SETTING OUT AND RETURNING HOME
Fig. 5.1: A thirteenth-century ship, as represented on the wax seal of the English port of Dover. From P. Lacroix, Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages (London: Chapman and Hall, 1874).
48. Gerald of Wales on Preaching a Crusade
The crusading experience often began when the potential crusader heard a sermon calling on Christians to “take the cross”—and a vow to go on crusade. The prolific twelfth-century writer Gerald of Wales here recounts taking part in a preaching tour made to recruit holy warriors for the Third Crusade.
Source: trans. J.A. Giles, The Historical Works of Giraldus Cambrensis (London: H.G. Bohn, 1863), pp. 331–33, 337–38, 367–68, 371, 396–99, 425–26, 443, 467–68; revised.
In the year 1188 A.D.,…when Saladin, prince of the Egyptians and Damascenes, by a signal victory gained possession of the kingdom of Jerusalem, Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury, a venerable man, distinguished for his learning and sanctity, journeyed from England for the service of the holy cross and entered Wales near the borders of Herefordshire.
The archbishop proceeded to Radnor on Ash Wednesday,…where, a sermon being preached by the archbishop on the subject of the Crusades and explained to the Welsh by an interpreter, the author of this book was the first to arise, impelled by the urgent pleading and promises of the king and the persuasions of the archbishop and the justiciar, and, falling down at the feet of the holy man, devoutly took the sign of the cross. His example was instantly followed by Peter, bishop of St. David’s, a monk of the abbey of Cluny, and then by Eineon, son of Eineon Clyd, prince of Elfael, and many other persons. Eineon, rising up, said to Rhys, whose daughter he had married, “My father and lord! With your permission I hasten to avenge the injury offered to the greatest Father of all.” Rhys himself was so fully determined to set out on the holy pilgrimage, as soon as the archbishop should enter his territories on his return, that for nearly fifteen days he was employed in making the necessary preparations for so distant a journey with great solicitude. But then his wife…by female artifices diverted him wholly from his noble purpose….
Having crossed the river Wye, we proceeded into Brecknockshire, and on preaching a sermon at Hay, we observed some amongst the multitude, who were to be signed with the cross, fly for refuge to the archbishop in the castle, leaving their garments in the hands of their friends or wives, who endeavored to hold them back. Early in the morning we began our journey to Aberhodni, and the word of the Lord being preached at Llanddew, we spent the night there….
A sermon having been delivered at Abergavenny, and many persons converted to the cross, a certain nobleman of those parts, named Arthenus, came to the archbishop, who was proceeding towards the castle of Usk, and humbly begged pardon for having neglected to meet him sooner. Being questioned whether he would take the cross, he replied, “That ought not be done without the advice of my friends.” The archbishop then asked him, “Are you not going to consult your wife?” To which he modestly answered, with a downcast look, “When the work of a man is to be undertaken, the counsel of a woman ought not to be asked.” And instantly he received the cross from the archbishop….
At the castle of Usk, a multitude of persons influenced by the archbishop’s sermon, and by the exhortations of the good and worthy William, bishop of Llandaff, who faithfully accompanied us through his diocese, were signed with the cross; Alexander, archdeacon of Bangor, acted as interpreter to the Welsh. It is remarkable that many of the most notorious murderers, thieves, and robbers of the neighborhood were converted here, to the astonishment of the spectators….
On our journey from Carmarthen to the Cistercian monastery called Whitland, the archbishop was informed of the murder of a young Welshman, who had been devoutly hastening to meet us; when turning out of the road, the archbishop ordered the corpse to be covered with the cloak of his almoner [that is, his official in charge of charity], and with a pious supplication he commended the soul of the murdered youth to heaven. Twelve archers of the adjacent castle of St. Clears, who had assassinated the young man, were on the following day signed with the cross at Whitland, as a punishment for their crime….
A sermon having been delivered at Haverfordwest by the archbishop, and the word of God preached to the people by the archdeacon, whose name appears on the title-page of this work [that is, Gerald], many soldiers and commoners were induced to take the cross. It appeared wonderful and miraculous, that, although the archdeacon addressed them both in the Latin and French tongues, those persons who understood neither of those languages were equally affected, and flocked in great numbers to the cross….
We slept [one] night in the monastery of St. Dogmael, where, as well as on the next day at Aberteivi, we were handsomely entertained by the prince Rhys. On the Cemmeis side of the river, not far from the bridge, the people of the neighborhood being assembled together, and Rhys and his two sons, Malgon and Gruffydd, being present, the word of the Lord was persuasively preached by both the archbishop and the archdeacon, and many were induced to take the cross. One of them was an only son and the sole comfort of his mother, far advanced in years, who, steadfastly gazing on him, as if inspired by the Deity, uttered these words: “O most beloved Lord Jesus Christ, I give you hearty thanks for having conferred on me the blessing of bringing forth a son, whom you may think worthy of your service.” Another woman at Aberteivi, of a very different way of thinking, held her husband fast by his cloak and belt, and publicly and audaciously prevented him from going to the archbishop to take the cross. But three nights afterward, she heard a terrible voice saying, “You have taken away my servant from me; therefore what you most love shall be taken away from you.” On her relating this vision to her husband, they were struck with mutual terror and amazement; and on falling asleep again, she accidentally smothered her little boy, whom, with more affection than prudence, she had taken to bed with her. The husband, relating to the bishop of the diocese both the vision and its fatal prediction, took the cross, which his wife spontaneously sewed on her husband’s arm….
We remained [a] night at Bangor, the metropolitan see of North Wales, and were well entertained by the bishop of the diocese. On the next day, mass being celebrated by the archbishop before the high altar, the bishop of that see, at the urging of the archbishop and other persons, more persistent than persuasive, was compelled to take the cross, to the general concern of all his people of both sexes, who expressed their grief on this occasion by a loud and lamentable outcry….
From Wenlock, we passed by the little cell of Brumfeld, the notable castle of Ludlow, through Leominster to Hereford;…thus describing, as it were, a circle, we came to the same point from which we had commenced this laborious journey through Wales.
During this long and laudable legation, about three thousand men were signed with the cross, well skilled in the use of arrows and lances, and versed in military matters, impatient to attack the enemies of the faith, profitably and happily engaged for the service of Christ, if only the expedition of the holy cross had been forwarded with an alacrity equal to the diligence and devotion with which the forces were collected….
Questions: Why did Gerald himself take the cross? What kinds of people did the preachers try to recruit for the crusade? What reactions did they encounter? What does this text reveal about the opinions of ordinary people about crusading?
49. Privileges and Indulgences
An “indulgence” was a church-granted remission of penalties (especially of time to be in purgatory) for sin; such spiritual benefits had been promised to Christian holy warriors against Islam since the time of the Muslim invasion of Spain in the eighth century (see doc. 6). The term “privilege” in the crusading context refers to the practical protections and advantages promised to crusaders, their families, and their lands, either by the church or by secular authorities, to facilitate their long-term absence from home. For additional privileges and indulgences, see Gregory VIII’s proclamation of the Third Crusade (doc. 44) and the decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council (doc. 63).
Sources: Eugenius III: trans. W. Robson, The History of the Crusades, by J.F. Michaud (New York: A.C. Armstrong & Son, 1881), vol. III, pp. 370–72, revised; Cor nostrum: trans. E. Amt from Latin text in Alexandri III Romani Pontificis Opera Omnia, from. J.-P. Migne (Paris: Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Latina, vol. 200, 1855), cols. 1294–1296; Innocent III: trans. O.J. Thatcher and E.H. McNeal, A Sourcebook for Medieval History: Selected Documents Illustrating the History of Europe in the Middle Ages (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905), pp. 537; others: trans. D.C. Munro, Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, series I, vol. I (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Department of History, 1902), no. 2, pp. 12–15, 18–19, revised.
Urban II, 1095 (from William of Malmesbury, Chronica Majora)
If anyone through devotion alone, and not for the sake of honor or gain, goes to Jerusalem to free the church of God, the journey itself shall take the place of all penance.
