Snipers were evident everywhere.No one was safe.Even theChief of Police was shot as he drove through the strife-torn city, filled with armored vehicles and children carrying grenades. As nigh on three thousand had been massacred since the beginning of the month, Ambon was now unmistakably a war zone. With Christmas again falling during the month of Ramadan, the violence between the Christians and the fasting Muslims intensified and left more dead in the streets.
Untold numbers of Christians lay buried in mass graves while hundreds of thousands of displaced persons filled hastily erected refugee camps on adjacent islands. Muslim mobs streaming through Christian-dominated areas chanting ‘‘Allahu Akbar — God is great!” and leaving bodies in their wake had become an all-too familiar sight. Soldiers from various army, police and marine unites disobeyed their superiors, took sides, and joined in the carnage —thus further deepening the crisis.As the religious-ethnic conflict spiraled, the violence entered a new phase withMuslim radical groups endeavoring to burn down all Christian quarters before Ramadan came to a close at the end of the first week in January.
Six hundred kilometers to the south, the Catholic capital of Dili in East Timor had also suffered from religious violence. The predominantly Javanese scholar-preachers of the Nahdatul Ulama (Council of Ulamas), the largest traditionalist/conservative Suni Islam group in Indonesia, despite its aim of promoting religious tolerance, seemed to support the view that the jihad against the Christians was justified in view of the attacks the Christians had carried out against Muslims and their places of prayer.
Ambon was divided into two clearly definable areas – the airport and parts of the city controlled by Christians and the harbor, now occupied by the Muslims. Military units guarded the unofficial boundaries segregating the two areas, as houses,churches, mosques and schools were burned to the ground.
A group of soldiers from the elite strategic reserve, Kostrad broke into the Immanuel Church and dragged twenty-four parishioners outside where they doused their victims with kerosene and set them alight. In the Roman Catholic area of Ahuru, well-armed Muslim gangs supported by military elements terrorized the inhabitants, driving them away from their homes.They then looted the dwellings before setting fire to the buildings, fleeing the area in army trucks. Armed with homemade arms the Christians were no match against theMuslim gangs that had been equipped with automatic weapons, grenades and even teargas. Silo Church, the main Protestant Church situated some one hundred metres from the grand Al-Fatah Mosque, was destroyed by fire. Thirty-nineChristians were shot when the building came under attack by soldiers in armored vehicles.
In a statement issued in Jakarta the Indonesian Communion of Churches (PGI) called for international peacekeepers to be placed in the riot-torn province fearing that the Muslims planned on taking over all of Ambon before the Idulfitri celebrations,which marked the end of the Ramadan fasting month.
“The massive attacks against Christian congregations is a direct consequence of the lack of transparency in the handling of the conflict in Maluku by the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the Police Force. If accountability is not undertaken, then, taking into consideration the continuing violence and heeding the people’s strong feelings, it would be best if the Indonesian army and police forces were pulled out of Maluku and replaced with international peacekeepers. We consider this conflict, which has been given a religious label, as an extermination of the indigenous Maluku people along with their social institutions to be replaced by another society whose form cannot yet be ascertained.”
The statement was signed by the PGI Chairman, and General Secretary.
In all, seventy-five churches, mosques and other places of worship were destroyed in December. Then, the holy war was taken to the streets of Jakarta, with eighty-thousand demonstrating outside the Indonesian Parliament clamoring for more troops to be sent to deal with the Christian problem in the country’s eastern provinces.
* * * *
Caught in a wedge movement Johanis Matuanakotta remained deathly still viewing the Laskar Jihad column of heavily armed men approaching the village. As the militia stormed the hamlet screaming “Allahu Akbar” he could see that most carried automatic weapons, their intentions frighteningly clear as they dumped cans of gasoline into the square’s houses and prepared to set them afire with home-made torches.
Shots shattered the air when a stray teenager was spotted fleeing the scene, Johanis shrinking lower into the under brush as bullets traced the youngster across the square, delivering the young man dead at Johanis’ feet. Suddenly the air crackled as flames on the thatched roofs jumped to overhanging coconut palms and spread to others, sucking the surrounding air dry. The entire village was engulfed in minutes. Johanis rose cautiously seeking an opportunity to run only to be struck with the butt of an M16 from behind, Johanis already unconscious when his attacker drove a bamboo bayonet deep into his side.
The day passed, the evening delivering a tropical storm.Drenched with rain Johanis regained some semblance of consciousness.Aware of the serious nature of his wound he dragged his body into the charred remains of the nearest structure then fell asleep. He was savagely awakened the following morning with a probing kick from a TNI regular.
‘This one’s still alive,’ the soldier called out, aiming his rifle at Johanis’ head.
‘Well just shoot him, you idiot!’ the platoon commander snapped, stepping forward to see for himself. The solider raised his weapon, Johanis’ eyes locked with those of his executioner.Suddenly, the sergeant stepped forward. ‘Wait!’ he ordered, brushing the rifle aside with one hand when he recognized the Coker gang member he had seen loitering around the Marantha Church in Ambon. ‘We’ll take him back for interrogation.’
