Southern Spain is one of the most attractive places in Europe for so-called lifestyle migrants to live and retire. Most of them come to the Spanish Sunbelt from Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries. The presence of Northern European migration is striking in the coastal towns of Fuengirola, Marbella, and Málaga. Stores or bars such as the London Pub, O'Hara's Irish Pub, Nordic Video, and Casa Nórdica, or organizations such as the Swedish Church, Club Nórdico, and the Swedish School, give a glimpse of the institutionalization of migrants’ national identities. Along with the thousands of British, Norwegian, Danish, or Dutch migrants, about 65,000 Swedes spend part of the year, generally during the winter, on the Costa del Sol.
This chapter analyzes the various expressions of national identity among Swedish migrant women, and their institutionalization in a foreign context. It draws on in-depth interviews and visual network analysis conducted in 2010 with 20 Swedish migrant women between 27 and 72 years of age, and field research in the Swedish community in Andalucía located in a region in southern Spain, popularly known as the Costa del Sol. Most of my fieldwork took place in Fuengirola, which was characterized by a predominantly lower-middle-class Swedish community that is more vulnerable economically in Spain than in Sweden. Migrants of upper-middle-class background, like their homologues of other national origins, settled in the area of Nueva Andalucía outside Marbella, close to Puerto Banús, a resort for international celebrities. These upper-middle-class migrants retained their class positions in Spain more effectively than those who belonged to the lower middle-class. For the lower middle classes, migration to Spain could include a sense of downward class mobility in terms of economic capital, and a higher orientation toward national organizations and institutions. This tendency was most obvious among those living in the coastal town of Fuengirola. According to the women interviewed, the loss of their former class position was compensated for by the gentle climate and a higher quality of life, defined as a shift from a materialistic lifestyle in Sweden to a more enjoyable one in Spain. This sense of downward class mobility shows how whiteness as a site of privilege intersects with other forms of disadvantage (Frankenberg 1993).
The participants were mainly lifestyle migrants who moved to Spain after retirement for part of the year, or who sought a different lifestyle from the one they had in Sweden. Both Spain and Sweden are part of the European Union, so with EU citizenship it is possible to work or retire in member countries other than one's own. This study details how the women were integrated into these exclusive communities through the identifications of whiteness among diverse Northwest European communities of lifestyle migrants.
Through an analysis of intra-European migrations, the idea of a common, culturally homogeneous European identity is dissected. What appears is a South-North divide built upon a deep Swedish postcolonial identification with Anglo-Saxon countries and cultures and parallel disidentification with the former colonial powers in Southern Europe. As the chapter will show, the Swedish women interviewed mainly socialized with other North(west) European migrants from similar social segments who shared the embodiment of white “structured invisibility,” thus separating them from non-European migrants, but also from the native Spanish.
The concept of white migration could be read as an oxymoron, since a migrant is not expected to be white and a white person is not seen as a migrant but rather as a tourist or an expatriate. Conceptually, the term migrant tends to be used as a marker for people excluded from the “white” social category and non-Western-ness, indirectly linked to experiences of discrimination. Subsequently, racialized bodies not qualified for whiteness, are often conflated with being migrants, despite their citizenship (Lundström 2007). Migrants seen as white tend, on the contrary, to be excluded from the category of migrants and fall into the category of “expatriates,” “tourists,” or simply Europeans.
It is argued here that different examples of migration constitute new forms of mobility that we need to understand as part of the contemporary world in order to not reserve the concept of migration for the idea of underprivileged migrants moving from South to North, since these images only show parts of these global processes. This raises the social and conceptual relationship of white affluent migrants who migrate between their home and host countries as new aspects of transnational migration. Some of these migrants retain a home in more than one place, others seek a different way of life from the one they have at home, while still others work or study for a limited period in a given country but may not intend to return “home” but rather migrate to a third country, or some may choose to retire in a different country. These forms of white migrations illustrate current trends as well as historical patterns and conditions that may be on a continuum of old themes, such as colonialism, raising new questions about the processes of transnational migration.
In this chapter, I am concerned with the relation between migration and whiteness and the institutionalization of white migrants’ national identities in Southern Spain. How are racial logics of whiteness lived and negotiated in this particular migratory context? Who feels close to whom? Why do some nationalities live in close proximity to one another and avoid certain groups and areas? Why are some being included in a particular community while others are excluded from the same communities because they are read as migrants?