Eugenius III, 1146
The servant of the servants of God, to his dear son Louis, illustrious and glorious king of the French, to his dear sons, the princes, and to all the faithful of the kingdom of France, health and apostolic benediction.
We know by the history of times past, and by the traditions of our fathers, how many efforts our predecessors made for the deliverance of the church of the East. Our predecessor, Urban, of happy memory, sounded the evangelic trumpet, and employed himself with unexampled zeal, in summoning the Christian nations from all parts of the world to the defense of the Holy Land. At his voice the brave and intrepid warriors of the kingdom of the Franks, and the Italians, inflamed with a holy ardor, took arms, and delivered, at the cost of their blood, the city in which our Savior deigned to suffer for us, and which contains the tomb, the monument of his passion. By the grace of God, and by the zeal of our fathers, who defended Jerusalem, and endeavored to spread the Christian name in those distant countries, the conquered cities of Asia have been preserved up to our days, and many cities of the infidels have been attacked and their inhabitants have become Christians. Now, for our sins, and those of the Christian people (which we cannot repeat without grief and lamentation), the city of Edessa—which in our own language is called Rohas, and which, if we can believe the history of it, when the East was subjected to the pagan nations, alone remained faithful to Christianity—the city of Edessa is fallen into the hands of the enemies of the cross.
Several other Christian cities have shared the same fate; the archbishop of that city with his clergy, and many other Christians have been killed; relics of the saints have been given up to the insults of the infidels and dispersed. The greatest danger threatens the church of God and all Christendom. We are persuaded that your prudence and your zeal will be conspicuous on this occasion; you will show the nobleness of your sentiments and the purity of your faith. If the conquests made by the valor of the fathers are preserved by the valor of the sons, I hope you will not allow it to be believed that the heroism of the French has degenerated. We warn you, we pray you, we command you, to take up the cross and arms. I warn you for the remission of your sins—you who are men of God—to clothe yourselves with power and courage, and stop the invasion of the infidels, who are rejoicing at the victory gained over you; to defend the church of the East, delivered by our ancestors; to wrest from the hands of the Muslims many thousands of Christian prisoners who are now in chains. By the present generation, and your valor, the reputation of which is spread throughout the universe, will not only preserve itself without stain, but will acquire a new splendor…. We, who watch over the church and over you, with a parental solicitude, we grant to those who will devote themselves to this glorious enterprise the privileges which our predecessor Urban granted to the soldiers of the cross. We have likewise ordered that their wives and their children, their worldly goods, and their possessions, should be placed under the safeguard of the church, of the archbishops, the bishops, and the other prelates. We order, by our apostolic authority, that those who shall have taken the cross shall be exempt from all kinds of pursuit on account of their property, until their return, or until certain news be received of their death. We order, besides, that the soldiers of Jesus Christ should abstain from wearing rich habits, from having great care in adorning their persons, and from taking with them dogs for the chase, falcons, or anything that may corrupt the manners of the warriors. We warn them, in the name of the most high, that they should only concern themselves with their warhorses, their arms, and everything that may assist them in contending with the infidels. The holy war calls for all their efforts, and for all the faculties they have in them; they who undertake the holy voyage with a right and pure heart, and who shall have contracted debts, shall pay no interest. If they themselves, or others for them, are under obligations to pay usurious interest, we release them from them by our apostolic authority. If the lords from whom they hold will not, or cannot, lend them the money necessary, they shall be allowed to engage their lands or possessions to ecclesiastics, or any other persons. As our predecessor has done, by the authority of the all-powerful God, and by that of the blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, we grant absolution and remission of sins, and we promise life eternal to all those who shall undertake and complete the said pilgrimage, or who shall die in the service of Jesus Christ, after having confessed their sins with a contrite and humble heart.
Alexander III, Papal Bull Cor nostrum, 1181
Bishop Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to his dear sons, the noble men, the dukes and princes, counts, barons, and all God’s faithful, to whom these letters shall come, greeting and apostolic blessing.
Evil rumors, which have come to us from those returning from the Holy Land, have disturbed our heart and those of all our brothers with great sorrow, and scarcely anyone who is counted as a Christian is able to hear, without tears and sighs, the things that are miserably recounted concerning the state of that land….
Strive to the utmost, therefore, not to let Christianity succumb to paganism; for it is better to counteract evil before it arrives than to seek a remedy after being injured. We therefore, by apostolic authority, do concede and confirm, to those who take up this work on behalf of Christ, the same indulgence of sins which our fathers and predecessors the Roman pontiffs Urban and Eugenius established. And we decree that their wives, too, and their children, and their goods and possessions, shall remain under our protection, and under that of the blessed Peter, and of archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the church: and we very strictly prohibit any adversary of those who peacefully possess these things from lodging any suit against them after they have taken the cross, until they return, or until their death is established for certain. And let it be lawful for them, freely and without any disapproval, to mortgage their lands or their other possessions to churches, or to churchmen, or to other faithful persons, as sureties for the expenses of this journey, if their neighbors or even their lords (to whose fiefs their lands belong) do not want to or cannot lend them the money. Moreover, to any fighting men, well suited to the defense of that land, who go to those holy places with the fervor of devotion, and fight there for two years against the Saracens for the defense of the Christian name, we, trusting in the love of Jesus Christ and in the authority of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul, grant absolution for all their sins which they have confessed with contrite and humble hearts: unless perchance they have stolen others’ goods, or have extorted interest, or have committed thefts, for all of which they must make full restitution. But if it is not possible for them to make the amends they owe, nonetheless they will receive pardon for their sins, as we have said. And those men who stay there for a year, as we have said, shall obtain indulgence of half the penance laid on them and remission of their sins. And to all who wish to visit the sepulcher of the Lord on account of the present need, whether they die on the journey or reach that place, we permit the labor of the journey to serve as penance, and obedience and remission of all sins, so that from the prison of this present life they may come, God permitting, to that blessing which “eye has not seen, nor ear heard; nor has it entered into the human heart” [I Cor. 11] what God has promised to those who love him.
King Philip II of France, 1188
In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Amen. It has been decided by the lord Philip, king of the Franks, by the advice of the archbishops, bishops, and barons of his land:
1. That bishops, prelates, and clerks of the conventual churches, and knights who have taken the cross, shall have a respite of two years—dating from the first feast of All Saints [that is, Nov. 1] after the departure of the king—in paying the debts which they owed to Jews or Christians before the king took the cross; that is, on the first feast of All Saints the creditors shall have a third of the debt, and on the following feast of All Saints a second third of the debt, and on the third feast of All Saints the last third of the debt. Also, for each one, from the day on which he takes the cross, interest on debts previously contracted shall cease.
2. If a knight who is the legitimate heir, son, or son-in-law of a knight not taking the cross, or of a widow, and who is under the jurisdiction of his father or mother, takes the cross, his father and mother shall have a respite from their debts, in accordance with the above ordinance.
3. If, however, their son or son-in-law, who has taken the cross, is no longer under their jurisdiction, or if he is not a knight, or if he has not taken the cross, they shall not enjoy a respite through this decree.
4. Also, within a fortnight after the next feast of St. John the Baptist [that is, June 24], those debtors who have lands and revenues shall, through the lords in whose territory the lands are, assign the lands and revenues to their creditors, in order that from these the creditors may collect their debts at the aforesaid times and according to the aforesaid form. The lords shall not be able to prevent those assignments, unless they themselves settle with the creditor for the debt.
5. Those who do not have sufficient lands or revenues to make an assignment for their debts shall give their creditors sureties or bail that they will pay their debts at the dates fixed. And unless they give security, as has been arranged, through assignment of lands, or sureties, or bail if they have no lands, within a fortnight after the next feast of St. John the Baptist, they shall not have the respite which is granted to others.
6. If any crusader who is a clerk or knight is in debt to a crusader who is a clerk or knight, he shall have a respite from his debt until the next feast of All Saints—provided, however, that he furnishes good security for paying his debt at the time indicated.
7. If any one of those who have taken the cross shall have assigned to anyone gold, silver, grain, or any other personal property a week before the [feast of the] Purification of the Blessed Mary [that is, Feb. 2] or after that time, the creditor shall not be compelled to give him a respite on that account.
