Chapter 4
IN THIS CHAPTER
Looking into forensic psychiatry
Reviewing tests used for psychiatric assessment
Digging into deception
Determining competence and sanity
Understanding serial offenders
Unlike hair, shoeprints, or weapons, the motivations of criminals aren’t visible, and they can’t be studied under a microscope or analyzed in a chemistry lab. That makes psychiatry a different animal completely. Nonetheless, it’s an ever-growing field that not only helps investigators sort fact from fiction but guides investigations by providing often astoundingly accurate descriptions of who the perpetrator is likely to be.
Investigators use physical and biological evidence to determine the who, what, and how. Forensic psychiatrists help flesh out the why. And the why is often the most valuable piece of information for solving the crime, because few, if any, crimes are committed without a motive, a why.
Where law meets the study of the mind, you’ll find the forensic psychiatric professional. That juncture is a tricky place, however, because the medical and legal aspects of psychiatry often are at odds. Clinical, or medical, psychiatry and its forensic cousin have widely divergent goals and methods.
The forensic psychiatric professional (psychiatrist or psychologist) may be called upon to perform several functions, including
The psychiatric professional uses various medical records, examinations, and tests; psychiatric tests and interviews; police and witness reports; and crime-scene evidence to perform these duties.
In clinical psychiatry, the goal is to improve the patient’s condition through a trusting relationship. If successful, the patient opens up and tells the psychiatrist what he needs to know to develop the proper treatment plan. The process is cooperative, and the psychiatrist doesn’t make moral or value judgments about the patient.
Forensic psychiatry, in distinct areas, is just the opposite. It’s adversarial, rather than cooperative. It’s judgmental in that the legal system is designed to make moral judgments concerning responsibility. The goal isn’t treating the individual but rather dissecting that person’s personality to reveal hidden motives. In short, the subject and the forensic psychiatrist often are at odds.
Forensic psychiatrists can become involved in both criminal and civil matters. In the criminal arena, they may be brought to the case by the prosecution, the defense, or the judge. They’re often involved in homicides, robberies, kidnappings, and cases of assault, battery, and sexual misconduct. They may be asked to
In civil cases, the forensic psychiatrist may be asked to determine subjects’ competency to sign wills and contracts, manage personal affairs, vote, care for themselves or others, offer testimony, or stand trial. Spousal and child abuse also are common areas of involvement, and so are disputes involving child custody, sexual harassment, disability, or emotional suffering.
In cases of apparent suicide, the forensic psychiatrist may be asked to perform a psychological autopsy (see the later section, “Profiling the victim: Victimology”) to determine whether the victim likely took her own life and whether drugs and alcohol, financial problems, or social difficulties contributed to the death. Interviews with family, friends, and co-workers may reveal the victim’s behavior during the period before the tragedy and point the forensic psychiatrist in the right direction.
Understanding a suspect’s state of mind often can have tremendous bearing on the legal proceedings that determine guilt or innocence. That state of mind may be affected by physical complications, like a stroke, or by significant psychiatric disorders, such as schizophrenia. Forensic psychiatrists use a wide variety of tests to determine what makes a subject tick.
The goal of psychiatric testing is to uncover any psychiatric disorders and to establish the subject’s thought processes and cognitive abilities. Based on testing and interview results, the psychiatrist offers an opinion about the subject’s psychiatric state, competence, and sanity.
When first examining a subject, the forensic psychiatrist determines whether the individual has any neurological or psychiatric problems that can alter his thinking and understanding. Medical problems, such as strokes, certain liver or kidney diseases, head trauma, and many medications can impact the assessment of the subject. For example, a stroke can alter your cognitive abilities so that you can’t form complete and coherent thoughts. It may damage areas of the brain that control speech, hearing, emotions, and any other brain function. Because these medical conditions can greatly affect the subject’s performance on the various psychiatric tests, they must be addressed before any psychological testing is undertaken.
Many prescription and illicit drugs alter brain function. Medications for seizure disorders, diabetes, heart disease, insomnia, and weight loss, in addition to essentially every known sedative and mood elevator, can affect psychiatric functional testing.