Here I analyze the lived experiences of white migrants when they rein-stall themselves in a different geopolitical context. I look also at the varying ways in which migrating national identities and social networks are expressed and communicated to other white diasporic communities, and their interaction with the local dynamics of racialized systems and “racial formations” (Winant 1994). Being a migrant is, as Seyla Benhabib and Judith Resnik (2009) put it, to be in transit. Migrants migrate from one place to another, rendering every migrant both an emigrant and an immigrant. I call this group of women transmigrants, using Nina Glick Schiller's (1995, 48) concept, in that their “daily lives depend on multiple and constant interconnections across international borders and [their] public identities are configured in relation to more than one nation-state.” The women maintained close contact with friends and family in Sweden, read Swedish newspapers, owned property here (and elsewhere). In short, their lives spanned multiple national borders. By examining the postmigration experiences of this group of European women, and using an empirically grounded ethnography, the study contributes to the literature on racism, whiteness, gender, class, and migration, which has focused primarily on disadvantaged groups in migration.
The analysis is grounded in the interdisciplinary fields of whiteness studies and transnational migration, aiming at broadening and deepening debates about the experiences of migration and the continuous racial production that shapes our positions in a global arena (Ahmed 2007; Bonilla-Silva 2012; Frankenberg 1993; Hübinette and Lundström 2011; Hughey 2010; Lipsitz 1995; Leonard 2008; Omi and Winant 1994; Steyn and Conway 2010; Twine and Gallagher 2008; Ware 2010; Weiss 2005). The goal is to provide a theoretically founded analysis of the ways in which whiteness as a product social is embodied, lived, and experienced differently through processes of migration. Migration, can alter migrants’ ideas of self and identity.
By dislocating whiteness and white national identity, this study is an example of what Twine and Gallagher described as “third wave whiteness studies”: an analysis that “takes as its starting [point] the understanding that whiteness is not now, nor has it ever been, a static, uniform category of social identification.” Thus, as Twine and Gallagher argue, avoiding “the tendency towards essentializing accounts of whiteness by locating race as one of many social relations that shape individual and group identity…. A third wave perspective sees whiteness as a multiplicity of identities that are historically grounded, class specific, politically manipulated and gendered social locations that inhabit local custom and national sentiments within the context of the new ‘global village’” (Twine and Gallagher 2008, 6).
In order to understand how white migrants reinstall themselves as privileged subjects in a global arena, I use the concept of “white capital,” which is elaborated through Pierre Bourdieu's (1994) forms of capital (social, economic, cultural, and symbolic), and is here employed as a form of cultural capital that is convertible into other forms of capital. White capital is interlinked with (transnational) institutions, citizenships, a white (Western) habitus, and other resources that are transferable cross-nationally. Following the feminist scholar Sara Ahmed (2007), I discuss whiteness as a form of habit, as second nature, that defines what bodies do, how they are repeated, and also shapes what bodies can do, and, I would add, what they choose to do.
The women's specific migratory experiences are used as a point of departure to understand how gender- and nation-specific forms of white capital are upheld, converted, or challenged through migration, and further how embodied privileges travel, as well as how people may invest in whiteness as a form of identity politics (Lipsitz 1995). White privileges are experienced in many ways, but they often remain normalized and invisible to the subjects that embody them. In this sense, the complexities of “white capital” as a cultural resource that may be transferred to different contexts as well as being converted into new forms of capital, is experienced intersectionally with other axes of power, such as gender and class, as the boundaries of these categories are drawn in the local contexts (Skeggs 1997; Twine 2010).
As feminist research shows, transnational migration constitutes a deeply gendered phenomenon that organizes and (trans)forms the lives of women and men in different ways. Women and men inhabit different social spaces and networks as migrants, and their social locations are reconstructed in different national and regional contexts and in relation to the labor market, the house hold, and the community. Research on white migration, referring broadly to migration from or within the Western world, shows that gender, as well as race and class restructure white migrant women's positions in the new society, a situation that is negotiated through national ideologies of gender, sexuality, and race (Leonard 2008).
By including white European migrants in the analytical frame of transnational migration, my aim is to broaden and deepen debates about migrating experiences and focus on the continuous racial production that shapes migrants’ diverse positions in a global context. From the racially privileged Swedish women who often experienced upward class mobility, I argue that we need to understand migration as a racialized, classed, and gendered phenomenon. The German sociologist Anja Weiss (2005) argues that depending on migrants’ positions in the transnationalization of social inequality, we must ask what “quality of space” different groups have access to in order to understand how privileged migrants view themselves through the frame of migration.