8. If anyone buys from another, who has not taken the cross, the usufruct [that is, the use and profits] of his lands for one year at a fixed price, the bargain shall stand.
9. If any knight or clerk shall have mortgaged his lands or revenues to a citizen who is also a crusader, or shall have assigned them for a period of years, the debtor this year shall receive the produce of the lands or the revenues; and the creditors, as a recompense for this year, shall hold the property for one year after the completion of the years for which the mortgage or assignment ought to continue. However, if the creditor shall have cultivated the mortgaged lands or vineyards, he shall have one-half the grain this year for his labor.
10. All bargains made a week before the Purification of the Blessed Virgin, or after that date, shall hold good.
11. For all debts on which he obtains a respite, the debtor must give as good security as, or better than, he had previously given. If a dispute arises about the security, the council of the lord of the creditor shall demand as good security as, or better than, before. And if the security is not fixed by that lord, it shall be fixed by the council of the prince of the land.
12. If any lord or prince under whose jurisdiction the said creditors or debtors shall be shall not wish to observe, or shall not cause to be observed, this decree concerning the respite for debts or the assignments, he shall be warned by his archbishop or bishop; if he shall not make amends within forty days, he may be placed by the same under a sentence of excommunication. Nevertheless, as long as the lord or prince shall be willing to prove, in the presence of his archbishop or bishop, that in this respect he has not failed in his duty to either the creditor or debtor, and that he is prepared to comply with the decree, the archbishop or bishop shall not have the power to excommunicate him.
13. No crusader, whether clerk, knight, or anyone else, shall be obliged to defend himself in a lawsuit concerning the land of which he was tenant, from the day on which he takes the cross until he returns from his undertaking, unless the suit had been brought against him before he had taken the cross.
Letter of Innocent III to King of Denmark, 1210
We commend you because, fired with zeal for the orthodox faith and for the praise of God and for the honor of the Christian religion, you have taken the cross and have drawn your royal sword to repress the cruelty of an infidel people [that is, the Turks]. And we also give you our apostolic favor, and take under the protection of St. Peter, as well as under our own, your person and your kingdom with all your possessions, decreeing that so long as you are engaged in this work all your possessions shall remain intact and free from all molestation. Nevertheless we urge upon you to take all possible precautions to protect you and yours, in order that you may not suffer any loss.
Edict of King Louis IX of France, 1270
If the king, or a count, or a baron, or any lord who had the right of jurisdiction in his land, arrests a clergyman, or crusader, or any man of religion, even if he is a layman, the lord ought to deliver him to the holy church, whatever may be his crime. And if the clerk has committed a crime for which the penalty is death by hanging, and is not tonsured, the secular justice ought to try him. But if he is tonsured and wears the habit of a clerk, even if he is a thief, no confession, no answer that he may make, can injure him, for he is not before his regular judges; and any confession made by one who is not before his regular judges has no value, according to the law written in the Decretals [that is, canon law]….
Questions: Compare these indulgences with early medieval indulgences (doc. 6) and the provisions of the Fourth Lateran Council (doc. 63). How did the spiritual benefits of crusading develop over time? What practical protections were extended to crusaders? How reliable was papal protection of crusaders’ lands and possessions? How did crusading affect those who stayed at home in Europe? How might crusaders use the crusading privileges to their own benefit? What concerns had to be balanced against the privileges of crusaders?
50. Personal Arrangements
Below are documents in which individuals who have taken the cross make various property arrangements and other provisions for their absence or death on crusade.
Sources: Provision for sons: trans. E. Amt from The Thame Cartulary, ed. H.E. Salter (Oxford: Oxfordshire Record Society, 1947), p. 53; contract: trans. H.G. Richardson and G.O. Sayles, The Governance of Mediaeval England from the Conquest to Magna Carta (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963), p. 465; waiver: trans. E. Amt from The Cartulary of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem in England: Secunda Camera, Essex, ed. M. Gervers (Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy, 1982), pp. 113–14; disposition: trans. H.T. Riley, Memorials of London and London Life in the XIIIth, XIVth, and XVth Centuries (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1868), pp. 68–69, revised.
Provision for Sons, c. 1170
Let everyone know, now and in the future, that I, Hugh de Braimuster, being about to set out for Jerusalem, have given to my son Hugh half my land in England wherever it is, and the fief of Robert de St. Clare which is in Braimuster…. And if my son Hugh, after my death, will not agree to this pact, let my son Odo permit him to have the proper portion of my land according to the judgment of the court,…and Hugh will be in possession according to the first agreement until the court has considered what part of the land Hugh ought to have. Each of them has confirmed this agreement by oath, and for my part I confirm this with my seal.
Waiver of Crusader Privilege, c. 1260
To all people to whom this present writing shall come, William, son of Henry of Halstead, sends greeting in the Lord. Know that I owe to the house of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem at Little Maplestead and to the brothers of that house 40s. in legal money, payable to the said brothers within eight days upon their demand or that of their representative. If it should happen (as it should not) that I make any transgression against the said brothers or their tenants (saving my own prosecution or defense or that of my right), and if I am delinquent in any payment, I wish and concede that both the archdeacon of Middlesex, with his official and his dean, and the guardians of the privileges of the prior and brothers of the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in England may, jointly or separately, at the sole accusation of the said brothers or their representative (who will show this charter), publicly and solemnly excommunicate and denounce me. And I agree that I will remain excommunicated thereafter, until I make full satisfaction to the same brothers, both in the aforesaid sum of money and in their expenses, if they have to send anyone after me. And I renounce royal protection, the legal rights bestowed by ordination, the privilege granted to those who take the cross, and every customary and legal exemption, all indulgences and privileges acquired from the apostolic seat, every special or general objection, and every remedy of civil or canon law, and for the greater security of this charter I have affixed my seal to it. These are the witnesses: Brother Thomas of Derminton, Master Robert of Twinstead, Brother Ralph of Godesfelt, Robert the chaplain, Hugh Joy, and others.
Contract of Service, 1270
To all those who shall see or hear this writing, Adam of Jesmond wishes salvation in our Lord. Know that I have agreed with my lord Edward, the eldest son of the king of England, to go with him to the Holy Land, accompanied by four knights, and to remain in his service for a whole year to commence at the coming voyage of September. And in return he has given me, to cover all expenses, 600 marks in money and transport, that is to say the hire of a ship and water for as many persons and horses as are appropriate for knights. And should it happen that I am detained by sickness or any other accident, which God forbid, a knight in my place and my knights aforesaid will undertake his service fully for the year or else I will return to him so much money as shall be necessary to complete the period which is lacking from the year, and this shall be at my option. And if it should by chance happen that God’s will shall be that my aforesaid lord, Sir Edward, shall die, I shall be bound to him whom my lord shall leave or send in his place, [just the same] as to himself, according to the form above written. And in witness hereof I have caused my seal to be set to this writing. Given at Westminster the twentieth day of July in the fifty-fourth year from the coronation of our lord King Henry, son of King John.
Crusader’s Disposition of Property, 1309
To all persons who shall see or hear these present letters, I, John de Lue, knight, send greetings in God. Whereas Sir Richard de Lue, my brother, made me joint tenant, with Anneis, my sister, of his houses and all his tenement that he had in the lane called Seething Lane in London, the which tenement the heirs of Messire Henry de Grey—to whom may God grant mercy—hold by enfeoffment and gift, which the said Sir Richard afterwards made to the aforesaid Sir Henry, such houses and tenement being held, bound, and obligated to me for a yearly rent of 40 shillings, as is contained in an obligatory writing of his, under the hand of the said Sir Richard, and sealed with his seal, and of which rent I have been seised under his hand, part of the same being still in arrears; and whereas I am not able now to wait and raise and get in the same, by reason of my journey, which I have undertaken to make to the Holy Land, in devoutness, and for the salvation of my soul: know ye that I do assign and attorn in my stead Elizabeth, my dear partner, to demand and receive the same rent of 40 shillings, with the arrears, and by distraint to levy the same in my name from the tenement aforesaid, and to do all things in the same matter, for her own profit, as well as I myself ever could have done in my own proper person. For I have left and given, for always, unto the same Elizabeth, my partner, to help with her living and her sustenance, this same yearly rent of 40 shillings each year, and the arrears which are due unto me, with all my right and claim which I have or may have, at any time, in the houses and tenement aforesaid. In witness of which matter, unto this writing I have set my seal. Given at London, on Wednesday, the feast of St. Barnabas the Apostle [that is, June 11], in the second year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Edward.