A review of the subject’s medical, work, and military records is undertaken, and if the subject is a suspect in a crime, police and witness reports, crime-scene photos, and autopsy reports (in cases where a death was involved) also are reviewed and considered. Blood testing and perhaps specialized brain testing such as an electroencephalogram (EEG), magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), or computed tomography (CT) brain scan are next. If these examinations are normal, the psychiatrist proceeds with the evaluation and testing of the subject.
Options abound for testing a subject’s mental health, intellectual capacity, personality type, cognitive abilities, and mental competence. Each psychiatric professional chooses tests according to the particular situation and subject.
Tests fall into three categories:
Personality inventories are designed to determine the subject’s basic personality type, which includes his attitudes, behaviors, thought processes, beliefs, emotional responses, and social abilities. These tests, which may reveal antisocial tendencies, obsessive-compulsive disorders, and other disorders, are highly standardized and reliable.
Common personality inventories include the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), the Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory (MCMI), and the California Psychological Inventory (CPI). Chances are you’ve taken one or more of these tests at some point during your schooling.
After these tests are completed and evaluated, the forensic psychiatrist interviews the subject, probing deeper into any areas of concern uncovered by the testing process.
In general, the psychiatrist first tries to get the subject to relax and to gain his confidence so the subject will speak freely. Simple, nonconfrontational questions about the subject’s childhood, family, and social interactions usually do the trick. If the subject has suffered any illnesses or injuries that may impact his psychiatric state or mental health, these are explored.
The questions gradually become more probing as the psychiatrist works to determine the subject’s attitudes toward past and current events in his life. Ultimately, the questions focus on the events that brought the subject to the psychiatrist in the first place.
Two interview techniques, hypnosis and the use of drugs during the interview, are controversial but nonetheless show up in interrogations real and fictional.
Hypnosis, the induction of a trance-like, highly relaxed state, is used to help suspects and witnesses recall certain events and details. One problem: Faking hypnosis is not that difficult, so any information obtained by this technique requires corroboration. In addition, people who are under the influence of hypnosis often are highly susceptible to suggestion, such that merely asking them questions can alter their memories of certain events. It’s possible for these new memories to become part of their real memory, thus jeopardizing any future interviews or court testimony they may provide. Not all courts allow testimony from previously hypnotized witnesses.
Although there’s no such thing as a truth serum, certain drugs nevertheless can lower the subject’s inhibitions and defenses. Sodium pentothal is the classic so-called truth serum. A short-acting barbiturate that causes drowsiness and euphoria, it can make the recipient quite chatty. As with hypnosis, however, any information gleaned in this fashion is suspect and is likely to face a challenge in court.
Though in real life it is very unlikely that any evidence gleaned by either of these techniques would be allowed in the courtroom, both are often found in fiction.
Criminals lie. If they didn’t, the job of a police investigator would be easy. Criminals would simply walk in and confess. But, of course, that isn’t the case. Whether it’s forgery, establishing a false alibi, staging a crime scene, or lying in court, criminals alter, distort, and manufacture the truth. In other situations, a witness’s identification of a suspect is erroneous, or an innocent person offers a false confession. Although these people don’t intend to lie, the result still is false information.
Distortion, exaggeration, and deception are the bane of the forensic psychiatrist’s existence. Suspects are extremely likely to lie, regardless of whether they view forensic psychiatrists as enemies or possible allies in deception. After all, if suspects can convince forensic psychiatrists that they’re telling the truth, that they remember nothing about the crime, or that they’re insane, they ultimately end up with an ally in the courtroom.
Say, for example, that a suspect is indeed guilty of a horrid rape and murder but indicates that he likes and respects women, when the exact opposite is the case. The suspect may lie about past interpersonal and sexual experiences, alter or completely fabricate beliefs and feelings, or even exaggerate negative reactions and feelings, all in hopes of being declared incompetent or insane, and thus avoiding any responsibility. Often such exaggerations are imitations of symptoms the suspect believes will result in a well-known, though controversial, diagnosis, such as post-traumatic stress disorder, multiple personality disorder, or whatever else the suspect has recently seen in the news.