Jakarta
Presidential Palace
The presidential aide hovered in attendance observing with a critical eye while the Palace household staff busied themselves dusting and polishing Abdurrahman Wahid’s spacious office. ‘Clean around these,’the aide pointed to the stack of Beethoven CDs strewn across a massive desk, positioned in accordance with the principles of Feng Shui. A crooked painting offended the aide’s eye. He danced across the room to rectify the problem then stood overseeing the domestics complete their chores before President Wahid, whom they all referred to by his honorific childhood name, Gus Dur, returned for another of his crisis meetings. ‘Finish up now,’ the aide urged, ushering the staff from the spacious office when his opposite number, the household political aide signaled through the doorway. He nodded in approval and slipped out of sight, unnoticed, as the powerful military commander arrived for his appointment with the President. The aide positioned himself in readiness to serve when summoned, and in silence reviewed the President’s first two stormy months in office.
With the media portraying the President as unpredictable,ambiguous and impetuous, the torrent of optimism following Wahid’s election had quickly subsided. The economy remained sluggish; religious and ethnic violence had continued to flare,and his efforts to promote dialogue with secessionist forces had failed to harvest support from the armed forces. In Aceh,the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM)’s five-thousand strong guerrilla force had effectively gained control of much of the northern province, the TNI incensed when Wahid rejected their demands to impose martial law. Then, in the past week, when sectarian fighting had broken out in the Moluccas, the conflict had provoked street demonstrations in Jakarta with Muslims calling for a holy war against Christians. In Kalimantan, Indonesian Borneo, ethnic clashes between the indigenous Dayaks and Madura transmigrants had again erupted,the bloody toll clearly demonstrating that elements within the Indonesian military were complicit in the turmoil.
Undermined by military hardliners, business and political vested groups and while Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri waited impatiently in the wings, the Wahid Administration had already started to crumble.
The aide considered the flurry of most recent Palace rumors.Although gossip had it that General Wiranto, the pro-Suharto military commander would be replaced for resisting the President’s conciliatory approach towards secessionist leaders, the aidek new from conversations he had overheard of deep concerns that Wiranto was being encouraged to challenge the nation’s leader-ship.With ownership of the media predominantly in the hands of Wahid’s political opponents and ambitious Muslim leaders such as the fundamentalist, Amien Rais biting at his heels, the atmosphere within the Palace had, in a matter of weeks, switched from one of euphoria to that of fear for survival.
* * * *
An angry exchange reverberated along the Palace corridors,startling the staff. Suddenly, the door to the President’s office was flung open and the General stormed out leaving an empty,foreboding silence to descend upon them all.
Ambon
Laskar Jihad HQ
Johanis Matuanakotta coughed and spluttered his way to consciousness, his interrogator removing the soggy pillow case that had been tied over his head to inhibit the flow of air into his lungs.Blindfolded and handcuffed to a chair he could but listen,identifying what his captors had planned for him next when someone attached a metal clasp to his testicles. His sphincter muscles tightened, the shock of the electric charge choking the rising scream in his throat.
Major Tony Supadi observed the interrogation dispassionately as the prisoner jerked wildly then slumped forward, unconscious.A guard stepped forward and pulled Matuanakotta’s head back by the hair and poured water over the prisoner’s head.
‘You’ll get nothing out of this one,’ Hambali’s bearded figure moved to the center of the concrete chamber. ‘If he had anything he would have given it up by now.’
Supadi was relieved. He had happened to be at Hambali’s quarters when the TNI regulars had passed Matuanakotta to the Laskar Jihad. Supadi had insisted on being present during the interrogation, prepared to personally intervene and execute the Coker should he incriminate Kopassus over their covert support for the Christians. Fortunately for Supadi, the prisoner was rank and file and had not yielded anything of any significance during his incarceration. ‘Bury him with the others,’ he ordered.
Matuanakotta’s body was dragged from the room leaving theMajor alone with the Jemaah Islamiyah operations commander.
* * * *
Hambali’s elements, masquerading as soldiers had successfully raised the level of the conflict over the past months by arbitrarily shooting Christians on Ambon’s streets. The Christians had responded accordingly, the sectarian violence spreading across the Moluccan Islands into Sulawesi, the rising death toll in both provinces dwarfed by events in the former Indonesian province of East Timor as Australian troops were confronted with the horrors of Jakarta’s scorched earth policy and militia reprisals.
‘You still plan on leaving tomorrow?’Hambali heard Supadi ask.
‘Insha Allah,’ he replied in his typical, succinct style. Deliberately vague, he did not feel the necessity to elaborate for the Kopassus officer’s benefit.There was much for him to do ...to prepare. As for Ambon, for the time being, his work was done and he needed to be elsewhere – in Malaysia, to reaffirm his position as the Jemaah Islamiyah number two, following the movement’s cofounder Abdullah Sungkar’s death. Also, Hambali wished to facilitate the arrival of some one hundred and fifty hardened AfghaniMujahideen soldiers who would be deployed to Ambon.
Once these matters were settled he would visit Mukhlas and his family in Java, to provide spiritual and material support to the embryonic cell that had been established there – and Mukhlas, who would one day assume operational control of the JI.
* * * *
Johanis Matuanakotta struggled to breathe under the suffocating weight as he fought to maintain consciousness in the shallow trench, the sickening smell of rotting flesh from earlier executions assailing his nose. Slowly, painfully, he freed an arm, pushed it past the body directly above him, clawed his way through the thin layer of mud that covered the hastily prepared grave, and found himself staring into bright sunlight.