Questions: What concerns did crusaders have as they set out? How might these be different from their concerns at other times, or before other journeys? What necessary arrangements are not included in these documents?
51. Liturgy for Pilgrims and Crusaders
When an individual “took the cross,” he or she usually did so in a spontaneous or ad hoc ceremony, rather than in a formal ritual administered by the church. But the church did develop procedures for the blessing of pilgrims, including the armed pilgrim or crusader, before their journeys. The ceremony printed here is from a liturgical tradition that was common to many parts of England. “V” indicates a “versicle” spoken by the presiding clergyman, and “R” indicates the congregation’s spoken response; the cross (+) marks a point in the liturgy when the priest makes the sign of the cross. The scrip (or small bag) and staff that are mentioned were the traditional equipment of the pilgrim.
Source: trans. F.E. Warren, The Sarum Missal in English (London: De La More Press, 1911), pp. 166–73; revised and extended.
First, the following Psalms are said over them prostrate in front of the altar, after they have made their confessions, beginning thus:
Psalm: Unto thee, O Lord, will I lift up my soul. My God, I have put my trust in thee. O let me not be confounded, neither let mine enemies triumph over me…. [Psalm 25]
Psalm: Have mercy upon me, O God, according to thy loving kindness: according unto the multitude of thy tender mercies blot out my transgressions. Wash me thoroughly from mine iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin…. [Psalm 51]
Psalm: Whoso dwelleth under the defense of the most high, shall abide under the shadow of the Almighty. I will say unto the Lord, thou art my hope, and my stronghold; my God, in him will I trust…. [Psalm 91]
After each Psalm: Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost. As it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end. Amen.
Lord, have mercy upon us.
Christ, have mercy upon us.
Lord, have mercy upon us.
Our Father, which art in heaven, hallowed be thy name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done, in earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us.
V. And lead us not into temptation,
R. But deliver us from evil.
V. I said, Lord, be merciful unto me;
R. Heal my soul, for I have sinned against thee.
V. The Lord show thee his ways;
R. And teach thee his paths.
V. The Lord direct thy steps according to his word;
R. That no unrighteousness get the dominion over thee.
V. O that thy ways were made so direct;
R. That thou mightest keep the statutes of the Lord.
V. The Lord uphold thy goings in his paths;
R. That thy footsteps slip not.
V. Blessed be the Lord God daily;
R. The God of our salvation prosper thy way before thee.
V. The good angel of the Lord accompany thee;
R. And dispose thy way and thine actions aright, that thou mayest return again to thine own place with joy.
V. Blessed are those that are undefiled in the way;
R. And walk in the law of the Lord.
V. Let the enemy have no advantage against thee;
R. And let not the son of wickedness approach to hurt thee.
V. O Lord, arise, help us,
R. And deliver us for thy name’s sake.
V. Turn us again, O Lord God of hosts;
R. And show the light of thy countenance upon us, and we shall be whole.
V. Lord, hear my prayer;
R. And let my crying come unto thee.
V. The Lord be with you.
R. And with thy spirit.
Assist us, O Lord, in these our supplications, and dispose the way of thy servant N. towards the attainment of thy salvation, that among all the changes and chances of the journey through life, he may ever be defended by thy help….
Let us pray.
O God, who leadest unto life, and guardest with thy fatherly protection them that trust in thee, we beseech thee that thou wouldest grant unto these thy servants N. here present, going forth from amongst us, an escort of angels; that they, being protected by thy aid, may be shaken by no fear of evil, nor be depressed by any lingering adversity, nor be troubled by any enemy lying in wait to assail them; but that having prosperously accomplished the course of their appointed journey, they may return unto their homes; and having been received back in safety, may pay due thanks unto thy name….
Here shall the pilgrims rise from their prostration, and the blessing of the scrip and staff shall follow, thus:
V. The Lord be with you.
R. And with thy spirit.
Let us pray.
O Lord Jesus Christ, who of thy unspeakable mercy, and at the bidding of the Father, and with the cooperation of the Holy Ghost, didst will to come down from heaven, and to seek the sheep that was lost through the wiles of the devil, and to bear it back on thine own shoulders to the flock of the heavenly country, and didst command the sons of mother church by prayer to ask, by holy living to seek, and by knocking to persevere, that they may be able to find more quickly the rewards of saving life: we humbly beseech thee that thou wouldest vouchsafe to sanctify and bless (+) these scrips (or this scrip), and these staves (or this staff), that whosoever, for the love of thy name, shall desire to wear the same, like the armor of humility, at his side, or to hang it from his neck, or to carry it in his hands, and so on his pilgrimage to seek the prayers of the saints, with the accompaniment of humble devotion, may be found worthy, through the protecting defense of thy right hand, to attain unto the joys of the everlasting vision, through thee, O Savior of the world….
Here the priest shall sprinkle the scrip with holy water, and place it on the neck of the pilgrim, saying:
In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ receive this scrip, the habit of thy pilgrimage; that after being well chastened thou mayest be found worthy both to reach in safety the thresholds of the saints, whither thou desirest to go; and that when thy journey is finished thou mayest return to us in safety….
Let it be done to each person, if there be more than one.
Then shall the priest deliver the staff to each one, saying:
Receive this staff for the support of thy journey, and for the labor of thy pilgrimage; that thou mayest be able to overcome all the hosts of the enemy, and to arrive in safety at the thresholds of the saints, whither thou desirest to go; and that when thy journey hath been obediently accomplished, thou mayest again return to us with joy….
And thus let him say to others, if there be more than one.
Blessing of a cross for one on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
V. The Lord be with you.
R. And with thy spirit. Let us pray.
O God of unconquered power, and boundless pity, the entire aid and consolation of pilgrims, who givest to thy servants most invincible armor: we pray thee that thou wouldest vouchsafe to bless (+) this cross, which is humbly dedicated to thee; that the banner of the venerated cross, the figure whereof hath been depicted upon it, may be a most invincible strength to thy servant against the wickedest temptation of the ancient enemy; that it may be a defense by the way, a guard in thy house, and a protection to us everywhere….
Here shall holy water be sprinkled upon the dress [that is, the clothing bearing the cross]. Then if any of those present be about to journey to Jerusalem, a vestment shall be given to him marked with the cross, the priest saying thus:
Receive this vestment, marked with the cross of our Lord and Savior, that through it there may accompany thee safety, blessing, and strength for a prosperous journey to the sepulcher of [Christ]….
And thus shall it be done to the rest, if there be more than one present.
(The branding of a cross upon the flesh of pilgrims going to Jerusalem has been forbidden by canon law under pain of the greater excommunication.)
This done, there shall be said a mass for travelers, after the manner of a simple feast of nine lessons.
Questions: Which aspects of the journey to the Holy Land are emphasized here? What message is the church communicating to the pilgrims and crusaders? What effect was this ceremony intended to have? What effects was it likely to have on the individual being blessed and on observers?
52. Financial Accounts
The following document records some of the French king Louis IX’s spending on his crusade to the Middle East (1244–50). In the accounts, twelve pence (d.) equal one shilling (s.), and twenty shillings equal one pound or livre (£). For Louis’s crusade, see Chapter Nine (doc. 84).
Source: trans. E. Amt; French text in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, vol. 21, ed. J.-D. Guigniaut and N. de Wailly (Paris: Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1855), pp. 513–15.
These are the expenses of the king St. Louis and of the queen when they were overseas, and for war and ships, the king’s ransom, building operations, and ransoming captives, and other items appearing below, for 2,120 days, which is three years and 25 days; that is, from the octave of Ascension 1250 to the octave of Ascension 1253.
Expenditures of the household of the king St. Louis and the queen when they were overseas, and for war and ships, from the octave of Ascension 1250 to the octave of Ascension 1251, for 384 days, which is one year and 19 days:
£ s. d.