Migration as a concept is fundamentally linked to the incentive to increase one's opportunities in life, but Swedish women who migrated to Spain, whether they did so on a permanent or temporary basis, could either increase their prosperity by taking part in global privileges reserved for white migrants abroad, or in some cases experience downward class mobility. Yet, they did not experience the negative social costs of discrimination and racism encountered by darker skinned migrants, who may not qualify for whiteness, but they did have to adjust to Spanish income levels, which were described as being generally lower than those in Sweden.
From the informants’ viewpoint, the conceptualization of a migrant (immigrant or emigrant) was not one that included them. Their understanding of the term, and its discursive context involved discrimination, borders, and racism, elements that they did not experience from an under-privileged position. The sense of not fitting into the dominant discourse of a migrant was obvious in an interview with Rakel, a 53-year-old Swedish woman who has lived in Spain with her husband for four years. Her two adult children still live in Sweden, but Rakel studies Spanish and plans to stay in Spain for the foreseeable future even though she has not continued to work here. Despite experiencing a deeper economic dependency on her husband, she says she is satisfied with her life.
| Catrin: | Do you feel like an immigrant in Spain, living like this for the foreseeable future, or … in some way. What are you? |
| Rakel: | Yeah, that's a really good question. What am I? Yeah, well what I have been thinking about many times is that you are incredibly privileged as white, Swedish, because wherever you go there is no one who is critical toward you. I mean, you can go all over the whole world, and well, I have never met anything negative, and it is the same thing here. I mean, we're really immigrants, if you say so, foreigners, immigrants, okay we are not foreigner in a negative sense. I have never been confronted with anything like that from Spaniards; it's such a difference being Moroccan or Swedish.… I mean, it is so easy in a way when you ask me what I am, well I actually am an immigrant in their view I guess, but it doesn't feel negative but rather in a positive way.… So what the heck am I? |
What the heck am I, asks Rakel? For Rakel, from her privileged position, the situation of an immigrant is not available to her. Since the concept of the (im)migrant is inherently related to negative discrimination, she cannot “be” an immigrant, even though she “actually is one,” as she puts it. Thus, here migration is not associated with mobility, but to certain negative experiences and discrimination in the “host country” which Rakel doesn't share, and thus she cannot see herself through the discursive frame of migration. Yet, her (white) privileges enable her to “go all over the whole world” without problems. But migration as such made her conscious of her privileges in relation to other migrants, in this region primarily those from North Africa.
In Spain, the identification of whiteness was in my analysis not experienced through the identification or disidentification with Spaniards, but in relation to the institutionalization of a particular whiteness juxtaposed with social experiences in the local population. Swedes living in Spain related themselves, socially and culturally, first and foremost to other migrants from Northern Europe, producing a local privileged position outside the Spanish definition of whiteness. This identification was upheld by investing in various forms of capital, such as housing, social networks, private clubs, and private insurance. The women described themselves as being part of an international community consisting of mainly British or Scandinavians in the region of Andalucía, but they seldom had personal relations with Spaniards.
Britt-Marie is 50 years old and moved to Spain seven years ago, after having lived and worked abroad for several years. She has her own business and is living with her son outside Marbella. For her, the most important aspect of moving to Spain was the sunny weather, but also the international atmosphere and way of life here. She describes herself as a person with great social skills with a “fantastic social life,” but she cannot identify herself as being an immigrant in Spain.
Britt-Marie: I feel very Swedish … I have always felt very Swedish. Maybe even more so after moving abroad. When you live in Sweden you don't think about that. Of course you're Swedish.
Catrin: What does that mean more precisely?
Britt-Marie: To be Swedish? Well yes, that you are not by a long way integrated in the Spanish society. Which maybe could be good or bad. But if you settle here. This is not Spain! This is a North-European colony! That's what I think. I think so.
Catrin: Swedes, Brits…
Britt-Marie: … Dutch, Germans, Russians. It is incredibly international. It is as international as London. And it is probably not a coincidence that I live in these places, because I want an international milieu. That's where I feel most happy. If I'd lived in Sevilla or Jerez it would have been a totally different thing. Then you would have had to confront yourself with the Spanish culture in a different way.
Like Britt-Marie, the women interviewed living in the Spanish Sunbelt socialized primarily with other Northern European migrants from similar social segments who shared the embodiment of “structured invisibility,” thus separating them from “visual” migrants, but also from Spaniards. These networks were not defined as migrant communities but as international communities that consist of overlapping and connecting relations between British, French, Scandinavian, and Dutch migrants in this particular part of Andalucía, but less so with Spaniards. “There are no Spaniards here,” Britt-Marie says.
