noble. (Christian thinkers who addressed the topic in subsequent centuries disagreed, affirming that only God has the right to take life.)

16:28 We are all here. Roman law punished harshly those who escaped detention, but some sources suggest that officials might give special treatment to those who refused to flee when they had the opportunity.

16:29 called for a light. Given the inner cell’s darkness, the chief jailer’s subordinates quickly procured torches.

16:30 Sirs, what must I do to be saved? His question reflects some knowledge of the original situation behind their charge (v. 17). In a context such as this one, “sirs” could mean “lords,” but in v. 31 the missionaries point the jailer to the true Lord (the same Greek term).

16:31 you and your household. Ancient households usually followed the religion of the head of the household. (They did not always do so, but it was the norm and it often embarrassed the husband when his wife or children did not.)

16:33 took them ... and washed their stripes. Taking prisoners out of custody without authorization risked severe punishment. washed. Jails were often in cities’ public areas, where fountains and other water sources existed. Prisoners in jail lacked the means to wash themselves. baptized. The jailer washed and, perhaps from the same water source, received washing.

16:34 brought them into his house. Fraternizing with prisoners risked severe punishment. set food before them. Because it is unlikely that the jailer had available food prepared in a kosher manner, Paul and Silas also value the acceptance of hospitality (cf. Luke 10:8) above conventional purity regulations (Lev. 11). On the usual diet of prisoners, see note on v. 23; here, however, they would eat the sort of food the jailer had available.

16:35 when it was day. The rapid release may be because the magistrates recognized the earthquake as a divine sign, but may be simply because the magistrates deemed the previous day’s punishment sufficient warning to deter further problems. (That they had so readily accommodated a mob in v. 22 suggests that crowd control was a higher priority for them in the case than individual justice.)

16:37 Romans. Possibly the jailer informed them that their rights as Roman citizens, violated in v. 22, would actually be taken seriously in Philippi. The name Paul was a cognomen almost always used only by Roman citizens. If Paul did not carry documents attesting his citizenship, it could be verified by records in Tarsus. (A false claim on this matter was not normally expected since it would lead, once checked, to execution.) Paul’s ancestors may have acquired citizenship after being freed from slavery in Rome (on the enslavement of Jews by Pompey, and their subsequent release, see the article “Synagogue of the Freedmen”).

Citizenship could be acquired by various means: being born to a citizen (as Paul was); under some conditions, being a freed slave of a Roman citizen (as Paul’s ancestors may have been); being a citizen of a Roman colony, such as Philippi or Corinth; being a veteran from the Roman army’s auxiliary forces; and, more rarely, an honor granted individuals for special service to Rome. Some also purchased it with bribes (see 22:28).

16:38–39 they were afraid ... pleaded with them. The officials could punish many people without trial, but not Roman citizens; the penalty for so treating Roman citizens could include being removed from office, or even trouble for the entire city. While in practice such behavior was overlooked in some places, Philippi was too self-consciously Roman to overlook it. Public honor and shame were important issues in this society; if Paul and Silas left town without some public vindication, it would be more difficult for the church in Philippi. The officials, however, do not want to admit wrong very publicly, so after accompanying Paul and Silas as demanded, they want them and their controversies to leave town.

16:40 seen the brethren. By visiting the believers rather than leaving immediately, Paul and Silas reaffirm their honor; but they quickly comply with the officials’ demands rather than risk consequences for the church. they ... departed. They leave the city on the Via Egnatia, which will take them to the cities mentioned in 17:1.

17:1 Amphipolis ... Apollonia ... Thessalonica. After traveling 33 miles (more than 50 kilometers) on the Via Egnatia, Paul and Silas would reach Amphipolis. Apollonia was 27 miles (some 40 kilometers) farther west on the same road, and Thessalonica 35 miles (some 55 kilometers) still farther. Amphipolis and Apollonia appear in ancient sources as rest stops on the way to Thessalonica, although they would make for long days’ walks, especially considering the preachers’ wounds. Unlike the road from Philippi through Apollonia, the trek to Thessalonica was mostly downhill. Thessalonica was a “free” city (i.e., had some autonomy), was the Roman governor’s seat for Macedonia, and was massive by ancient standards (estimates range as high as 200,000 inhabitants). It would be their last stop on the Via Egnatia for now (see v. 10). synagogue. As a port city, Thessalonica hosted not only traditional cults but also foreign ones, such as archaeologically attested Egyptian shrines and a synagogue.

17:4 leading women. Women exercised more freedom in Macedonia. Throughout the empire Gentile women were more drawn to Judaism than were men.