Cost of food, with provisions and wages for the members of the household 28,990 15 8
Cloaks for knights and clerks 331 5 0
Robes and furs for the king 228 15 2
Harness and robes for [knights and clerks] 9,367 4 2
Gifts of robes and of money 1,410 15 8
Alms 1,689 16 8
Household crossbowmen and sergeants-at-arms 3,507 12 6
For 136 war-horses, riding-horses, and mules, and 15 camels purchased for the household 3,032 10 3
Total household expenses for the time aforesaid: 48,558 15 1
Expenditures for war and ships for the time aforesaid:
Pay of knights on wages 50,195 5 9
Gifts and promises to knights serving for a year without wages 23,213 14 8
Mounted crossbowmen and sergeants 17,170 0 6
Replacements and [new] horses 22,383 5 10
Crossbowmen and sergeants on foot 30,164 12 4
Carpenters, miners, and other workers 2,010 15 9
Customary expenditure, including £3,914 5s. 2d.
to ransom captives 72,907 3 6
Loans made against wages 2,096 6 4
[Other] money paid out 400 59 6
Payments for ships 20,258 16 6
Total for war and ships for the time aforesaid: 240,800 60 8
Total of the household expenditures, war, and ships, for the time aforesaid: 289,361 15 9
Item, paid in this period to ransom the king 167,100 58 8
Similar expenditures for the household, war, and ships from the octave of Ascension 1251 to the octave of Ascension 1252, for 351 days, in the Holy Land:
Cost of food 31,595 11 10
Robes and furs for the king 104 12 9
Cloaks for knights and clerks 312 10 0
Harness and robes for the same [knights and clerks] 12,910 8 11
Gifts of robes and of money 771 10 0
Alms 1,515 3 9
Household crossbowmen and sergeants-at-arms 4,494 6 6
105 war-horses, riding-horses, and mules purchased for the household 1,916 18 11
Total expenditures of the household for the king and queen for the time aforesaid: 53,621 2 8
Expenses for war and for ships for the time aforesaid:
Pay of knights on wages 57,093 17 10
Gifts and promises to knights serving without wages 23,253 18 4
Mounted crossbowmen and sergeants 22,242 13 6
Replacements for 264 horses 6,789 17 0
Crossbowmen and sergeants on foot 29,575 0 6
Carpenters, artillerymen, and other workers 689 12 3
Customary expenses, including £41,366 14s. 9d. for workers in various places overseas, and £967 13s. 9d.
to ransom captives 66,793 19 6
Payments for ships 5,725 15 0
Total for war and ships for the time aforesaid: 212,164 13 11
Total expenses of the household of the king and queen, and of war and ships, for the time aforesaid: 265,758 16 7
Similar expenses for the household, for war and ships, from the octave of Ascension 1252 to the octave of Ascension 1253, which time was 385 days, that is, one year and 20 days:
Total expenditures for the king’s household: 60,678 10 10
Total for war and ships: 270,547 15 5
Total of the last two sums: 331,226 6 3
Total of the above days: 2120 days, that is, three years and 25 days.
Total wages of knights serving for the said 3 years and 25 days: 177,938 15 7
(It should be noted that, as appears from the above accounts, each of the said knights received daily wages of just 7s. 6d., and so the number of knights each day comes to 424, so that the wages came to £157 17s. 6d. per day)
Total of gifts and payments made to knights serving without wages for the entire time aforesaid: 65,189 8 6
(These gifts and payments, if apportioned as are the customary wages of the knights above, that is 7s. 6d. per day for each knight, would be enough for 155 knights each day, for the entire time aforesaid, costing, per day, £58 4s. 1d. or thereabouts.)
Total for the said knights, calculated at the customary wage as above: 243,128 4 0
(Thus the king could have in his company each day, for the entire time aforesaid, 529 knights, [costing] about £217 19d. per day.)
Total of the household expenses for all three years and 25 days above, for both the king and the queen: 162,858 8 7
(That is, per day, about £145 8s. 2d.)
Total for the king’s ransom: 167,102 18 8
Total for war for the aforesaid time: 594,600 4 10
(That is, per day, £530 17s. 10d.)
Total for ships for this entire time: 32,026 2 8
Total for building operations overseas for this entire time: 95,839 2 6
Total for ransoming captives: 1,050 0 0
Total of all these expenditures for the three years and 25 days aforesaid; that is, for the household expenses of the king and queen, for the king’s ransom, for war, ships, building operations, and for the ransoming of captives: 1,053,476 17 3
Questions: What were the comparatively larger and smaller expenses of the crusade? How much did a horse cost? Which expenses reflect the specific circumstances of this crusade? What different arrangements were made to provide soldiers for the crusade? What different jobs and specialties existed in the army? What clues about life on crusade does the text offer?
53. Travel Information
The book entitled Secrets for True Crusaders to Help Them Recover the Holy Land was written in about 1321 by Marino Sanuto, a prominent citizen of Venice. At this point the Europeans had lost their territories in Palestine. Although Marino had visited only Acre in the Holy Land, he was able to assemble, in his own guidebook, facts and lore from a number of other travelers’ works. The excerpt below indicates the sort of specific practical information that was available for those planning expeditions to the Middle East. A league was a variable length; here it measures between two and three miles.
Source: trans. A. Stewart, Part XIV of Book III of Marino Sanuto’s Secrets for True Crusaders to Help Them to Recover the Holy Land (London: Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, 1896), pp. 61–63; revised.
The description of the road from the promised land to Cairo by land, across the wilderness, is as follows:
From Gaza it is three leagues to Darum; it is a good road, with water and plenty of grass. Thence to Raphat, two leagues; good road, plenty of water and all things. Thence to Zasque, four leagues; not much sand, good grassy road, plenty of good water. Thence to Heus, four leagues; road leads over sand, fairly good water. Thence to Laris, four leagues; road all over sand, good enough water, and a place for buying and selling. Thence to Burelaui, four leagues; road all over sand, good water and plenty of it. Thence to Bouser, four leagues; here the road divides into the upper and lower road; the lower is the most commonly used, and passes by the place called Sabaquet Baridoil, where King Baldwin died. From Bouser to Tarade is two leagues; plenty of grass, and good water; there is a market there. Thence to Asbede, four leagues; there likewise is much sand, plenty of grass land, good water, and a market. Thence to Viteleb, five leagues; much sand, poor grass, and very bad water, but plenty of it. Thence to Naherlersibia, four leagues; much sand, but good water. Thence to Catie…; this is a good village, and fairly good water; here the road divides into upper and lower; both roads lead to Habesse, an excellent village; the lower road is the more commonly used of the two.
The upper road is as follows: From Catie to Hahras, five leagues; plenty of sand and water, but bad water. Thence to Bonuruch, four leagues; much sand, and the water is exceeding bad, bitter, and salty. Thence to Hucar, four short leagues; much sand and bad water. Thence to Asebbi, four leagues; much sand, grass, and good water; there is a market there. Thence to Hesiuone, four leagues; much sand and good water from a river. Thence to Masinach, three leagues; much sand, and good water from a river. After Sbesbie tilled land begins, and from thence to Vacaria, a good village, is two long leagues. There is plenty of water from a river. Thence to Habesse, three leagues. The road is good, the land fertile, and the village is full of all good things. Thence to Belbeis, three leagues; the land is arable, and the village large and fertile. Thence to Abirelcara, three leagues; fruitful land, good water, and plenty of it. Thence to Hus, four leagues; fruitful land, good water, and plenty of it. Thence to Quiriaci, three leagues; fruitful land, and fertile. Thence to Cairo, three leagues; good road.
The lower road: From Chatie to Aguorabi, four leagues; much sand, very little water, and that is salty. Thence to Chauseyr, five leagues; much sand, and plenty of water, but very bad water. Thence to Birchisce, four leagues; not much sand, plenty of water, but salt water. Thence to Salchie, a good village, four leagues; abundance of good water. Thence, to Habesse, six leagues; good road, plenty of good water from a river. Thence to Cairo, as before. Thus the wilderness reaches for about seventy leagues, and the tilled land for twenty and more, between Gaza and Cairo.
