John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and count of Anjou, to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justiciars, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his bailiffs and liege subjects, greeting. Know that, having regard to God and for the salvation of our soul, and those of all our ancestors and heirs, and unto the honor of God and the advancement of holy church, and for the reform of our realm, by advice of our venerable fathers, Stephen archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry archbishop of Dublin, William of London, Peter of Winchester, Jocelyn of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh of Lincoln, Walter of Worcester, William of Coventry, Benedict of Rochester, bishops; of master Pandulf, subdeacon and member of the household of our lord the Pope, of brother Aymeric (master of the Knights of the Temple in England), and of the illustrious men William Marshall earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salisbury, William earl of Warenne, William earl of Arundel, Alan of Galloway (constable of Scotland), Waren Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert de Burgh (seneschal of Poitou), Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip d’Aubigny, Robert of Roppesley, John Marshall, John Fitz Hugh, and others, our liegemen.
In Chapter 8 Hugh Fitz Chênenoir and innkeeper John Howard discuss some of the following issues. The Interdict upon England and King John’s excommunication stemmed from this problem.
1. In the first place we have granted to God, and by this our present charter confirmed for us and our heirs for ever that the English church shall be free, and shall have her rights entire, and her liberties inviolate; and we will that it be thus observed; which is apparent from this that the freedom of elections, which is reckoned most important and very essential to the English church, we, of our pure and unconstrained will, did grant, and did by our charter confirm and did obtain the ratification of the same from our lord, Pope Innocent III., before the quarrel arose between us and our barons: and this we will observe, and our will is that it be observed in good faith by our heirs for ever. We have also granted to all freemen of our kingdom, for us and our heirs forever, all the underwritten liberties, to be had and held by them and their heirs, of us and our heirs for ever.
In Chapter 9 Hugh faces the problem of nearly unending debt to the crown for his stepson’s inheritance. As young John’s guardian he is responsible for the debt.
2. If any of our earls or barons, or others holding of us in chief by military service shall have died, and at the time of his death his heir shall be of full age and owe “relief” he shall have his inheritance on payment of the ancient relief, namely the heir or heirs of an earl, 100 pounds for a whole earl’s barony; the heir or heirs of a baron, 100 pounds for a whole barony; the heir or heirs of a knight, 100 shillings at most for a whole knight’s fee; and whoever owes less let him give less, according to the ancient custom of fiefs.
If Hugh pays off the entire death relief for young John’s inheritance will there be anything left for John to inherit when he comes of age?
3. If, however, the heir of any of the aforesaid has been under age and in wardship, let him have his inheritance without relief and without fine when he comes of age.
Hugh Fitz Chênenoir is a responsible guardian of a minor heir. Many were not and raped the land before the heir could come of age.
4. The guardian of the land of an heir who is thus under age, shall take from the land of the heir nothing but reasonable produce, reasonable customs, and reasonable services, and that without destruction or waste of men or goods; and if we have committed the wardship of the lands of any such minor to the sheriff, or to any other who is responsible to us for its issues, and he has made destruction or waste of what he holds in wardship, we will take of him amends, and the land shall be committed to two lawful and discrete men of that fee, who shall be responsible for the issues to us or to him to whom we shall assign them; and if we have given or sold the wardship of any such land to anyone and he has therein made destruction or waste, he shall lose that wardship, and it shall be transferred to two lawful and discreet men of that fief, who shall be responsible to us in like manner as aforesaid.
King John assumes Lady Resmiranda Griffin’s wardship when her great-uncle dies. But he does not relinquish control of it even after she marries.
5. The guardian, moreover, so long as he has the wardship of the land, shall keep up the houses, parks, fishponds, stanks, mills, and other things pertaining to the land, out of the issues of the same land; and he shall restore to the heir, when he has come to full age, all his land, stocked with ploughs and “wainage,” (carts and wagons) according as the season of husbandry shall require, and the issues of the land can reasonably bear.