17:5 marketplace. The probable location of the Jewish community in Thessalonica is near the forum. Ancient sources note that unemployed idlers in marketplaces were often stirred to mob action; those who stirred them were usually viewed as immoral demagogues. Evidence shows that though Thessalonica was rich, many residents were unemployed, among the many who were impoverished.

17:6 they dragged Jason and some brethren. It was normally the responsibility of the accusers to get the accused to court. Although Jason was a traditional Greek name, by this time it was used by many Jews (of whom the Jason here was likely one; cf. Rom. 16:21). rulers of the city. See note on v. 8. turned the world upside down. In this era Gentiles sometimes accused Jews of causing unrest, a charge here transferred instead to Jesus’ followers; the penalty for such a charge of sedition could be death.

17:7 acting contrary to the decrees of Caesar. Thessalonica’s devotion to the emperor was evident in its imperial temple and on its coins. another king. Speaking of another king is the charge of treason, punishable by death. Some ancient rhetoricians supported inventing any believable charges against one’s opponents.

17:8 rulers of the city. Lit. “politarchs,” a title for officials used in some cities in Macedonia. In this era the number of Thessalonica’s politarchs varied from three to seven at various times.

17:9 taken security. The politarchs held the host responsible for posting bond, guaranteeing that no more trouble would occur. Such a fine was a small penalty in proportion to the capital charge, suggesting that the politarchs are simply humoring the crowds for the moment. Their virtual ban on Paul could affect only Thessalonica, not any other cities, and would expire once they left office.

17:10 night. Night flight could be deemed both cowardly and an admission of guilt, but it was the safest means of escape and the nature of the charges and the opposition made it the only reasonable course. away ... to Berea. Leaving the well-traveled Via Egnatia and avoiding even the coastal road, Paul and his companions veer about 50 miles (80 kilometers) southwest to Berea. Berea. After Thessalonica, it was one of Macedonia’s chief cities, but it was not the most obvious location for any pursuers to start looking for Paul.

17:12 prominent women. See note on v. 4.

17:13 Jews from Thessalonica ... stirred up the crowds. Public rulings in one city had no effect in another, so Paul’s Thessalonian accusers must start over again in Berea.

17:14 to the sea. Depending on the route taken, Paul’s journey to the coast was between 30 and 50 miles (between 58 and 80 kilometers); he probably traveled to Dion, a coastal city from which Paul could sail south and away from Macedonia.

17:15 brought him to Athens. Athens had ports, the best known of which was its port town Piraeus. A visitor would then walk some three miles (five kilometers) inland to Athens. Athens retained fame as the center of philosophy, although some other cities, such as Alexandria and Tarsus, had surpassed it. In 1 Thess. 3:1–2, Paul is left at Athens alone because he sends Timothy back to Thessalonica, but Luke reports Silas and Timothy coming from Macedonia only in Acts 18:5. Luke has probably omitted some details unnecessary for his narrative (such as an earlier but temporary reunion in Athens); since Luke’s focus remains on Paul, he lacks need to describe the others’ coming and going. Ancient historians and biographers frequently omitted such details, focusing on their main character.

17:16 city was given over to idols. Even before reaching land, the Parthenon, Athena’s temple with its huge statue of the goddess, was visible on the Acropolis. Shrines and statues pervaded most public space in ancient Athens, from the agora to the streets and especially on the Acropolis.

17:17 in the synagogue ... in the marketplace. The synagogue in Athens is attested in inscriptions. In addition to ministry there, Paul dialogues in the marketplace, where sages and orators without their own schools practiced their skills.

17:18 Paul has much more common ground with Stoics than with Epicureans, as his speech will show (vv. 22–26); this is good for Luke’s audience, who respected the popular Stoics more than the often criticized Epicureans (cf. the similar alignment with popular Pharisaism as against unpopular Sadducees; 23:6). babbler. The term came to apply to those who recycled scraps from other people’s opinions rather than offering a coherent and creative synthesis. Jesus and the resurrection. Ready as they are to criticize from their own standpoint, these critics are woefully ignorant of Paul’s: they think that Paul is “advocating foreign gods,” plural, because he preaches “Jesus and the resurrection.” That is, they take Resurrection, Anastasis, as a feminine name and suppose that Paul preaches a male-female dyad, a common way of viewing deities in this period. Popular religion deemed many philosophers, unlike the Stoics, irreligious for rejecting conventional Greek religion, though most philosophers allowed the value of traditional religion for the masses. The charge against Paul, “advocating foreign gods,” evokes one common version of the earlier charge against Socrates (cf. note on v. 19). Athens had arraigned some others on this same charge.