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Populism: Discredited Ideas in New Garb

WHAT IS THE populist radical right? They are in most countries in Europe and are in the ascendency in the US and Britain as Trump and Brexit lead the way in overturning settled ways of running democracies and satisfying political demands. Although manifestations vary from country to country, populism brings together diverse national histories, a range of ideologies and different political strategies. There are, however, core concerns on the radical right that are easily identified. In a paper published by the Policy Network entitled ‘Populist Euroscepticism and British Politics’, four key elements are identified:

• Ethnic nationalism – a desire for the nation state to be sovereign and to protect the national culture and identity from ‘alien’ forces.

• Authoritarianism – an emphasis on maintaining the social order, by providing strong powers to traditional authorities such as the police and pursuing harsh policies against criminals and terrorists who threaten social order.

• Xenophobia – an often irrational and emotive hostility to foreigners, and to native minorities such as Muslims who are perceived as threatening others.

• Populism in the form of disaffection from mainstream politics and hostility to mainstream political elites who are regarded as ignoring the interests of, ‘the people’.

At the base of Brexit these core concerns are obvious, along with other signature trademarks mentioned in earlier chapters.

EU Becomes the Problem

Over the past decade, the Policy Networks argues that it has become much easier for the populists to argue that Europe is ‘the problem’ as:

• The source of immigration threatening British jobs and cultural identity.

• The source of judicial rulings protecting terrorists and criminals who threaten British safety.

• The source of a corrupt and self-serving elite political culture.

• The source of endless rules and legislation limiting British Sovereignty and threatening British identity.

Reinforcing the themes of this book, the Policy Network says:

the party (Conservative) must find a way to balance the tension between two very different constituencies – of mainstream right wing, often libertarian, Eurosceptics, and of populist, authoritarian radical right wingers.

Despite suffering recent set-backs, populism remains a powerful force in France, Denmark, Austria, Switzerland, Norway, Netherlands, Germany, Italy and Britain. Populist parties of the left and centre left have also arisen in Europe, including Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece.

Dealing with populism is difficult because it is not a neat ideology but more a political logic, a way of thinking about problems. It is not bounded by class and, despite the hypocrisy of people like former UKIP leader Farage and Foreign Secretary Boris Johnston, they are able to call out their opponents as self-serving and undemocratic elites.

Right wing populists champion the people against elites who they accuse of pandering to and supporting a third group, such as immigrants. In the US and Britain, they can take on the business community, which most Conservatives have difficulty doing. Just as there is no common ideology that defines populism, there is not one constituency of the people. Similarly, there is no common identification of what the ‘establishment’ is. This makes the politics of populism difficult to comprehend and fight against.

US Populism

People who felt excluded are warming to spivs and charlatans, leaving behind people and parties that seemed to have been on their side for many decades. Populism thrives on discontent and grievance and the phenomenon that, once people have freed themselves from traditional voting patterns, they become emboldened and unpredictable.

The US has a history of populism which has often been a product of the politics of the southern states, where race, poverty and white supremacy have boosted to the far right. This has not been the case in the UK. Here, populism in its most virulent form arrived with UKIP. Extremists such as the British National Party (BNP) were minor fringe parties, never widely popular and largely ignored by a decent voting public.

The Conservative party is now more complex. Populists, in the shape of hard Brexiteers and the extreme right, drive a market agenda but are now too easily tempted by xenophobia cloaked in moderate language and plausible arguments, but unmistakably intolerant. One thing is clear: the progressive parties have a mountain to climb, because populism and the rise of the right have a serious grip on the current direction Britain is moving in.

The US As Our Friend and Saviour

An unstable president is not the answer to Britain’s problem, either inside or outside the EU. It is quite unnerving to see Britain seeking to break bread with such a misguided economic nationalist, a climate change denier and xenophobe.

After celebrating 60 years of success, the EU is aware of the need for change, probably radical change. Earlier this year the EU issued a consultative paper outlining five scenarios for the future of the institution. There is wide spread recognition that the EU cannot continue without significant reform if it is to secure the commitment of the other 27 countries and start to deal with the big issues of climate change, austerity, inward migration and the strengthening of all the economies of member states, including those in the eurozone. Ambivalence over the last 45 years has helped limit the potential contribution Britain could have made. If Brexit succeeds, Britain may not be missed by most of the other countries who have found our lack of interest dispiriting. The EU could, however, benefit from a Britain that finally accepts that its future is in Europe and is willing to engage as a team player with this ambitious project.