Malingering is a special form of deception in which the subject attempts to make any physical or mental defects appear worse than they actually are or to manufacture them completely. Alternatively, subjects may try to make a defect appear less severe than it actually is. Fortunately, the MMPI and several other tests include scales that indicate such deceptions.
Psychiatrists, police officers, attorneys, and many other individuals who deal with criminals and suspects on a regular basis become adept at detecting deception. There are no hard and fast rules for doing so, but several techniques, none of which are uniformly reliable, are used, including
Eyewitnesses are notoriously unreliable. Unfortunately, memory isn’t all that reliable. Your ability to recall the details of any particular event fades with time, and the natural tendency is to fill in any blanks with what you believe should’ve happened. This unconscious effort is further colored by your personal beliefs, prejudices, motives, and expectations. Add the stress of witnessing a frightening or threatening event to these factors, and conditions are ripe for false or altered memories. Nothing malicious, just the human brain at work.
Earwitness testimony waxes (how’s that for a pun) even more unreliable. People occasionally are asked to identify a perpetrator by his voice. Unless the voice is unusual or exceptionally distinctive, this exercise is unreliable.
False confessions are more common than you may think. People who give false confessions don’t necessarily intend to deceive police; they may simply be confused, tired, angry, or want to get the heck out of the room. They could have psychiatric problems and actually believe they did it, or maybe they’ve fantasized about the same type of crime so many times that they can’t remember whether they did it or dreamed it.
Many false confessions arise because criminals think they can deflect police from another crime. For example, a suspect may confess to stealing a car or robbing a store but claim to know nothing about the murder that occurred at the same time but in another location. If guilty of the robbery, the suspect couldn’t possibly be the killer. Likewise, a friend or family member may confess to a crime to protect the real culprit.
Some people, however, simply confess for no apparent reason. Many psychological factors come into play: low self-esteem, fear of the police, a need for fame, or a need to please the authorities or another person, for example. Many people have deep-seated feelings of guilt and may need to confess to something so they can be punished for their buried guilt, whether real or imagined.
In addition, the presence of alcohol or drugs can cloud judgment and lead to confusion, false memories, and fabrications, which in turn can make the individual unsure about whether he is guilty. With intoxicated suspects, the police may tell them that they were the only one in the house with the deceased and they may begin to believe that maybe they did commit the murder, even though they don’t remember it. This can result in a false confession.
Certain police interrogation tactics also can lead to false confessions. Isolation and fatigue can break down a person’s resolve so far that a confession seems easier than continuing with the interrogation. If interrogators employ a good cop–bad cop approach, the suspect may confess, erroneously thinking the good cop will provide protection from the bad cop and from the legal system.
Interrogators use tactics designed to trip up lying suspects. They may ask the same questions over and over in varying forms or go off on another topic and suddenly come back to a certain line of questioning. Sometimes, however, these techniques confuse innocent people to the point that a confession simply falls out of their mouth.
The forensic psychiatrist may become involved in all three phases of the criminal justice process: pretrial, trial, and post-trial. During the pretrial phase, the psychiatrist often is asked to determine a suspect’s competency to stand trial, to offer testimony, to understand his rights, and even to confess. The court won’t accept a confession from someone who’s incompetent or mentally ill.
Competency to stand trial reflects the defendant’s ability to understand the charges, the possible consequences of the charges, the workings of the courtroom, and the roles that the judge and attorneys play. Without an understanding of these matters, the defendant can’t be fairly tried. For example, the defendant may harbor delusions that the judge is his grandfather or that the judge and attorneys are involved in a conspiracy to get him. Both delusions are counter to reality and can affect the defendant’s ability to participate in his own defense. A competency examination also determines whether the subject is competent enough to confess, testify, waive Miranda rights (the rights to remain silent and be represented by counsel), accept or refuse an insanity defense, and even to be executed.