In Chapter 27 King John agrees to Radburn Blakely’s unorthodox marriage to Resmiranda when no one has been notified or given the opportunity to object—not even the bride.
6. Heirs shall be married without disparagement, yet so that before the marriage takes place the nearest in blood to that heir shall have notice.
One of the court cases addressed in Chapter 7.
7. A widow, after the death of her husband, shall forthwith and without difficulty have her marriage portion and inheritance; nor shall she give anything for her dower, or for her marriage portion, or for the inheritance which her husband and she held on the day of the death of that husband; and she may remain in the house of her husband for forty days after his death, within which time her dower shall be assigned to her.
See above.
8. No widow shall be compelled to marry, so long as she prefers to live without a husband; provided always that she gives security not to marry without our consent, if she holds of us, or without the consent of the lord of whom she holds, if she holds of another.
This problem is not specifically addressed. But since the land was the source of all wealth, many greedy bailiffs would rather seize the land and its continuing opportunity to supply wealth than just enough of the furniture, plate, and jewels to pay off the debt.
9. Neither we nor our bailiffs shall seize any land or rent for any debt, so long as the chattels of the debtor are sufficient to repay the debt; nor shall the sureties of the debtor be distrained so long as the principal debtor is able to satisfy the debt; and if the principal debtor shall fail to pay the debt, having nothing where with to pay it, then the sureties shall answer for the debt; and let them have the lands and rents of the debtor, if they desire them, until they are indemnified for the debt which they have paid for him, unless the principal debtor can show proof that he is discharged thereof as against the said sureties.
Hugh briefly considers borrowing from the Jews to be free of his debt to King John in Chapter 12. All Jews were under the protection of the king. But not necessarily protected by the king.
10. If one who has borrowed from the Jews any sum, great or small, die before that loan can be repaid, the debt shall not bear interest while the heir is under age, of whomsoever he may hold; and if the debt fall into our hands, we will not take anything except the principal sum contained in the bond.
See above.
11. And if any one die indebted to the Jews, his wife shall have her dower and pay nothing of that debt; and if any children of the deceased are left underage, necessaries shall be provided for them in keeping with the holding of the deceased; and out of the residue the debt shall be paid, reserving, however, service due to feudal lords; in like manner let it be done touching debts due to others than Jews.
Feudal society was based upon an intricate network of duties and responsibilities of military aid. By the time of King John, this web had become so complex, some lords owing service to both sides in a war, John preferred hiring mercenaries than trust his barons. England was also moving away from a strictly barter economy and becoming more dependent upon coinage. Therefore exchanging military duty for money became a plausible alternative. See Chapters 11 and 38.
12. No scutage (money paid instead of feudal service) nor aid shall be imposed on our kingdom, unless by common counsel of our kingdom, except for ransoming our person, for making our eldest son a knight, and for once marrying our eldest daughter; and for these there shall not be levied more than a reasonable aid. In like manner it shall be done concerning aids from the city of London.
Chapter 38 mentions the long unresolved problem of London. The citizens recognized the importance of their city. No monarch could hope to rule long without their support. Therefore they held out to maintain independence. For many centuries no monarch could enter the city—as defined by the ancient city walls—without the permission of the Lord Mayor.
13. And the city of London shall have all its ancient liberties and free customs, as well by land as by water; furthermore, we decree and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall have all their liberties and free customs.
The very beginnings of a kind of parliament or rule by common assent among barons, church officials, and the monarchy. A brief mention for the need for this in Chapter 38.
14. And for obtaining the common counsel of the kingdom anent the assessing of an aid (except in the three cases aforesaid) or of a scutage, we will cause to be summoned the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons, severally by our letters; and we will moreover cause to be summoned generally, through our sheriffs and bailiffs, all others who hold of us in chief, for a fixed date, namely, after the expiry of at least forty days, and at a fixed place; and in all letters of such summons we will specify the reason of the summons. And when the summons has thus been made, the business shall proceed on the day appointed, according to the counsel of such as are present, although not all who were summoned have come.