He blinked through one eye, the alarming realization that he had been buried alive spurring him into frenzied action,his bloodied fingers scraping a hole to freedom.
Jakarta
‘Bangsat Australia semua!’ General Suharman cursed all Australians, the outburst reflecting his fellow-officers’ feelings.Three months had passed since the East Timorese voted overwhelmingly for independence from Indonesia.
When the interim Indonesian President, Habibie had announced that the annexed province would be given the opportunity to vote on whether to remain as part of the Republic or become an independent state, Jakarta, Washington and Canberra believed the outcome to be a fait accompli. The people of East Timor had been subjected to the most brutal occupation since the Indonesian invasion of 1975, and the United Nations-sponsored referendum was expected to favor Jakarta. History again repeated itself when the Indonesian military increased its intimidating presence throughout the former Portuguese outpost to ensure a pro-Jakarta outcome. However, when the brave Timorese came down from their mountain hideaways through the early morning mists and cast their vote against their oppressors, the Indonesians were stung, and formally withdrew from their Security Treaty with Australia.
It was now only weeks since the Australian-led multinational force, INTERFET had began landing troops in Dili,their presence a smart slap at Indonesian pride, the Indonesians humiliated, as the Australian-led force was the first foreign army that occupied their sovereign territory since Dutch Colonial forces agreed to withdraw from the archipelago in 1949.
Australian Collins Class submarines had sailed into Indonesian waters undetected, gathering information on shipping and activity around naval bases from periscope depth while RAAF EP-3 Orion maritime aircraft carried out ‘black’ surveillance flights over the archipelago, monitoring both military and civilian movement. Missions were also carried out with the reconnaissance version of the F111 bomber, the RF111C, which was equipped with long-range imaging pods enabling the crew to record signals and sounds over great distances.
With foreign aircraft wandering wide of established air corridors Indonesian F16s intercepted a RAAF Boeing 707 air tanker and four F/A18s in its airspace, whilst another F16 came perilously close to engaging an Australian Hornet.
‘It’s not all over yet,’ said General Sumantri, who served in BAKIN (National Intelligence). ‘If the current level of instability continues we would be justified in maintaining our military presence,’ his lip curled into a sneer, ‘to restore peace,’ the statement sending the room into speculative silence.
“Old guard” Suharman disliked Sumantri, and not only because,philosophically,they were on opposite sides. Sumantri’s ‘Greens’ had made substantial inroads within the military leadership since Suharto had stepped down, and General Suharman was annoyed that his own position was constantly being challenged by the younger officers.
There were seven senior officers present. The meeting had been called to put aside differences between the ‘Red & Whites’ and the ‘Greens’; to determine what action would be taken to resolve the military’s dilemma concerning the embarrassing loss of East Timor; and to discuss the TNI’s future with the election of President Abdurrahman Wahid and his VP, Megawati. All present recognized the dangerous precedent of losing a province at a time when separatist movements threatened the Republic’s unity. Secretly, additional troops had been deployed to Aceh,West Papua, West Timor, Sulawesi, Kalimantan — and, more recently, Ambon — to extinguish the growing tide of anti-Javanese resentment. Now, with the loss of East Timor a potential catalyst for other separatist movements to attract international attention, the country was faced with its own domino collapse.
Although the generals in attendance were engaged in their own power struggle, all clearly understood the consequences of losing another province and the disastrous consequences such an event would bring for the Javanese people. The country’s population had grown beyond two hundred million; half of that number occupied Java, the conundrum being that the wealth lay outside the island, most in those provinces now under pressure from separatist movements. The consensus amongst those present was that the military must be returned to power; and at whatever cost.
As for the relationship between the new president and the TNI, both groups present accepted that on that front, they should remain united. During the presidential election run-up more than one hundred and sixty generals had attended Megawati Sukarnoputri’s Indonesian Democratic Party congress to offer their support, believing that due to her inexperience she would become increasingly dependent on the military. When the near-blind cleric, Wahid stole her thunder, a tremor of concern shook the military establishment. Wahid had a reputation as a moderate, tolerant religious leader, dangerous to the military because of his support for the democratization of the Indonesian Republic. Wahid had been elected with the support of Islamic and Muslim-based parties and, although those in attendance all followed the Islamic faith, they were determined that there would be no power-sharing with those to whom the new president was indebted.
‘I spoke to the Americans and they confirm that no U.S.troops will be sent into Timor,’ General Sumarlin broke the silence.
‘But that won’t prevent the Australians from sticking their noses in where they’re not wanted,’ Suharman responded.
‘Well,’Sumarlin glanced around the room,‘why don’t we just bloody their noses a little ?’ Heartened by supportive nods he continued. ‘The Australian public didn’t support their involvement in Vietnam. If there are heavy casualties, the Australian voters will insist that their troops are withdrawn.’
‘Surely you’re not suggesting our engaging the Australians?’a recently promoted Brigadier challenged. He had participated in a number of training programs under the Defence Cooperation Agreement and had attended the jungle warfare training course at the Kanungra base in Southern Queensland.
Suharman looked at the young ‘Greens’ officer with disdain. ‘You don’t think that our soldiers are a match for the Australians?’