Questions: What kind of information does Sanuto assemble here? How would it be helpful to travelers? Would this be sufficient information for people planning a crusade or a pilgrimage? How reliable was this information likely to be? What other sources of information would be available to a traveler?
54. Accounts of Crusader Homecomings
Much has been written on the preparations for, journey to, and participation in the Crusades. However, what happened to those who, after such adventures, returned home to their families and obligations? Below are documents that recount various homecomings. The History of the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres was written between 1198 and 1206 by Lambert of Ardres, a resident of this region of Flanders, who served as chaplain to Walter LeClud, an illegitimate son of Baldwin, lord of Ardres. The families of Guines and Ardres were of the minor nobility and united by marriage. Both passages here were written by LeClud. The first tells of the return of Anselm, the illegitimate son of Arnold II, who had been held captive by Muslims while in the Holy Land. The second relates the story of a man who claimed the identity of Baldwin, lord of Ardres, some thirty years after the noble had failed to return from the Crusades.
The Book of the Foundation of Walden Monastery was written by an unknown monk of this institution around the year 1203. The short passage below describes how William de Mandeville, third earl of Essex, offered gifts to the monastery both on his departure for the Crusades in 1177 and upon his return in 1178.
Sources: History of the Counts: trans. Leah Shopkow, The History of the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres, by Lambert of Ardres (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), pp. 144, 177–80; Walden: trans. Diana Greenway and Leslie Watkiss, The Book of the Foundation of Walden Monastery (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 57–59.
The History of the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres
[An apostate returns home]
Arnold [II, lord of Ardres] had three sons by three girls. Helinand and William were knights, but Anselm went off and arrived and stayed in Outremer [probably on the First Crusade]. He was finally captured by the Muslims and apostatized from the Christian law and faith and the traditions of his forefathers. But he escaped the hands of the Muslims after many years, returned at length to his relatives in his country, and stayed with them for a time. But although he was staying with Christian relatives, he ate meat every day, not even excepting Fridays, nor did he ever hide that he was formerly an apostate and that he had once lapsed into Muslim depravities. And as he was hateful for this reason to his Christian relatives, he left Ardres to go overseas again and never again appeared among his family.
[Arrival of an imposter, ca 1176]
…So when all the things necessary for the voyage had been prepared for him, my father Baldwin took to the road to seek Jerusalem, with the knights from his land who had joined with him…. They went with his lord, Count Thierry of Flanders, and many of the barons of Flanders, under the patronage and leadership of the most noble and holy king Louis of France, along with many French barons and also knights, and innumerable thousands of people. And he hurried with as much passion of mind and body as he could so that he might deserve to see and venerate the Lord’s tomb, which he would nevertheless never see. This departure occurred in 1146 ad in the month of May. First, however, he entrusted and gave his land to Arnold Gohel, the lord of Surques, to be kept safe, because Arnold was called and was the castellan of Ardres and because Baldwin knew him to be a prudent man and faithful to him. Baldwin’s brother-in-law, Viscount Arnold of Merck, nevertheless grumbled and complained about this arrangement, rather than giving good-willed consent.
Then they went forth across the land and entered Romania; they came at length to Constantinople, where they came to the shore of the sea of Marmora, oppressed by many inconveniences, since they felt the emperor of Constantinople was faithless and treacherous towards them. Hence, the whole army of the French was spread and stretched out in Satalieh and sustained many evils and misfortunes there. For many died of hunger, many of the inclemency of the air, many from the plots and arrows of their adversaries, many because of bodily weakness, and many were seized by some sort of illness, my father also…. And just as he had asked earlier, he was thrown into the sea and never again appeared before his men.
Nevertheless, there were some people who asserted that they had seen him at Planques near Douai [in France] in the thirtieth year after my father had taken up the voyage of the holy pilgrimage. In 1176 ad, there was a certain pseudopilgrim, who wore the habit of religious life. He came to Douai under the guise of religious holiness and sheeplike simplicity, so that perhaps at first he might delude and deceive incautious and simple men and afterwards others more easily. He went around the neighborhoods and streets there in clothes of white hide, the clothing of penance, showing the sackcloth and the hair shirt to pious and simple men, as though not of his own will, and he simulated the dirtiness of penance under a full, snowy beard and a venerable hoariness of head. He also added, but as though he wished to hide who he was, that he had once been Baldwin, the heir and lord of the citadel of Ardres, but he asserted with a false and lying tongue that he preferred to be in exile wearing base clothes and to persist in pious work so that he may earn Christ than to return to his Ardres and take up again his hereditary house and holding.
Then whoever or whatever this Baldwin was, he spoke with the burghers of the aforementioned place and also with the princes of the adjacent province at the appropriate time and place and, following their advice, he decided to make the road that led from Douai to Planques more passable and easier for travelers and to make it into a causeway by piling up earth and stones, because it was up to this point difficult to travel along and prone to flood. And he built a little house or domicile along the road and produced necessities for those workers working on the road. But he rode astride a donkey and asked joining lands for many things to further the road and he got many things. And so that he might be respected and acquire the favor of the people for himself, in the sight of the people he scattered, as it were, and gave away many things to the poor—Oh, cunning man and hypocrite!! But he kept many things for himself and his accomplices. At length, when he was well known, or rather, as it were, he had been made well known, he named himself as Baldwin of Ardres before the abbot and canons of Hénon.
So the prior of the house, a man named Geoffrey, as he heard him calling himself Baldwin, flew quickly to Ardres, because that prior himself came from the regions of the land of Ardres. He told Baldwin, the count of Guines and the lord of Ardres, and his wife Christine, that his wife’s maternal uncle, Baldwin, the lord of Ardres, was still alive and was living like a pilgrim at Planques near Douai. He also added many other things that he had learned from him and heard and seen. But Count Baldwin listened to this as though it were a hallucination and repeatedly affirmed and said, as he truthfully could, that Baldwin, formally the lord of Ardres, had died on pilgrimage to Jerusalem and had been thrown in the sea. He did not mince words, but said that this Baldwin, who had recently emerged among those people, was a tramp and a seducer of the people and a pseudomonk. Consequently, he took care neither to go nor send word to him.
When I heard that my father was alive, however, I did not believe it with any certainty, but nevertheless, I took with me some of my older friends who had once known my father well and went to him, as if the count and countess didn’t know. And when I had spoken extensively with him, sometimes when I was alone with him and sometimes when others were also present, I could perceive nothing in him, nor could the companions who came with me, whereby we could be more certain of his identity. Nevertheless, I was thought badly of and rebuked by many people, because he and I each greeted each other and because he gave me many presents, so that I would declare I was his son. But in the end, after we left him, we had just come to the count in the county, when we heard and knew for certain that he had left Planques and carried off a great treasure and that he truly was a tramp.
The Book of the Foundation of Walden Monastery
When, therefore, Earl William had fulfilled his vow, such as Jacob had made to God, and had worshipped him in the place where his feet had stood, he returned with his companions. He visited and paid his respects to each of the holy places he came to on his journey, offering prayers as well as oblations, and so, crossing the sea, he reached England. He was welcomed back home by everybody with friendship and joy. To all the churches in his fee he sent silken cloths for them to make chasubles or to adorn their altars, and to us [Walden Monastery] one piece of cloth of marvellous workmanship which was better than the others. Before he set out on his pilgrimage he had already presented us with a fine chasuble, many silken cloths, and some hangings to adorn the church.
So when Earl William had now fulfilled his vow to go on a pilgrimage, he deigned to visit us at the first opportunity. We met him in ordered procession wearing albs and copes, singing in chorus words that come from the heart, “Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord.” He made his way to the high altar with great joy, and when he had prostrated himself there the prior gave him a blessing. After receiving this, he rose and then knelt to make an offering of precious relics in an ivory box, relics which he had acquired in the land of Jerusalem or had received as a gift from the emperor at Constantinople or from the count of Flanders. Then he rose and stood before the altar, and the prior in a loud voice followed by the others began the hymn “Te Deum laudamus” [“We praise you, God”].