Commonly encountered mental disorders that lead to a determination of lack of competence include
During the trial, the forensic psychiatrist may take the stand to offer an opinion regarding the suspect’s mental state at the time of the crime and perhaps to address issues related to legal sanity, if the suspect’s defense is in the form of an insanity plea. During the post-trial, or sentencing, phase, the psychiatrist may address the defendant’s need for admission to a treatment facility as opposed to prison or may offer an opinion regarding how dangerous the defendant is or how likely the defendant is to commit crimes in the future. In death penalty cases, the psychiatrist may even be asked to comment on whether the convicted person is competent to be executed.
Insanity is a slippery, poorly defined term that means different things in different jurisdictions. However, most courts adhere to the McNaughten rule, which basically asks whether the suspect suffers from any mental disorder that prevents him from understanding the nature and the consequences of his actions. In other words, you can be found not guilty by reason of insanity if you didn’t know at the time of the crime that your actions were illegal or if you were incapable of altering your illicit behavior.
In 1984, Congress adopted the Omnibus Crime Code for Insanity, which states that people can be found not guilty by reason of insanity if they didn’t appreciate the illegality of their behavior. The term appreciate differs vastly from the word know, implying a higher degree of understanding than simple knowledge.
Diminished capacity is a special form of insanity. Its definition also varies among jurisdictions. The basic tenet of diminished capacity is that certain conditions during the commission of a crime reduced the criminal’s ability to alter his actions or to distinguish between right and wrong. In other words, the perpetrator was incapable of forming a specific criminal intent or acting in a purposeful manner.
Claiming diminished capacity is an attempt to relieve the defendant of criminal guilt or at least reduce the degree to which he is held responsible for the crime. This may simply be a defense ploy or it may indeed be true. For example, someone who kills his wife over an adulterous affair may state that he did it in a fit of rage and was not responsible for his actions (temporary insanity) when, in fact, he had planned the murder for weeks. On the other hand, an individual suffering from paranoid delusions because of chronic cocaine or methamphetamine abuse may not have been capable of planning a murder, which changes that person’s degree of liability from first-degree to second-degree murder.
Serial offenders create special problems for law enforcement. Regardless of whether you’re talking about serial rapists, bombers, killers, or the perpetrators of other repetitive crimes, the episodic nature of their crimes and the fact that they often have no apparent connection to their victims, whom they appear to randomly select, forces law enforcement officials to continually develop new techniques for dealing with them.
Most murders have easily identifiable motives, such as financial gain, revenge, or covering up another crime. Thus, the earliest stages of any homicide investigation focus on people who know and may profit from the victim’s death. This approach makes perfect sense because the overwhelming majority of homicides occur between people who know one another. But most serial killers and rapists prey on strangers. Their motives are more private and personal, dwelling deep within the person’s psyche, and may not be readily apparent. More often than not, even when a serial criminal’s motive is discovered, it seems totally irrational … but not to the killer.
Multiple murderers are people who’ve killed more than one person. Multiple murders are classified according to the location and sequence of the killings:
Society always has difficulty understanding and dealing with serial offenders. Serial rapists and serial killers seem so far removed from the rest of society that a rational method for dealing with them has been and still is out of reach. These individuals typically are psychopaths or sociopaths, two terms that are used interchangeably. Sociopaths tend to be self-centered (egocentric and narcissistic), manipulative, emotionally shallow, and devoid of empathy and remorse. They often lie with impunity, fooling even the cleverest interrogator.
Serial rapists and serial killers have a great deal in common. In fact, they may just be at different points on the slippery slope of sanity. Many serial killers begin their adventures with rape and then progress to murder in order to cover the crime or perhaps to increase their morbid enjoyment.
Fantasy plays a powerful role in the violent crimes of serial offenders. Early on, their fantasies may be amorphous and benign, but as they mentally play them out, again and again, year after year, the fantasies become more refined. Often the fantasies are simple, but in more imaginative offenders, they can become elaborately scripted plays. In many, sexual and violent themes tend to commingle until the two are inseparable.
When serial offenders go on the prowl for victims, they are, in fact, seeking characters in their respective fantasy plays. They may look for a certain type of person or one with a specific look. Ted Bundy, for example, sought women with dark hair that was parted in the middle; obviously they embodied the character he needed to fulfill his fantasy.