If the king cannot levy scutage without common consent, then neither can the barons. Robert Fitz Walter had to resort to this to pay his ransom from the king of France and never forgave John for not bailing him out.
15. We will not for the future grant to any one license to take an aid from his own free tenants, except to ransom his body, to make his eldest son a knight, and once to marry his eldest daughter; and on each of these occasions there shall be levied only a reasonable aid.
I did not specifically address this issue. But then there is always bootlicking. The king just can’t make it mandatory.
16. No one shall be distrained for performance of greater service for a knight’s fee, or for any other free tenement, than is due therefrom.
This occurs throughout GUARDIAN OF THE TRUST. John may have been an admirable judge, much sought after by disputants. But there were other justiciars who could settle a case in the home county rather than have minor and strictly local cases follow an itinerant king.
17. Common pleas shall not follow our court, but shall be held in some fixed place.
Lady Resmiranda tries twice, in Chapter 12 and Chapter 26, to sue for redress for the murder of her great-uncle. In Chapter 48 she tries to regain Kirkenwood from John’s control. John will not allow her to bring suit. This clause also allows for regular court sessions four times a year in every county, precursor to the right to a speedy trial.
In a later issue of this document, petitions #16 & 17 are eliminated.
18. Inquests of novel disseisin (a legal procedure to provide redress for those who have had their freehold unjustly taken), of mort d’ancester (a legal procedure to provide redress for those who have been denied an inheritance), and of darrein presentment (last presentation), shall not be held elsewhere than in their own county courts and that in manner following,—We, or, if we should be out of the realm, our chief justiciar, will send two justiciars through every county four times a year, who shall, along with four knights of the county chosen by the county, hold the said assize in the county court, on the day and in the place of meeting of that court.
So logical a provision I did not address it.
19. And if any of the said assizes cannot be taken on the day of the county court, let there remain of the knights and freeholders, who were present at the county court on that day, as many as may be required for the efficient making of judgments, according as the business be more or less.
See Chapters 7 and 9.
20. A freeman shall not be amerced (punished by fine, punished arbitrarily) for a slight offense, except in accordance with the degree of the offense; and for a grave offense he shall be amerced in accordance with the gravity of the offense, yet saving always his “contenement;” (livelihood) and a merchant in the same way, saving his “merchandise;” and a villein shall be amerced in the same way, saving his “wainage”—if they have fallen into our mercy: and none of the aforesaid amercements shall be imposed except by the oath of honest men of the neighborhood.
A jury of his peers. Note this applies only to the nobility. The common man did not have this right at this time.
21. Earls and barons shall not be amerced except through their peers, and only in accordance with the degree of the offense.
See Chapter 8. This is one of the issues that John argued with the church throughout the period of Interdict and Excommunication.
22. A clerk shall not be amerced in respect of his lay holding except after the manner of the others aforesaid; further, he shall not be amerced in accordance with the extent of his ecclesiastical benefice.
See Chapters 23 and 29. Building and maintenance of bridges was expensive. Tolls did not always meet those needs.
23. No village or individual shall be compelled to make bridges at river-banks, except those who from of old were legally bound to do so.
Serious crimes had to come to the crown and not be settled arbitrarily by lesser courts.
Petitions #23 & 24 were eliminated from the version reissued by King Henry III
24. No sheriff, constable, coroners, or others of our bailiffs, shall hold (try) pleas of our Crown.
Let’s hear it for rent control! However, due to inflation, at times the crown nearly went bankrupt because of it. Brief mention in Chapter 38.
25. All counties, hundreds, wapentakes, and trithings (except our demesne manors) shall remain at old rents, and without any additional payment.
The ever present problem of collecting debts after a man died and his relatives tried to hide his true wealth.
26. If any one holding of us a lay fief shall die, and our sheriff or bailiff shall exhibit our letters patent of summons for a debt which the deceased owed to us, it shall be lawful for our sheriff or bailiff to attach and catalogue chattels of the deceased, found upon the lay fief, to the value of that debt, at the sight of law-worthy men, provided always that nothing whatever be thence removed until the debt which is evident shall be fully paid to us; and the residue shall be left to the executors to fulfil the will of the deceased; and if there be nothing due from him to us, all the chattels shall go to the deceased, saving to his wife and children their reasonable shares.