Leaving the church, the earl went directly into the chapter-house to be greeted by everyone there, and to give and receive from each one the kiss of peace. When they had enjoyed pleasant, friendly conversation, he was escorted to his lodging where a splendid banquet was sumptuously provided for him and his men. When he departed from here he visited some friends and relations who were delighted at his success. He gave careful consideration to all his property, making an inspection, and after doing this he wisely set everything in order as a prudent man would.
Questions: Can we determine the religious beliefs of Anselm in the first homecoming account? What made it difficult for his family and friends to accept him? How were crusaders changed by their experience in the Holy Land? What does the second account tell us of the concerns of crusaders and their families before and after their return? What accounts for the success of the “pseudopilgrim” in deceiving and robbing the people of the region? In the second document, how was the returning crusader received? What did he see as his religious obligations? How did he ensure the security of his lands upon his return?
55. Thomas of Froidmont: The Adventures of Margaret of Beverly, a Woman Crusader
Margaret of Beverly was born to English parents while they were on pilgrimage in the Holy Land, but she grew up in the north of England, near Beverly. She was eleven years older than her brother Thomas, whom she raised and saw safely into a church career in England before she went again to the Middle East as an adult. There she had many adventures: she actively assisted in the defense of Jerusalem in 1187, was wounded during the siege, and was later captured several times. Falling into enemy hands was not an uncommon experience, and for a woman it could cause permanent problems even after she returned to her family. Christians often suspected women of religious and sexual impurity during the time they had spent in Muslim captivity, and it was hard for ex-captives to overcome this shame. Although Margaret’s story does not say explicitly whether she was raped in captivity, rape would have been suspected by her contemporaries and Margaret would very likely have been stigmatized for it.
Margaret’s story was written down by her brother Thomas, who used the third person in a prose prologue and then adopted Margaret’s voice in the verse text. Thomas claimed authorship of the text but apparently based it on conversations with his sister.
Source: trans. E. Amt, from the Latin text in Paul Gerhard Schmidt, “‘Peregrinatio Periculosa’: Thomas von Froidmont über die Jerusalem-fahrten seiner Schwester Margareta,” in Kontinuität und Wandel: Lateinische Poesie von Naevius bis Baudelaire, ed. Ulrich Justus Stache, Wolfgang Maaz, and Fritz Wagner (Hildesheim: Weidmann, 1986), pp. 476–85.
Here begins the book of…Thomas [an English monk of Froidmont, of the Cistercian order], which is called the trials of Margaret of Jerusalem, his sister, and which he composed in verse to the glory of God and for love of his sister.
…As soon as I had been conceived, my virtuous parents
left England behind and set out for Jerusalem.
I was carried along in my mother’s womb, a burdensome companion to them.
After some months, our journey ended at the holy city,
and while my pious father fulfilled his [pilgrim] vow, I was born there.5
As a suckling child I was carried back home to England…
and England received us weary ones.
Here my father passed away in his homeland and rose to heaven.
Later, grown up and having returned to the land of my birth,
I groaned in sorrow when Jerusalem was captured [by Saladin]. 10
Remaining besieged there for fifteen days,
I was a fierce warrior woman, to the limits of my strength.
I wore a helmet like a man; I patrolled the defenses
with a cooking pot on my head like a helmet.
Though I was a woman, I pretended to be a man; 15
though I was limestone, I pretended to be sapphire;
though full of fear I learned to conceal my fear.
It was hot, and there was no rest for the fighters:
so I was bringing drinks to the weary men at the wall,
when suddenly a stone like a millstone landed near me, 20
and, struck by a piece of it, I dripped with blood.
But my wound healed quickly because it was treated immediately
with medicine—though the scar still remains.
Your feast day [29 September] approached grimly, St. Michael, without song:
what offering was there for you here but terror? 25
Then, as soon as the regrettable peace treaty was made,
that sacred place became subject to the enemy.
I was captured but released, because I paid some gold coins,
and I was able to join a group of the ransomed.
From there we headed for Lachis, thinking it would be a safe place— 30
but there [our enemies] bound all of us with a terrible chain.
Captured, I was made to bear a bitter yoke for the sake of Christ,
who kept me his faithful servant.
The constancy of my mind did not yield to any torment:
inviolate faith will always be the victor. 35
I was forced to do degrading chores: I gathered stones, I collected wood.
If I refused an order, I paid for it with a beating.
Terrible beatings, threats, heat, and also bitter cold—
I bore them all sadly; bound in fetters, I wept.
The labor made my joints ache, and I grew thin from the food. 40
The long days were scorching hot; rest was rare and brief.
The feast of the Purification of the Virgin [2 February] put an end to such sorrow;
the holy day had been allowed to us for rest.
Do you want to know who got us out of there?
A good, pious man from Tyre ransomed us, 45
a father to whom the birth of a longed-for son
had just caused the greatest possible joy.
Thus were fifteen months of sorrow ended for me,
on the feast day of that same Virgin Mother.
Then that good man, my protector, advised me to flee 50
to the desert, for staying was often dangerous.
I left there quickly, avoiding villages and public places.
Afraid that I would be caught, I traveled alone and in secret.
For clothing I had a woven sack from my captive days.
It was inadequate in both looks and warmth,55
being short and light and scarcely covering my nakedness;
and it was also a burden to me, to be without any proper clothing.
As I wandered in the wilderness, that sack was my only companion,
along with a book [of Psalms]—my only possessions.
A loaf of bread fed me for five days; 60
then I had to eat roots, because I was so hungry.
For five days, not a thing that humans eat
was available to me; I lived however I could.
I wandered alone and anxious, with emptiness on every side.
Over and above all this, twelve fords had to be crossed. 65
What should I do? Would I risk death because of the fear
of death? I had no hope of finding a bridge.
I must not go back; when I tried to cross, mishaps terrified me;
I was afraid to stay there, lest I fall prey to voracious wild animals.
Fear forced me to be bold: I crossed the first river,70
then one by one I traversed all the fords.
After all this, with the sun sinking,
I sought sleep, exhausted and quietly warming my hands and feet.
The ground, soft with bending grass, served as a bed;
an inexperienced hermit, I rejoiced to have found this place.75
A clod of earth cushioned my head, covered by the sack that I pulled over me,
for I had nothing but the sack to cover myself.
In the middle of the night, disturbed and now wide awake,
I was comforted, covered with a beautiful fleece of snow.
I tell you of wonders, which are true: when I arose, the earth80
gave off steam. What kind of heat comes from snow; where did the steam come from?
Dawn passed; I hastened on my way, trying
to reach the region of the city of Antioch.
Not far away I saw some woods, and at the edge of the woods
stood a Turk; he grabbed my Psalter and ran off with it.85
I went on in sorrow, but when I was a distance away
he called to me, and fell at my feet.
He was very sorry for what he had done, and he gave back my book.
But why had this infidel given himself up to me?
Then he showed me the road. Rejoicing, I made light of the hardship;90
at the port of Antioch I sought the nearest shelter.
Here, trying to make some money, I did laundry for sailors,
and standing on the shore, I tumbled into the sea.
The sailors pulled me out, but a leather garment that I had just acquired
vanished in the waves, ruined.95
The port was five miles distant from the city;
and I did not want to stay there, frantic with longing for the city.
While I delayed here, the huge heathen army
that had captured me at Jerusalem arrived—what a disaster!
But the prince [of Antioch], acting slowly, said there was nothing to fear, 100
as he had plenty of arms, men, and supplies.
Then, impatient, he suddenly proceeded against the [Muslim] army;
while it fled and struck, the whole enemy force perished.
When the battle was over, the victor returned in a march of destruction,
and triumphant applause sounded everywhere.105
Now I, who had recently been destitute, was wealthy and had all sorts of things,
but good fortune didn’t usually last long for me.
Not far from Tripoli, I witnessed a wretched accident,
which had an evil outcome.
For a reason I do not know, while I was crossing a bridge, I saw110
a knife with a long blade before my feet.
Some woman, up to no good, had lost it there while washing;
I happily picked it up and took it to the market.