General Sumantri came to his colleague’s defence. ‘I believe that most of us would be more comfortable having the militia elements involved. If it became apparent that Indonesian troops were ordered to engage the the Australians, that would be tantamount to inviting the British and the Americans to the party.How long do you think our hardware can survive without spare parts and other technical support? As it is, with President Clinton’s suspension of military ties and the U.S. Congress moving to suspend all military and economic assistance, we are already grounding aircraft.’ He paused, gathering his thoughts. ‘Why not just increase our support for the militia and see where that takes us first?’
‘I agree with Pak ‘Mantri,’ the Brigadier jumped back in. ‘The militias have proven their value and we should continue to support them.’
‘I’m not convinced that they have the numbers to do the job,’ said Suharman
‘They will, providing they have our support all the way,’ insisted Sumantri.
Subsequent to former president Habibie offering the opportunity for the East Timor autonomy vote,the TNI revived old militia groups such as the Gada Paksi (Young Guard for the establishment of Integration), a unit that had been formed from young recruits who were trained by the Kopassus Special Forces in 1994-1995. Eurico Guterres, the flamboyant leader of the Aitarak militia was a prominent participant in the Gada Paksi. The revamped militia groups had then become the main component of the IntegrationFighting Force under the command of such infamous names as Joao Tavares, Eurico Geterres and Costa da Silva. The important role these East Timorese militia would play in derailing the people’s plans for independence was recognized by the former TNI chief, General Wiranto (presently Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security), when he drew up his Contingency Battle Plan — though he would always insist to the press that these militia were not supported by the Indonesian Army.
The well-armed militia totaled some eleven hundred men with an additional support base of twelve thousand troops spread through organizations such as Besi Merah Putih, Aitarak, Guntur Kailak, Halilintar Junior and the Red Dragon. Apart from the weapons left behind by the departing Portuguese twenty-five years before,the militias were supplied with Russian SKS carbines,American M16s and German Mausers, grenades and pistols.
In the weeks following the referendum, Jakarta-sponsored East Timorese militias had gone on a murderous rampage across the province killing more than a thousand, forcing locals from their homes and into the mountains. All but a few buildings had been destroyed, the international community watching the carnage on live television as Indonesian paramilitaries armed with American-M16s carried out their slaughter.
General Suharman remained belligerent towards the Australians.‘There are already calls for an independent West Papuan state in Irian Jaya and there is growing support from Australian church groups for the Ambonese RMS separatists. Our failure to respond will ensure a domino effect in demands for independence.’ General Suharman growled, ‘If we don’t send the Australians a very clear signal of our displeasure, then we are only putting off the inevitable. Mark my words,’ he warned, ‘one day our troops will fight the Australians over Indonesian soil. Believe me, East Timor is just their litmus test to challenge our resolve.’
General Sumantri smiled inwardly as he threw a fleeting glance at the blubberous Suharman. Although this meeting between the ‘Greens’ and the ‘Red & Whites’ represented a step towards reconciliation, any real rapprochement would be dependent upon Suharman’s faction surrendering some of their power – or, alternatively, having the new president replace the Suharto loyalists, severing their culturally ingrained obligations with the past when it became apparent that they had lost control over the nation’s security.
Sumantri’s ‘Greens’ had conceived a most diabolical plan to bring about such an unstable environment. Secretly, they had supported the formation of a paramilitary, Islamic guard to be known as the Laskar Jihad (Holy War Soldiers), based on Java, which would later be widely held responsible for killing some 10,000 Christians in the Moluccas. Although training camps had been operational in the mountains south of Jakarta for most of that year, the formal announcement regarding the Laskar Jihad’s existence was not scheduled until early in the New Year. The communiqué would reveal that the paramilitary force had been established in response to the deliberate persecution of Muslims in the eastern Indonesian provinces. Furthermore, the press release would provide evidence that Protestant churches were planning to form a breakaway Christian state which would incorporate the Moluccan Islands, West Papua and Northern Sulawesi. Charges would be made that remnants of the RMS, the Republic of the South Moluccas elements based in the Netherlands, were providing material support for this movement which would wage war on Muslims and drive them from those provinces.
The Laskar Jihad would also be used (in addition to being used in the Moluccas) to create an environment of fear and instability on Java, and undermine those positions held by the Suharto loyalists whose lingering presence remained an obstacle to the ‘Greens’ ascendancy.
Amsterdam
Dutch Internal Security Service BVD Headquarters (Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst)
‘You were extremely lucky.’
Rima Passelima nodded at Volkert van Leeuwen, conscious that her hand had moved to the scar where once she might have considered parting her fine, brown hair.
‘Lucky,’ the Assistant Director continued, ‘and exceptionally brave.’
Rima shifted uncomfortably in her chair with the unexpected accolade. ‘Thank you, sir,’ was all she could manage,apprehensive that this interview might lead to her being permanently deskbound.
Four months in convalescence and rehabilitation following her release from hospital had provided Rima with ample opportunity to reflect on how perilously close she had been to death. Now the possibility that she might be forever precluded from further field operations as a result of her injury continued to play heavily on her mind.
Van Leeuwen’s brow wrinkled as he closed her file, Rima tensing in anticipation of unfavorable news. ‘Your medical report indicates that you are fully recovered.’
‘Both physically and mentally,’ she answered confidently, ‘I believe I am…’
‘Be that as it may,’ van Leeuwen interrupted, with a wave of a palm, and Rima’s heart sank. This was it; she was going to be deskbound for the remainder of her career. The BVD director’s eyes narrowed as he considered the young agent before him.‘But are you ready for a field assignment?’