Let’s keep the paperwork in order. John loved having everything spelled out, signed and filed.
27. If any freeman shall die intestate, his chattels shall be distributed by the hands of his nearest kinsfolk and friends, under supervision of the church, saving to every one the debts which the deceased owed to him.
Previous kings had been in the habit of collecting taxes and tithes in food and goods rather than coin. But as coins became more available and the economy shifted people had to make certain they were not double taxed in coin and goods. There was also the ongoing problem of feeding troops during war, foreign and civil. Who paid for it? See Chapter 18.
28. No constable or other bailiff of ours shall take corn or other provisions from any one without immediately tendering money therefor, unless he can have postponement thereof by permission of the seller.
Briefly mentioned in Chapter 24 when Silvester is ordered away from court to stand guard at Lincoln Castle. He probably could have bribed his way out of the duty if he had the cash, or assigned the task to another if he trusted anyone.
29. No constable shall compel any knight to give money in lieu of castle-guard, when he is willing to perform it in his own person, or (if he cannot do it from any reasonable cause) then by another responsible man. Further, if we have led or sent him upon military service, he shall be relieved from guard in proportion to the time during which he has been on service because of us.
See Chapter 19.
30. No sheriff or bailiff of ours, or other person, shall take the horses or carts of any freeman for transport duty, against the will of the said freeman.
See above. Again John is dotting “I’s” and crossing “T’s”.
31. Neither we nor our bailiffs shall take, for our castles or for any other work of ours, wood which is not ours, against the will of the owner of that wood.
See Chapters 32 & 33 for Lady Resmiranda’s problem. John confiscated the lands of his enemies, primarily William de Briouze who seems to have committed no crime other than to invoke the king’s extreme displeasure. De Briouze died in exile after his family was imprisoned and probably died of starvation in an oubliette.
32. We will not retain beyond one year and one day, the lands of those who have been convicted of felony, and the lands shall thereafter be handed over to the lords of the fiefs.
Eustace de Vesci makes this point in Chapter 26.
33. All kiddles (a barrier in a river with an opening fitted with nets etc. to catch fish.) for the future shall be removed altogether from Thames and Medway, and throughout all England, except upon the seashore.
Chapter 48 Lady Resmiranda has forfeited control of her lands and cannot regain them until her dispute with John is settled. The matter is not settled until John’s death.
34. The writ which is called praecipe (the order of forfeiture when title to land is in dispute) shall not for the future be issued to any one, regarding any tenement whereby a freeman may lose his court.
See Chapter 18. We have John to thank for standard weights and measures.
35. Let there be one measure of wine throughout our whole realm; and one measure of ale; and one measure of corn, to wit, “the London quarter;” and one width of cloth (whether dyed, or russet, or “halberget”), to wit, two ells within the selvages; of weights also let it be as of measures.
Disputants often had to pay a fee for the right to take their case to court. See Chapter 7.
36. Nothing in future shall be given or taken for a writ of inquisition of life or limbs, but freely it shall be granted, and never denied.
Another issue that attempts to untangle the complex relationships in a feudal society.
37. If any one holds of us by fee-farm, by socage (feudal tenure of land involving payment of rent or other nonmilitary service to a superior), or by burgage (tenure of land in a town on a yearly rent), and holds also land of another lord by knight’s service, we will not (by reason of that fee-farm, socage, or burgage) have the wardship of the heir, or of such land of his as is of the fief of that other; nor shall we have wardship of that fee-farm, socage, or burgage, unless such fee-farm owes knight’s services. We will not by reason of any small serjeanty which any one may hold of us by the service of rendering to us knives, arrows, or the like, have wardship of his heir or of the land which he holds of another lord by knight’s service.
See Chapter 10.
