Liu Guan was anxious about his meeting with Yao Xiao, the president and supreme leader of China. That was an unfamiliar feeling for the powerful head of the Ministry of State Security, or MSS, China’s top intelligence agency. Mired in heavy traffic, Liu was riding alone in the back of a limousine.
“Use the siren and flashing lights,” Liu called to his driver. “I want to get there today.”
“Yes, sir.”
An hour previously, Yao’s aide had called to summon Liu to the presidential office in Tiananmen Square as though he were a misbehaving schoolboy. Ever since the call, Liu thought about the approach he should take with Yao. Though the Chinese president hadn’t told him the purpose of the meeting, he had no doubt Yao would rip into him for his failure to obtain the Pentagon’s Five Year Plan for Asia from US Senator Wesley Jasper.
In response, Liu had no intention of telling Yao what had happened to Jasper. That would only magnify Liu’s failure. Instead, he planned to shunt that aside and move on to a new operation, which was sure to appeal to Yao. This new operation would address the difficulties the Chinese president was currently facing.
The Chinese economic miracle, launched by Deng, Mao’s successor, was running out of steam. The intervening presidents, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping, had kept it sputtering along while at the same time building the country’s armed forces. The prevailing view among those three presidents and the Politburo was that as long as China’s economy continued to expand and the people enjoyed prosperity with an accompanying increased standard of living and a rising stock market, the pressure for freedom and human rights would simmer at a low level. If, on the other hand, the economic juggernaut came to a halt, the pressure would build.
Yao’s solution to this dilemma was conquest throughout Asia. By dominating its neighbors, China could ensure additional markets for its exports while at the same time obtaining cheaper raw materials. And there was something else. Conquest and domination of the rest of Asia played into the Chinese people’s nationalism, which in turn was a powerful salve for a weakening economy. Yao saw Asia as a single monolithic ship with China at the helm. China’s military was strong enough to achieve this result. He faced only one obstacle: the United States and its Asian treaty commitments.
When Liu entered Yao’s ornate office, Yao didn’t rise from his seat behind the large, red leather-topped desk. He motioned to the empty chair in front of the desk, and Liu sat down.
The sixty-four-year-old Yao looked weary, Liu thought. He had marked creases on his face and bags under his eyes. Liu had learned from a servant in Yao’s house that the president rarely slept—at most an hour or two a night. Yao would either be at his desk reading documents or pacing the house. Sleeplessness took a toll on anyone—even the mighty president of China wasn’t exempt.
“What happened in Hong Kong?” Yao asked.
“I was forced to turn the army loose on the protesters, they left me no choice. Several dozen protesters were killed. Many more wounded. We rounded up and imprisoned the organizers of the so-called student protest movement who were not really students but agitators. Some of them were from Japan. We also arrested journalists who were instigating these people. I made sure we blocked any media coverage. I think Hong Kong will be quiet for a while now. How long is difficult to say.”
“You made the right decision,” said Yao. “We had to nip this early. Otherwise, the protest movement would spread to the mainland.”
“That’s what I told the leaders in Hong Kong,” affirmed Liu. “They agreed we had no choice. If we hadn’t moved decisively, it would have been worse than 1989.”
Yao got up from his desk and walked over to the window facing Tiananmen Square. Liu guessed Yao was replaying in his mind what happened there in June 1989. Liu didn’t have to look at the square to recall what it was like at the time. As a young intelligence officer, he had infiltrated the mass of protesters, initially reporting on discussions among their leaders and later targeting ringleaders who were then taken out by army marksmen.
After a full minute, Yao wheeled around and said, “Let’s hope you succeeded in squelching the movement in Hong Kong.”
“I believe I did.”
Yao returned to his chair. He was staring hard at Liu. “Now tell me why I never received the Pentagon’s Five Year Plan. That’s what I most wanted and what you promised.”
Liu knew Yao well enough to realize that being argumentative or showing anger would not only get him fired from his job, but tossed into prison. So he grabbed the sides of his chair to calm himself before replying, “We were on the verge of obtaining the plan when Senator Jasper was murdered. He was jogging near his home in Washington when he was targeted by robbers. It was a random act of violence.”
“Humph.”
Liu wondered what that meant. Yao couldn’t possibly know about Liu’s involvement in Jasper’s murder. It was unlikely that the ambassador in Washington would have told Yao after Liu had threatened to kill the ambassador’s child, a daughter living in Paris, if he did. The only other person who knew about it was Xiang, and he would not have been able to get access to the president to tell him anyway.
Liu decided not to show weakness. Instead, he’d bull ahead. “Jasper’s murder is an example of the rampant crime in the United States, of their lawlessness.”
“Failure is still failure,” frowned Yao. “Excuses won’t be tolerated.”
Liu felt perspiration soaking his shirt under the arms. “Following the death of Senator Jasper, our primary American asset,” Liu said, “I developed a plan for a new operation entitled ‘New World Order.’”
Yao sat up straight, his eyes boring into Liu. The spymaster clearly had the president’s attention. “Tell me about it,” he commanded.
“Since the end of the Second World War, the United States has shaped and dominated the world order—both economically and militarily,” Liu began. “The Americans dictated the course of events. After more than seventy years, that order is in tatters and its architect, the United States, is in decline. During this same period, our great nation has recovered from its century of humiliation at the hands of the Western nations. We are now prepared to challenge the United States. The time has come to create a new world order with China in control. We will wrest dominance from the Americans.”
“Those platitudes all sound good,” said Yao, “but how do you propose to do that?”
“I have in mind a two-step process. First, we confront and weaken America’s presence in East Asia. Second, we negotiate with them as equals and reach an agreement on a new world order.”
“And you think they will be willing to do that?”
“At the end of the Second World War, at Yalta, the United States reached that type of agreement with Russia, ceding control over Eastern and Central Europe. Then the US was invincible. Now they are weary as a nation.”
Liu watched as Yao closed his eyes and stroked his chin. Liu thought he looked intrigued by the proposal.
When Yao opened his eyes, he said, “Our chances of success will be much better if we have a top American official working with us.”
Liu was thrilled to hear Yao’s words. “Precisely,” he agreed. “I have already arranged that.”
“How much did you have to pay the American to come over to our side?” Yao asked.
“Nothing. For him it is a matter of principle.”
“I prefer that,” approved Yao. “Those who sell out for money can easily be turned by a higher bidder. How soon will you begin?”
“It would be better to wait a month,” said Liu cautiously. “Let the dust clear from our Jasper operation. Also, I want to find the right opportunity.”
“As you wish, Minister Liu. You have the most at stake. I will not tolerate another failure on your part.”
Yao’s words jolted Liu, but he showed no emotion. Instead, he fired back, “Operation New World Order will succeed.”