Rima’s heart leaped. ‘Yes sir,’ she responded emphatically. ‘I am as fit as I was before…’
Again the director waved her down. ‘It’s an overseas assignment,’ she heard him say. ‘…and would require that you be permanently based in S.E. Asia, reporting directly to me.’
‘Overseas?’ she cocked her head quizzically, ‘where in Asia?’
‘Indonesia,’ van Leeuwen revealed.
‘You mentioned permanently?’
‘Yes. The assignment is to establish a deep cover presence.We would need to be confident that whoever we select to fill this post accepts that they will be isolated from the Service…and expected to remain in situ for as long as required.’
‘There are others being interviewed for the position?’ Rima asked anxiously.
‘Yes,’van Leeuwen lied, now with a twinkle in his eyes, ‘but your name is at the top of our list.’
The BVD director rose from his desk and nonchalantly flicked open a stainless steel Zippo lighter. Rima watched impatiently as her director slowly went through the routine of lighting his favorite meerschaum-lined briar, the room’s silence deafening to her ears.Van Leeuwen leaned his tall frame against the desk, flourishing the curled pipe in the air.
‘Back in Seventy-Five, seven South Moluccans hijacked a train at Wijster, in the Drente province.The hijacking ended with three killed – the subsequent internal inquiry determining that, although the BVD had maintained surveillance over members of the Dutch chapter of the Indonesian-outlawed Southern Maluku Republic, we failed to identify theresurgence of the RMS and its threat to national security.Third generation Moluccans had assimilated into the Dutch environment in every way…even to the point where they were more accustomed to thinking and verbalizing their emotions in Dutch rather than in their fathers’ and grandfathers’ native tongue.’ Van Leeuwen paused to draw on his pipe before continuing. ‘Then, around five years back when we dismantled the Foreign Intelligence Service, the BVD suddenly found itself without an appropriate information flow from external sources.’The director smiled knowingly at Rima. ‘One of the reasons we intensified our watch over, and infiltration of, the RMS during the past two years, is because of concern that they may be linking with some of the more militant organizations which have developed a predilection for using Holland to launch their European operations.’
‘Ayman al-Zawahiri?’ Rima wanted to demonstrate that she remained acquainted with current BVD ‘watch’ lists of foreign nationals.
It had recently come to light that Al-Zawahiri, the Egyptian co-founder of al-Qaeda had spent time in Holland during the previous year,in possession of a forged Dutch passport.The CIA had alerted the BVD of the Taliban presence, the Dutch Security Service amazed when they discovered the extent of the network which had established cells in Amsterdam, Eindhoven and Rotterdam.
‘Yes, al-Zawahiri,’ van Leeuwen replied. ‘We had missed him completely during our investigations into the Saudi-funded al-Muwaffaq Foundation in Breda which, as you know,is considered a front organization for Bin Laden.’
‘How is the RMS connected,’ Rima asked, ‘it seems that they would make strange bedfellows considering their opposing religious leanings?’
‘Our concern is that the Islamic extremist groups have become far more sophisticated in their penetration of other organizations. In the past, these extremists operated predominantly through mosques and Islamic foundations, even schools. Since Chechnya became unstable, they have supported separatist groups there, as they have in Afghanistan. There’s even a website run out of The Hague calling upon Muslims here to support the Chechnya jihad movement. If you visit the site you’ll see that local Muslims are directed to join the Dutch army to take advantage of the training offered.’
‘And the connection with the RMS?’ Rima reminded.
‘With the massive flow of Muslim immigrants over the past twenty years, we have seen international organized crime playing a key role in facilitating the illegal entry of many of these illegals across our borders, unguarded since the Schengen agreement.The BVD’s position is that this migration poses a substantial security risk. Because we enjoy a reputation of tolerance towards political and religious refugees, terrorists and other subversive elements have increasingly been establishing their presence in this country under the pretext of asylum. So, in answer to your question, the BVD believes that the RMS has been infiltrated by extremist, Indonesians, who pose as Moluccan sympathizers, but are in reality connected, either to Saudi terrorist groups, or any of the growing number of S.E. Asian cells.’
‘Unfortunately, I didn’t have enough time to check out the local membership.’Rima unconsciously touched the scar on her head again.‘So,the assignment I’m being considered for is connected?’
‘Yes, but we’ll leave that until a decision has been made as to whom the successful candidate might be.’
‘If I were to be chosen,’ she pressed, ‘would I remain in the employ of the BVD?’
Van Leeuwen placed the pipe at one side of his mouth. ‘Most likely you have heard the scuttle bug about the BVD undergoing a shake up?’
‘Yes sir,’ Rima replied, ‘It would be safe to say that we’ve all been following the proposed changes since legislation was submitted to the Lower House last year.’
‘Well, I can reveal something of what we can expect.’ The director returned to his chair. ‘The Service will be restructured and renamed with a new function being added.’His face became more serious. ‘If you are selected for the assignment you will be part of the new section charged with external operations.’
Rima showed her surprise. ‘International Ops?’
‘Yes. The BVD will become the General Intelligence and Security Service, the AIVD. Although operations will basically be related to non-military matters, there will be times when the new organization’s activities will overlap with other departments.’
‘When will the restructure take place?’