A slave who was there craftily trapped me;
he was a heathen, skilled in every evil.115
He said he wanted to buy it; he turned aside to the [Muslim] prince’s
house, where the door stood open to those who were known there.
I followed him closely, through the first and second door,
and then a third and a fourth.
At last I looked back, and now I was not allowed to go backwards,120
for soon each door was closed to me.
Coming into the hall, he stood near the lords, who were dining;
the heathens, as I had been told, were both rich.
One savage frightened me just with light;
the other complimented and sympathized with me.125
I scorned the food they offered and refused to sit
when ordered; I feared the day of my death was now at hand…
What was I to do? I wanted to get away but could not.
Guards stood everywhere; no door was open:
Everything frightened me, both the looks and the words of those speaking, 130
since the Turkish language was unknown to me.
Having no one to advise me, while inner fear filled me
with pain, “St. Mary” sounded on my lips.
At the Virgin’s name, the noble [in charge] was amazed,
and that faithless heathen became kindly and dutiful.135
Bringing his men together on this matter, he said, “Look!
She calls on Mary!” And he ordered me to go home from there.
This displeased the others: but what did that matter?
What then? I left—thanks to you, Virgin Mary.
Through you I was delivered from captivity at Lachis:140
Here too, as there. Praise and honor be to you!
Meanwhile the English king [Richard I] subdued Cyprus and then
crossed the sea, to the king of France [at Acre], as a conqueror.
His achievement produced envy. Both sides were offended;
neither king would acknowledge the other to be his equal or lord.145
While he desired to rule everything himself, without any partner,
Peace vanished, factions sprang up, the mob howled.
The commotion threw into confusion one who was a stranger to the land, from far away;
I was weary of living abroad; it pleased me to depart…
After various misfortunes and so many mortal perils150
I hastened here to be able to see my father’s home…
I visited the shrines of the saints, seeing you again, St. James [at Compostela],
and passing Rome, though I was gloomy.
For I suffered the trickery of thieves, as well as hunger;
here I was stripped of everything, though I had been well supplied.155
One hope remained: to look for my blood brother,
who was both a brother and a pupil to me.
Raised by me, he was eleven years my junior;
I used to carry him when he was a tender child, and send him to the schools.
Tracking him to the French borders,160
I heard that he was now a monk—that is, in France.
Coming to Beauvais, I inquired where he might be.
I was shown Froidmont, where he lived.
When I had found him at last, he scarcely believed it was I, and I said,
“Let me tell you the name of our father and that of our mother.165
Our father had three children: here before you is his only daughter.
The other boy was baptized and then Christ took him to heaven.
Why do you doubt? She who bore us was named Sybil.
She was our mother, and Hulnon was our father.
Far from suffering punishments, they enjoy heaven’s delights; 170
since both were sinners, God pardons both.”
Hearing these things, he believed the signs, and the two of us wept.
I recounted my experiences to him, and he groaned as I spoke.
After this he urged me not to value the life of the world;
he taught me the ways that changed me into a nun.175
Anxious for me, how I would be able to live my life,
he chose to say this, that he would make me a nun.
Questions: What elements of Margaret’s own perspective have survived in the narrative? How much was Margaret’s participation in the fighting of Jerusalem limited by her sex? How did her sex affect her other experiences? How did Margaret’s religious views (as presented by the poet) affect what happened to her and how she perceived those events? How does the poem illustrate the presence and power of different authorities in the Middle East at this time?
56. Crusading Songs
Crusading was a pervasive theme in medieval song, both religious and secular, because it inspired kings and peasants alike, it separated lovers, and it brought exotic new locales to the attention of Europeans. The first song below, written in French, exhorts knights to accompany Louis VII on the Second Crusade. The second song was written about the same time in Provençal, the language of southern France, by the noted musician Marcabrun. One of the best-known crusading songs, it tells of crusading opportunities in both the Middle East and Spain. The third song, written by the Italian nobleman Rinaldo d’Aquino in the mid-thirteenth century, adopts the voice of a woman left behind by her crusader lover.
Sources: “Chevalier, Mult Es Guariz”: trans. E. Amt from text ed. N. Clare, liner notes, Music of the Crusades (New York: London Records, 1971); other songs: trans. J.J. Wilhelm, Medieval Song: An Anthology of Hymns and Lyrics (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1971), pp. 123–25, 205–7.
Chevalier, Mult Es Guariz
[Knights, Much is Promised]
Knights, your salvation is assured
Since God has made appeal to you
Against Almoravids and Turks,
Who to our Lord dishonor do.
Against all right, they’ve seized his fiefs.
At this we suffer in accord,
For it was there that God was first
Obeyed and recognized as Lord.
Refrain:
Who goes along with King Louis
Will never be afraid of hell,
His soul will go to paradise,
Where angels of the Lord do dwell.
Rohais [that is, Edessa] is taken, as you know,
And Christians troubled sore and long.
The churches there are empty now,
And masses are no longer sung.
O knights, you should consider this,
You who in arms are so renowned,
And then present your bodies to
One who for you with thorns was crowned.
Refrain
Who stands upon Mount Sinai’s heights;
Let’s take him from the Saracens,
And so the staff with which he strikes
The Red Sea waters and they part
When Israel’s host did with him go;
And Pharaoh followed in their wake,
and drowned with all his men below.
Refrain
Pax in Nomine Domini
[Peace in the Name of the Lord]
Pax in Nomine Domini!
Marcabrun made the words and the song:
Hear what he says.
The most gracious Lord of Heaven
Out of his sweetness has fashioned
For our use here a washing tub,
Unlike any other (except the one
Overseas in the vale of Josephat).
But to this one I summon you.
For the Lord who knows all that is
And all that will be, and all that was
Has promised us
Honor in the name of the emperor.
And the beauty to come—do you know?—
For those who will go to the tub:
More than the star of morning joy,
If only they’ll avenge the wrongs
To God, here and in Damascus.
In Spain, over here, Marquis Ramon
And those from the Temple of Solomon
Suffer the weight
And the pain of the [pagan] pride.
And so youth gets a vile report.
And the cry for this washing tub
Rolls over the richest overlords
Who’re feeble, failing, bereft of nerve,
For they don’t value joy nor fun.
The Franks are all degenerates
If they say no to the task of God
That I command.
Ah, Antioch! Virtue and valor
are mourned in Guyenne and Poitou!
God our Lord, to your washing tub
Bring the count’s soul in peace;
And here guard Poitiers and Niort,
O Lord who issued from the tomb!
Giammi Non Mi Conforto
[Never Again That Comfort for Me]
Never again that comfort,
Never that joyous heart.
The ships down in the harbor
Are straining to depart.
Away all the people run
To lands across the sea.
But me—poor weeping thing—
What shall become of me?
Away, away he’ll run,
Fade quietly out of sight,
Leaving me here alone.
All day, all the night
Many will be the sighs
That assail me constantly
Not in heaven, nor on earth
Will life exist for me.
O holy, holy Savior
Who from Mary came our way!
Watch, protect that lover,
Since you’re taking him away.
O reverenced and feared
Power from above!
In your hands I place
My tender love.
You plummet me to error,
Twisting my grievous mind
Beyond all hope of prayer.
Why, O pilgrim cross,
Why this bitter turn?
Bowed beneath my loss,
I kindle; O I burn.
The Emperor who rules the world
In his peaceful sway
Ravages poor little me
By taking my hope away.
O reverenced and feared
Power from above!
In your hands I place
My tender love.
When he took up the cross,
I didn’t know the end was this:
Whatever love he gave me
I repaid him kiss for kiss.
Now I’m thrust aside—
Yes, condemned to prison—
Now I’m forced to hide
In lifelong derision.
The ships are in their moorings.
Soon they’ll depart.
With them and that rabble
Sails my heart.
O Father, O Creator,
Guide them to holy haven,
By your sacred cross
They’re all enslaven.
And O darling, I beg you:
Write me a little sonnet.
Send it to me from Syria!
Night and day I’ll know
Only this bitter strife.
In lands beyond the ocean
Lies my whole life.
Questions: What do the songs reveal about the emotional world of the crusaders? What themes are common throughout? In each song, what is the attitude of the speaker toward God? Toward the holy war?