Of course, it is a bit boring, but on the other hand, that wasn't the reason for moving to Spain, to become a Spanish woman, it was rather a question of lifestyle. And then I think the cultures are very different. You have more in common with English people than Spanish people.
Why does Britt-Marie feel she has more in common with English people than Spanish people? Why do some people feel close to each other but distant from others? When analyzing how different nationalities, such as Swedish, Norwegian, Dutch, and British lifestyle migrants tend to cluster in southern Spain, I use Sara Ahmed's (2007) concept of orientations toward whiteness, likeness, and institutions as meeting points where some bodies tend to feel comfortable as they already belong here. Whiteness is a position created by “likeness” and “shared attributes” that bring some people together in a foreign context. As Ahmed (2007: 157) puts it, “[w]hen we describe institutions as ‘being’ white (institutional whiteness), we are pointing to how institutional spaces are shaped by the proximity of some bodies and not others: white bodies gather, and cohere to form the edges of such spaces.” Following Ahmed, I argue that the “institutionalization of whiteness” in southern Spain recruits subjects who feel they are part of an international community, but that results in a division between migrants from Northern Europe, other migrants from North Africa, as well as locals from Spain or Andalucía. Being part of an international community is not associated with (demands for) integration into Spanish society, but rather with retaining one's cultural and social norms (and privileges) inside/outside Spain. Migrants carrying white capital can institutionalize this and convert it into other forms of capital, such as social or economic capital.
These social divisions were most often explained by cultural differences between Spanish people and Northern Europeans. Ursula, a woman in her seventies, who has lived outside Marbella with her husband for 20 years, identifies a common cultural ground between Nordic people and parallel distinct cultural features among Spanish people in particular. In a discussion about the similarities and divergences between Brits and Scandinavians living in the Sunbelt, I asked her:
For Ursula, groups are divided along social and cultural lines. Even though she knows Spaniards, it becomes difficult for her to socialize with them, due to different cultural habits, language, and other circumstances. As her statement makes clear, the local golf club—and its costly entrance fees—creates the (class-based) selection of people in her everyday life. In these clubs, the British constitute the majority and Spaniards are in the minority, which allows to Ursula and her husband to socialize with the British despite the cultural difference that exists between Continental Europeans and British Islanders.
In the coastal town of Fuengirola, the institutionalization of whiteness looked slightly different. Fuengirola constituted a prime destination for Swedish migrants so it was, I was often told, possible to “live an entirely Swedish life” here, which included social networks, food, language, music, as well as professional contacts with insurance companies, dentists, housing, and other needs. At the same time, this view was challenged by the informants as being “stereotypical” and giving a negative picture of Swedes who in fact tried to learn Spanish and to be a part of Spanish society. Yet, during my fieldwork, I learned that most Swedish activities that one could take part in in Fuengirola were on the one hand considerably more inclusive to people with diverse class backgrounds, but on the other hand excluded nationalities other than Swedish. The Swedish women who identified as “upper class”—yet who lived in Fuengirola—were more oriented toward the activities in Marbella than in Fuengirola. The Swedish activities in Fuengirola included genealogical research, the Swedish Church choir, the local sewing circle (informally called “la junta”), a quiz night, and the weekly Swedish dance orchestra night at Hotel Florida, in addition to a variety of Swedish restaurants that organized special activities, clubs for Nordic people, food at Swedish grocery stores, a local Swedish radio station “for Coastal Swedes,” and magazines in Swedish, such as En Sueco, the South Coast, and the Swedish Magazine. This also implied that the discourse of an “international community” was not as strong in Fuengirola as in Marbella. Instead Swedes in Fuengirola had to negotiate a discourse of disintegration, the widespread idea that Swedish migrants have no relation to Spanish people or Spanish society.
Freja, 55, has lived with her husband outside Fuengirola for more than 10 years. In light of her experiences in Spain, she has lost her belief in integration.