38. No bailiff for the future shall, upon his own unsupported complaint, put any one to his “law,” without credible witnesses brought for this purpose.
See Chapter 5 for Lady Resmiranda’s problem and Chapter 12 for a reference to William de Briouze.
39. No freeman shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised or exiled or in anyway destroyed, nor will we go upon him nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land.
Briefly mentioned in Chapter 7, also in Chapter 26.
40. To no one will we sell, to no one will we refuse or delay, right or justice.
We encounter this with a foreign merchant in Chapter 10.
Petition #40 also received the ax in the later version of this document
41. All merchants shall have safe and secure exit from England, and entry to England, with the right to tarry there and to move about as well by land as by water, for buying and selling by the ancient and right customs, quit from all evil tolls, except (in time of war) such merchants as are of the land at war with us. And if such are found in our land at the beginning of the war, they shall be detained, without injury to their bodies or goods, until information be received by us, or by our chief justiciar, how the merchants of our land found in the land at war with us are treated; and if our men are safe there, the others shall be safe in our land.
Lady Resmiranda tries repeatedly to leave the country but cannot obtain permission from King John. Chapter 7 and Chapter 12.
42. It shall be lawful in future for any one (excepting always those imprisoned or outlawed in accordance with the law of the kingdom, and natives of any country at war with us, and merchants, who shall be treated as is above provided) to leave our kingdom and to return, safe and secure by land and water, except for a short period in time of war, on grounds of public policy—reserving always the allegiance due to us.
Hugh Fitz Chênenoir should not have to pay a death relief for Bellecôte because the previous baron—his stepson—died without heirs. The land and title should have been a free gift from the king to the new baron. Chapter 35.
43. If any one holding of some escheat (such as the honor of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other escheats which are in our hands and are baronies) shall die, his heir shall give no other relief, and perform no other service to us than he would have done to the baron, if that barony had been in the baron’s hand; and we shall hold it in the same manner in which the baron held it.
Robin Locksley, Earl of Huntington probably had a hand in this petition.
44. Men who dwell without the forest need not henceforth come before our justiciars of the forest upon a general summons, except those who are impleaded (parties in a plea), or who have become sureties for any person or persons attached for forest offenses.
Chapter 10. Sir Arundel was more typical than we like to believe.
45. We will appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs, or bailiffs only such as know the law of the realm and mean to observe it well.
The church can’t have it all. See Chapter 35.
46. All barons who have founded abbeys, concerning which they hold charters from the kings of England, or of which they have long-continued possession, shall have the wardship of them, when vacant, as they ought to have.
Robin Locksley again.
47. All forests that have been made such in our time shall forthwith be disafforested; and a similar course shall be followed with regard to river-banks that have been placed “in defense” by us in our time.
See above.
Petition #47 was also considered invalid in the later version.
48. All evil customs connected with forests and warrens, foresters and warreners, sheriffs and their officers, river-banks and their wardens, shall immediately be inquired into in each county by twelve sworn knights of the same county chosen by the honest men of the same county, and shall, within forty days of the said inquest, be utterly abolished, so as never to be restored, provided always that we previously have intimation thereof, or our justiciar, if we should not be in England.
During the civil war of 1213-1215, John continued the honorable tradition of taking hostages. In Chapter 43 we saw how John sometimes treated his hostages dishonorably.
49. We will immediately restore all hostages and charters delivered to us by Englishmen, as sureties of the peace or of faithful service.
In Chapter 10 we saw briefly some of the mercenaries specifically mentioned in the following petition. In Chapter 9 we encounter some of the problems resulting from John’s reliance upon mercenaries to fight his battles. In Chapter 4 I made one of the raiders a relative of the specifically named mercenaries.
50. We will entirely remove from their bailiwicks, the relations of Gerard Athee (so that in future they shall have no bailiwick in England); namely, Engelard of Cigogne, Peter, Guy, and Andrew of Chanceaux (or Chancell in a different translation), Guy of Cigogne, Geoffrrey of Martigny with his brothers, Philip Mark with his brothers and his nephew Geoffrey, and the whole brood of the same.