‘It’s imminent. We’re ready to move, just waiting for the legislation to be passed.
Mind you,’van Leeuwen stared directly at Rima, ‘all of this remains here in this room.’ The director tried to smile. ‘Wouldn’t want to jeopardize our chances with that posting, would we?’
Rima nodded affirmatively. ‘I appreciate your taking me into your confidence, sir.’
Van Leeuwen stoked his pipe with the end of a paper clip as he ended the interview. ‘Well,let’s keep our fingers crossed that we’ll have some good news for you within the month.’
Dismissed, Rima headed directly for the files registry to brush up on information connecting the RMS and any al-Qaeda related activity.
* * * *
Assistant Director van Leeuwen sat contemplating his choice of Rima Passelima for the deep cover assignment which would take her to Indonesia, and the Moluccan Islands. He flipped open the personnel file and gazed admiringly at her photograph, the Dutch-Ambonese features captivating, even without a smile. Rima would be required to assume the new persona created for her, one which would place her in a position where she could build trust with elements associated with the RMS in Indonesia. Having whetted her appetite, van Leeuwen in no way doubted that she would accept the conditions of the assignment. Officially, Rima’s employment with the BVD would be terminated due to mental health considerations, a tragic result of her having been shot during the June demonstrations.
The creation of a community-based organization had been van Leeuwen’s idea, enthusiastically supported by the BVD director, suggesting that if the project proved to be successful,the idea might well become a model for establishing intelligence gathering networks elsewhere.Van Leeuwen’s Non-Governmental Organization, or NGO, would be so structured as to enable the placement of an officer on the ground in Indonesia,ostensibly to oversee the establishment of a promotional training enterprise to lift the level of technical expertise amongst the target community. Rima’s role would be to assist in the placement of Ambonese with commercial, government and non-profit organizations, wherever these opportunities arose.
Hopefully, the NGO would also provide Rima with the opportunity to develop lines of communication into Indonesian government agencies and departments, further enhancing the viability of the planned long-term intelligence gathering station. Van Leeuwen would run this operation directly. And,until such times as Parliament cleared the BVD to conduct such clandestine activities, only he and the Director would be aware of Rima’s covert assignment.
Van Leeuwen ruminated upon the BVD slosh fund allocation the director had approved to finance the NGO operation.Such an arrangement would have been impossible under previous administrations when finance was so tight the United States CIA financed the BVD to prevent its collapse. And, it was not until the success of “Project Mongol”, that the Treasury finally loosened its purse strings to oil the intelligence gathering machine.
In ponderous mood, van Leeuwen looked back upon the sting operation that had resulted in his rapid rise within the BVD ranks and considered running a similar operation again,to ensnare some of the militant Islamic groups. The BVD had created its own clandestine operation code-named ‘Project Mongol’, by establishing what appeared to be a Maoist front organization called the ‘Marxist-Leninist Party of the Netherlands’. The intention was to determine what influence Mainland China exerted on Maoist groups in Europe, the results staggeringly successful. Beijing chose the MLPN as the ‘best’ among the different Maoist fractions in the Netherlands and honored its ‘chairman’ accordingly. They even gave financial support to the ‘party’.
The Assistant Director’s eyes again fell to the black and white photograph. He placed a finger to his lips then to Rima’s and sighed wistfully, opening his trousers and stroking his crotch thoughtfully, conjuring up an image of her lying naked before him.
Jakarta – Menteng
Lt. Colonel Tony Supadi was ushered through the renovated colonial residence with its teak-paneled walls and other appurtenances reflecting the Dutch era. Entering General Sumantri’s inner sanctum he saluted the new Badan Intelijen Strategis, (BAIS) Strategic Intelligence Agency chief. General Sumantri reported to TNI Headquarters…usually directly to the Commander-in-Chief. Whether he passed the sensitive information on to the President was his call, under the restructured arrangements.
‘I thought it more appropriate that we meet here in my home,’ Sumantri waved the recently-promoted officer to an ornately carved teak chair, ‘where the walls don’t have ears.’
The Colonel remained silent, his eyes surveying the setting with drooped regimental flags and two decades of military memorabilia. A row of wall plaques arranged chronologically evidenced some of Sumantri’s career highlights,including stints at Fort Benning and Fort Leavenworth, in the United States.
‘Your work in Ambon appears to have achieved the desired effect,’ the General offered, approvingly, lowering his gaunt frame to sit opposite the younger man.
‘If only the same could be said for Tim-Tim,’ the Colonel countered, referring to the former province by the more familiar acronym for Timor-Timur.
Sumantri nodded solemnly. ‘Yes,’ he paused, reflectively, ‘who would have thought…?’
General Sumantri leaned back and to one side favoring an injured hip sustained during a training drop earlier in his career.He peered over rimless spectacles. ‘No doubt you are aware of the calls for an international tribunal to be established?’
Colonel Supadi shifted uncomfortably. ‘I had heard the rumor.’
‘I don’t believe it’s going to amount to anything serious,’ the General commented, the absence of conviction in his tone, unsettling.
‘The President only has to say no,’ Supadi proposed, hopefully.
‘Perhaps he’ll throw Pak Wiranto to the wolves and that’ll be sufficient to satisfy the activists?’ Sumantri suggested, contempt dripping from his voice.‘Even the Americans have abandoned the General.’