| Freja: | To live in this culture. Even if we are not … Andalusian people, never will be. We will always be foreigners to them, Andalusian people and Spaniards who live in Andalucía, naturally. Integration … is something I always fought for, this thing with integration. But it is not easy. And I have taught Swedish to immigrants and things like that. |
| Catrin: | So how do you think about that in relation to yourself? |
| Freja: | For my part I must say that the idea of integration is not a valid one. Then you have to be in a mixed marriage, I think. Then you can become integrated. Or that you have lived here for a very long time, like some women and men have done, and they had their children here, that's more Spanish. They have been here for a long time, they came when they were young, they had their children here, the children have become more Spanish than Swedish, even if they can speak Swedish. They have grandchildren, they have sons- and daughters-in-law. That's different. But if you move here when you are older, and do not become part of this thing with schools and children and so on, then it is, then you should get married to someone or have a girlfriend here who is married to a Spanish man.… You know, one always believed in that, oh integration, which is so debated in Sweden, which you have opinions about yourself, but I have to say that I now understand the fact that Chinatown, Rosengård, and what's the name of that place in Stockholm … Rinkeby, Hammarkullen, and Angered outside Göteborg [different segregated areas in Sweden] exist. I do understand that.… I have a very different view on that today. |
For Freja, it is the institutions in a society; schools and marriages that provide integration, and since she is not part of these, integration is not possible for her. In the discussion on integration, Freja compares her own situation to marginalized migrants in Sweden and elsewhere. Due to her experiences in Spain, not only can she now understand the processes of disintegration, but accept them as well. From her migrant position, she has got new experiences, which for her shed new light upon migrants’ comparable situation in Sweden. Despite this idea of parallel marginalization with migrants in Sweden, or elsewhere (which was rather common among the informants), this idea was not carried into effect in the local context by socializing with marginalized migrants here, such as Northern Africans or Latin Americans. Instead, the Swedish migrants were integrated into parallel communities of Swedish or Northern European whitenesses.
An analysis of intra-European migrations illuminates how social practices create the idea of a common, culturally homogeneous European (white) identity. What appears to be a South-North divide is built upon a deep intra-Nordic postcolonial identification and identification with Anglo-Saxon countries and cultures—and parallel disidentification with the former colonial powers in Southern Europe. In this way, the idea of a homogeneous whiteness—often interchangeable with “the idea of the West” (Bonnett 2004)—is disentangled. Through an analysis of Swedish women as migrants, the chapter strives to destabilize the idea of whiteness as a homogeneous entity. Ruth Frankenberg has argued that whiteness “is a complexly constructed product of local, regional, national and global relations, past and present. Thus the range of possible ways of living whiteness, for an individual white woman in a particular time and place, is delimited by the relations of racism at that moment and in that place” (1993: 236). Reinstalling whiteness in different national racial systems could either improve one's feeling of opportunities in life, but as well involve a sense of being deprived of one's normative and structurally invisible position. Yet, for Swedish women, these forms of mobility and reorientations are not elaborated through the discursive frame of migration, because the concept of migration is deeply interrelated with racialized groups and bodies, negative discrimination and borders. This chapter shows how this division is lived, negotiated, and reinscribed by Swedish migrants who mark a cultural distance toward Spaniards, which draws the line for the institutionalization of a certain migrant community, to some extent separated from the local Spanish society. As privileged migrants they identify as being part of an international community outside the discursive boundaries of “locals” and “migrants.” Beverley Skeggs (2004: 49) puts it this way: “[m]obility and control over mobility both reflect and reinforce power.”
The chapter illustrates how while whiteness constitutes a form of structural privilege that is convertible to local forms of privilege transnationally, it is not a static global position. Rather, it takes various shapes in shifting social and racial national and regional logics, as whitenesses have always done. Ramón Grosfoguel (2003) suggests that the map of whiteness changed during “the second modernity” 1650–1945 when Europe's “heart” moved from Spain and Portugal to the Northern parts of Europe and further to the United States. As a result of this shift, the previously “white” Southern Europe was partly excluded from the discursive field of whiteness (a tendency which is currently reinforced by the economic crisis in Europe). Grosfoguel (2003, 45) argues that “‘Hispanics’ were constructed as part of the inferior others excluded from the superior ‘white’ ‘European’ ‘races’.”
Nevertheless, the fact that the imagining of “the white Europe” is deconstructed does not imply that European privileges in relation to mobility, accessibility, and (global) rights are dissolved. Privileges of whiteness connected to institutions, passports, or bodies, are still contingent forms of white capital for migrants socially classified as white, which are transferrable to other contexts, being relocated and renegotiated in relation to local formations of class, gender, race, and sexuality in different geographical spaces. Thus, we need to be sensitive to the fragmented constructions of contemporary whitenesses, yet remain alert to the forms of “white privilege that are not undone, and may even be repeated and intensified, through declarations of whiteness, or though the recognition of privilege as privilege,” as Ahmed (2004: 58) points out.
I would like to thank the women who shared their time and stories with me during my field work. This research would not have been possible without the support from the foundation of Helge Axison Johnson. Thanks to Umeá Ientre for Gender Studies and the participants at Images of Whiteness in Oxford 2012, for important comments on this research.
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