See above.
51. As soon as peace is restored, we will banish from the kingdom all foreign-born knights, cross-bowmen, serjeants, and mercenary soldiers, who have come with horses and arms to the kingdom’s hurt.
Again this addresses those like Lady Resmiranda who have been dispossessed. This type of claim must be decided by 25 barons, the beginnings of a Parliament.
52. If any one has been dispossessed or removed by us, without the legal judgment of his peers, from his lands, castles, franchises, or from his right, we will immediately restore them to him; and if a dispute arise over this, then let it be decided by the five-and-twenty barons of whom mention is made below in the clause for securing the peace. Moreover, for all those possessions, from which any one has, without the lawful judgment of his peers, been disseised or removed, by our father, King Henry, or by our brother, King Richard, and which we retain in our hand (or which are possessed by others, to whom we are bound to warrant them) we shall have respite until the usual term of crusaders; excepting those things about which a plea has been raised, or an inquest made by our order, before our taking of the cross; but as soon as we return from our expedition (or if perchance we desist from the expedition) we will immediately grant full justice therein.
A continuation of petitions 47 & 48.
53. We shall have, moreover, the same respite and in the same manner in rendering justice concerning the disafforestation or retention of those forests which Henry our father and Richard our brother afforested, and concerning wardship of lands which are of the fief of another (namely, such wardships as we have hitherto had by reason of a fief which any one held of us by knight’s service), and concerning abbeys founded on other fiefs than our own, in which the lord of the fief claims to have right; and when we have returned, or if we desist from our expedition, we will immediately grant full justice to all who complain of such things.
This seems to speak directly to Lady Resmiranda and her attempts to sue for redress from the wrongful murder of her great-uncle.
54. No one shall be arrested or imprisoned upon the appeal of a woman, for the death of any other than her husband.
Correcting past wrongs, but allows for a committee to oversee the process. Again, an early form of what became Parliament.
55. All fines made with us unjustly and against the law of the land, and all amercements (arbitrary punishments) imposed unjustly and against the law of the land, shall be entirely remitted, or else it shall be done concerning them according to the decision of the five-and-twenty barons of whom mention is made below in the clause for securing the peace, or according to the judgment of the majority of the same, along with the aforesaid Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and such others as he may wish to bring with him for this purpose, and if he cannot be present the business shall nevertheless proceed without him, provided always that if any one or more of the aforesaid five-and-twenty barons are in a similar suit, they shall be removed as far as concerns this particular judgment, others being substituted in their places after having been selected by the rest of the same five-and-twenty for this purpose only, and after having been sworn.
Making a gesture of peace toward Wales.
56. If we have disseised or removed Welshmen from lands or liberties, or other things, without the legal judgment of their peers in England or in Wales, they shall be immediately restored to them; and if a dispute arise over this, then let it be decided in the marches by the judgment of their peers; for tenements in England according to the law of England, for tenements in Wales according to the law of Wales, and for tenements in the marches according to the law of the marches. Welshmen shall do the same to us and ours.
See above. Other versions of this document break up the following into five more clauses that lump together a number of political issues.