Lieutenant Colonel Supadi believed there was substance to the rumor that the U.S. Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific, Admiral Denis Blair had been ordered to deliver a message to General Wiranto at the height of the violence in East Timor,condemning Indonesia’s handling of the crisis. Word had it that Blair not only failed to deliver the message but actually signaled Wiranto that he still enjoyed the Admiral’s support. ‘But surely President Wahid realizes he would disaffect many in the military if he sacked Pak Wiranto?’
‘Not all,’ Sumantri intimated, referring to the ‘Greens’ within the military,‘there are those amongst us who would prefer to see the old guard replaced with those more receptive to reformist ideals.’
‘I understand, General,’ was all Supadi could say.
Although now an integral part of the ‘Greens’ movement the Colonel still secretly harbored the greatest respect for the former Armed Forces Commander and Defence Minister who had served both the Suharto and Habibie presidencies with distinction.
Less than two months before, Abdurrahman Wahid had appointed Wiranto as Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security. Now, it would seem, Wahid was moving to sweep the powerful general into oblivion along with others from his camp.
Lt.Colonel Supadi accepted that General Wiranto was ultimately responsible for everything that his soldiers did in East Timor. Heknew from his own involvement with Kopassus that Wiranto had become the ‘fall guy’ and was now expected to fall upon his sword,primarily because he backed the interim President, Habibie, in granting East Timor the UN-sponsored referendum.
The Colonel was also cognizant that the outcome had been determined at the outset by the ‘Greens’ through the Kopassus-dominated, parallel command that operated within the military’s overall structure. Although General Wiranto was, in fact, Commander of the Armed Forces, Kopassus Special Forces’ commanders followed their own course, operating with impunity. How many fellow officers would follow Wiranto was yet to be seen, with speculation suggesting that Lieutenant General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s appointment might also be precarious as he served under Wiranto as Chief of Territorial Affairs at TNI Headquarters, a position that coordinated all territorial commands including those which covered East Timor during the conflict.
‘I’ve called you here to finalize our liaison protocols,’ General Sumantri interrupted the Colonel’s thoughts. ‘To support our operations in Ambon and Sulawesi,’ the General eyed his subordinate. ‘And other destinations as these arise.’
Supadi had expected as much. ‘Does this involve the Laskar Jihad?’
‘In every sense,’ the General replied, ‘the first intake will complete their training within the month. I want you to spend time at the camp prior to their departure for Ambon. ‘You will be their only link to my office.’
‘And Hambali, will he be involved?’
‘Not directly. Again, you will be his conduit directly to me.’
Supadi understood the necessity for the BAIS intelligence general to avoid any dissemination of information via BAKIN,as both agencies were under the control of opposing camps within the military structure. BAIS operatives were usually recruited from the Armed Forces Intelligence School at Ciomas near Bogor in West Java; he himself had been selected from outside this chain of command to further protect his anonymity. What made BIA officers such as Sumantri, powerful, was the fact that they enjoyed influential positions elsewhere, their rivalry with BAKIN counterparts a constant source of resentment between the two intelligence groups.
‘Will my activities be funded in the same manner as before?’
General Sumantri’s face creased with a smile. ‘Of course.’
Although unhappy with this response the Colonel held his tongue. Initially, the East Timor Black Ops had been funded by using clandestine slush funds obtained from BULOG, the state-operated logistics bureau, until the military intelligence agency, BAKIN authorized a counterfeit money operation to fund the militias.
‘When do I leave?’
‘Immediately,’ the General rose slowly to his feet. ‘You realize of course that we are coming under greater scrutiny as a result of East Timor. And this requires that you are far more circumspect in selecting those you trust.’ Sumantri stepped closer to the Colonel and whispered as if the walls could hear.‘Be extremely careful. This is a dangerous game that we play.’ He extended a hand. ‘…and Colonel…’
‘General?’
Sumantri squeezed Supadi’s hand firmly. ‘I don’t need to remind you of the consequences if you lead any unwanted guests to my door.’
* * * *
In the solitude of his temporary accommodations, Lt. Colonel Supadi considered the General’s not-so-veiled threat and was reminded of the precarious nature of the sinister world through which he moved. The success of his previous year’s activities confirmed his credentials as a competent field operative, the discreet accolades and his recent promotion evidence of his superior’s trust. However, Supadi knew that, should he fail in the execution of this mission, he would become immediately expendable – as had so many others who had fallen from grace during Indonesia’s turbulent past.
Supadi mulled over General Sumantri’s comments concerning the establishment of an international tribunal, re-examining his own activities to determine whether he had left any looseends that might incriminate him. When he had been seconded to BAKIN from the Kopassus Joint Intelligence Unit (SGI) and ordered to Ambon, Supadi had been placed in the perilous position of not only serving two masters, but carrying out missions inseparate areas of conflict, the Moluccas and East Timor. He had journeyed to Dili from Ambon regularly,monitoring both theatresand reporting sanitized versions of what he had encountered toBAKIN’s General Suharman, whilst actively engaged in Kopassusfield operations. He had been instrumental in the training of theEast Timorese militias whose teams then terrorized their own people to discourage them from supporting the independence vote.
An attack against Dili’s inhabitants resulted in the execution of more than two hundred, their bodies left outside homes, sending a wave of panic and fear throughout the provincial capital. The operation had been a huge success for the Special Forces and, as these killings went unpunished, the militias turned their attention to the homes of Bishops, the seminaries and schools.The Archdiocese of Dili’s curia was torched,burning twenty-five alive, this action alone sending more than one hundred thousand fleeing into the mountains. Supadi’s teams had then turned their attention to the town of Suai where they executed four nuns and three priests — eye-witness reports of this action now of most concern to the Lt. Colonel, with the U.N. exercising control over East Timor.Supadi’s thoughts turned to the hard-nosed Hambali who had returned to his base in Malaysia,having played a major role in raising the level of sectarian violence in the Moluccas – the officer slipping into a state of brooding disquietude about the cleric’s extrinsic relationship with Kopassus and General Sumantri. In Ambon, he had listened with tongue in cheek when Hambali expounded thetenets of the Jemaah Islamiyah philosophy to create a Pan-AsianIslamic State. At that time, Supadi had been unaware that thisman known to many only as Riduan Isamuddin, the teacher, wasresponsible for extending al-Qaeda’s reach into Asia.
Although it was clear that Hambali’s growing network provided the Special Forces with ample opportunity to expand theirclandestine operations throughout Indonesia, Supadi remained mistrustful of the ambitious cleric’s motives and the growing influence of the Jemaah Islamiyah within Indonesia’s fragmented military,and political circles.Whatever role the JI operations commander would play in future Black Ops had yet to be determined,however, Supadi expected that Hambali’s participation would besignificant in furthering the ‘Greens’ cause.
With the loss of East Timor both sides of the Indonesian military spectrum agreed at least on one major issue – that the unitary state must be protected from further fracture, at whatever the cost. Lt. Colonel Supadi’s mission to support Islamic paramilitary groups across the Republic was designed to further exacerbate domestic instability – and return power to the military once the flirtation with democracy had failed. Instead, the classic Indonesian-Machiavellian plot would turn the country into a pariah state, identifying the archipelago as fertile ground for international terrorists.
East Java – Tenggulun
Amrozi waved solemnly as Hambali was spirited away in a Toyota minibus, the heavily tinted windows concealing the occupants from view. He turned to his brothers as they dispersed. ‘The entire time he was here, he hardly spoke to me,’ Amrozi complained.
‘He didn’t come to see you,’ Mukhlas chided.
‘He should have come for the wedding,’ Amrozi rattled on. In March of that year he had married Khoiriyanah Khususiyati,a one-time neighbor to Fathur Rohman Al-Ghozi, the JI bomb making expert.
‘Be satisfied that he remembered your name,’ his younger brother, Imron called back over his shoulder as Amrozi sulked away.
* * * *
Hambali remained deep in thought as the van sped through the parched Javanese countryside. With the Wet Season still months away,as was apparent from the dry and untended fields,the land’s caretakers were absent, the fortunate few now being itinerant workers in city slums.The JI operations commander contemplated the possibility of succession should something happen to him, and Mukhlas’face again came to mind. Although Hambali considered the man a potential challenger to his authority, he accepted that Mukhlas would be the most appropriate choice to assume operational control in the event of his own demise. Although privately annoyed by Mukhlas’ claim that he had been visited by the prophet Mohammed in a dream, encouraging him to join in the holy war in Afghanistan soon after his induction into the JI, Hambali admired the man’s commitment to their cause. Mukhlas had spent two years fighting the Soviets and it was at this time, when Jori had come under attack, that he met the resistance leader, Osama bin Laden. It was there that Hambali and Mukhlas had first came into contact, the new comrades-in-arms subsequently returning together to Johor in Malaysia where, at the suggestion of the JI leader, Sungkar,Mukhlas established the Lukman nul Hakim religious school – their front for recruiting followers who shared their militant beliefs.
A sinister smile crossed Hambali’s lips as he recalled drawing upon selected students from the al-Mukmin Islamic boarding school at Ngruki in Central Java, and moulding these youngsters into the anti-American fanatics they had become.Mukhlas and his plethora of hard-line brothers had been instrumental in maintaining the flow of Javanese dissidents into Malaysia, where they received both religious instruction in the Wahhabi (to remain consistent) and tactical training in the preparation of explosives.
Operational cells dividing the region into commands called Mantiqis, were created, with Hambali anointing himself as chairman of Mantiqi 1, which covered southern Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore; Mantiqi II was allocated specific control over most of Indonesia; whilst Mantiqi III covered all of Sabah and East Kalimantan, Sulawesi and to the north, South Philippines. Indonesian New Guinea, Irian Jaya and Australia fell under the authority of Mantiqi IV.
When the JI’s founder, Sungkar, passed away, Hambali believed that Abu Bakar Bashir would be endorsed as the organization’s new spiritual leader. However, since Bashir had returned to Indonesia to establish the Indonesian MujahideenCouncil, Hambali continued to operate as the JI’s de facto, supreme commander – sustaining the organization’s vision for the creation of a S. E. Asian Islamic state – nurturing affiliations with like-minded militant groups throughout the region.
The van continued on its journey to the airport of Semarang, where Hambali boarded a Garuda flight and returned to Malaysia, the operations commander unaware that his visit had been monitored. A report detailing his activities was sent to Army Intelligence in Jakarta and was on General Sumantri’s desk the following day.
A copy would then be sent to the CIA chief at the U.S.Embassy in Jakarta.