57. Further, for all those possessions from which any Welshman has, without the lawful judgment of his peers, been disseised or removed by King Henry our father or King Richard our brother, and which we retain in our hand (or which are possessed by others, to whom we are bound to warrant them) we shall have respite until the usual term of crusaders; excepting those things about which a plea has been raised or an inquest made by our order before we took the cross; but as soon as we return (or if perchance we desist from our expedition), we will immediately grant full justice in accordance with the laws of the Welsh and in relation to the aforesaid regions. We will immediately give up the son of Llywelyn and all the hostages of Wales, and the charters delivered to us as security for the peace. We will do toward Alexander, King of Scots, concerning the return of his sisters and his hostages, and concerning his franchises, and his right, in the same manner as we shall do toward our other barons of England, unless it ought to be otherwise according to the charters which we hold from William his father, formerly King of Scots; and this shall be according to the judgment of his peers in our court. Moreover, all these aforesaid customs and liberties, the observance of which we have granted in our kingdom as far as pertains to us toward our men, shall be observed by all of our kingdom, as well clergy as laymen, as far as pertains to them toward their men. Since, moreover, for God and the amendment of our kingdom and for the better allaying of the quarrel that has arisen between us and our barons, we have granted all these concessions, desirous that they should enjoy them in complete and firm endurance for ever, we give and grant to them the underwritten security, namely, that the barons choose five-and-twenty barons of the kingdom, whomsoever they will, who shall be bound with all their might, to observe and hold, and cause to be observed, the peace and liberties we have granted and confirmed to them by this our present Charter, so that if we, or our justiciar, or our bailiffs or any one of our officers, shall in anything be at fault toward any one, or shall have broken any one of the articles of the peace or of this security, and the offense be notified to four barons of the aforesaid five-and-twenty, the said four barons shall repair to us (or our justiciar, if we are out of the realm) and, laying the transgression before us, petition to have that transgression redressed without delay. And if we shall not have corrected the transgression (or, in the event of our being out of the realm, if our justiciar shall not have corrected it) within forty days, reckoning from the time it has been intimated to us (or to our justiciar, if we should be out of the realm), the four barons aforesaid shall refer that matter to the rest of the five-and-twenty barons, and those five-and-twenty barons shall, together with the community of the whole land, distrain and distress using all possible ways, namely, by seizing our castles, lands, possessions, and in any other way they can, until redress has been obtained as they deem fit, saving harmless our own person, and the persons of our queen and children; and when redress has been obtained, they shall resume their old relations toward us. And let whoever in the country desires it, swear to obey the orders of the said five-and-twenty barons for the execution of all the aforesaid matters, and along with them, to molest us to the utmost of his power; and we publicly and freely grant leave to every one who wishes to swear, and we shall never forbid any one to swear. All those, moreover, in the land who of themselves and of their own accord are unwilling to swear to the twenty-five to help them in constraining and molesting us, we shall by our command compel the same to swear to the effect aforesaid. And if any one of the five-and-twenty barons shall have died or departed from the land, or be incapacitated in any other manner which would prevent the aforesaid provisions being carried out, those of the said twenty-five barons who are left shall choose another in his place according to their own judgment, and he shall be sworn in the same way as the others. Further, in all matters, the execution of which is entrusted to these twenty-five barons, if perchance these twenty-five are present, that which the majority of those present ordain or command shall be held as fixed and established, exactly as if the whole twenty-five had concurred in this; and the said twenty-five shall swear that they will faithfully observe all that is aforesaid, and cause it to be observed with all their might. And we shall procure nothing from any one, directly or indirectly, whereby any part of these concessions and liberties might be revoked or diminished; and if any such thing has been procured, let it be void and null and we shall never use it personally or by another. And all the ill-will, hatreds, and bitterness that have arisen between us and our men, clergy and lay, from the date of the quarrel, we have completely remitted and pardoned every one. Moreover, all trespasses occasioned by the said quarrel, from Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign till the restoration of peace, we have fully remitted to all, both clergy and laymen, and completely forgiven, as far as pertains to us. And, on this head, we have caused to be made for them letters testimonial patent of the lord Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, of the lord Henry, archbishop of Dublin, of the bishops aforesaid, and of Master Pandulf as touching this security and the concessions aforesaid. Wherefore it is our will, and we firmly enjoin, that the English Church be free, and that the men in our kingdom have and hold all the aforesaid liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably, freely and quietly, fully and wholly, for themselves and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all respects and in all places for ever, as is aforesaid. An oath, moreover, has been taken, as well on our part as on the part of the barons, that all these conditions aforesaid shall be kept in good faith and without evil intent. Given under our hand—the above-named and many others being witnesses—in the meadow which is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June, in the seventeenth year of our reign.
Reprinted from the Medieval Sourcebook as found at www.fordham.edu/halsall/sbook.html