This example points out an important fact about these fantasies: They tend to be specific. Think about your own fantasies. When you daydream or fantasize about something, the details make the fantasy pleasurable, and these details typically remain the same no matter how many times you experience the fantasy. Why? Because this fantasy is comforting; it feeds some psychological need within you. So it is with the serial offender; however, serial offenders tend to have sexually violent fantasies that they may ultimately act out — and that’s a mighty big difference.
The specific details of the fantasies enable forensic psychiatrists to develop profiles of the killers. Because a killer’s fantasy is specific and repetitive, certain elements of the criminal act are also specific and repetitive. This concept shows up in the killer’s signature (see the later section about “Distinguishing MO from signature”).
Current thinking is that violent serial offenders cannot be reliably rehabilitated. This idea obviously is controversial, but one fact remains: Many laws have been placed on the books to protect the public from these criminals. They are given long sentences, and when they’re released from prison or a mental facility, they’re constantly monitored. Neighborhoods into which they move are notified of their presence.
It is important to note that serial killers are motivated by varying drives. The nomenclature varies from expert to expert, but, in general, what I have described so far is termed a sexually sadistic serial killer. These killers are driven by sexually violent fantasies for the most part. Other types include those driven by anger (rage against a subgroup of people or society in general); profit (such as the little old lady who runs a boarding house and kills tenants while continuing to cash their support checks); power/control/thrill (those who kill for the love of the killing act); and psychosis (those driven by severe mental disorders), to name a few.
If you don’t know what you’re looking for, finding it is nearly impossible. Profiling, or looking at evidence and making a best guess as to the type of individual who would commit the crime in question, helps investigators get a firm grasp on who it is they’re trying to track down. The profiler, usually a specially trained FBI agent, looks at the crime scene, autopsy data, victim, and likely precrime and postcrime behaviors of the killer to make this assessment. The profiler answers questions like
In serial murder cases, offenders often are termed unknown subjects, or unsubs for short. Analysis of the crime scene may offer clues to the type of unsub police should search for. That analysis has become known as offender profiling. Even though profiling may not lead to the exact individual, it often helps police narrow the focus of their investigation. In addition to predicting where other evidence is likely to be located, profiling may suggest the unsub’s
Lastly, the crime scene may reveal aspects of an unsub’s modus operandi (MO, or method of operation) and signature. Check out the later section about “Distinguishing MO from signature.”
Criminal profiling evolved from studies conducted by the FBI’s old Behavioral Science Unit. The studies were designed to gain insight into violent criminals. As investigators’ collective understanding of violent offenders increased, a useful investigative tool was born. Crime-scene analysis for clues to the offender’s personality and motives and offender profiling continually gained popularity and now are considered critically important in tracking serial offenders. The premise that the perpetrator not only leaves behind physical evidence but also behavioral and psychiatric evidence is leading criminalists to understand that this evidence may be key to finding perpetrators.
More recently, the FBI’s Behavioral Science Unit has evolved into the National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC), which consists of five units: Behavioral Analysis Units 1, 2, 3, and 4 as well as the Behavioral Research and Instruction Unit. Each of these works to supply behavioral-based investigative support to the FBI and other law enforcement agencies.
One basic method of characterizing offenders from crime-scene evidence divides them into the following three categories:
Profilers have developed categories of descriptors, or ways that they describe the types of individuals who commit the crimes. Some of the descriptors used in serial killer profiling are
Using these descriptors, profilers can create a pretty good picture, or profile, of the type of person who likely committed the crime. This profile can help police home in on a specific suspect and may play an important role during the interrogation of suspects. Knowing the type of individual who’d commit a criminal act helps investigators design the right questions and leverage any pressure points during interrogation that snare suspects in a web of lies or even produce a confession.
Profiling also plays an important role in determining whether a crime scene is staged. Staging means changing the appearance of the scene so that it looks like the murder took place in a different manner and for a different reason. A classic example: the husband who kills his wife in a fit of anger, then empties drawers and closets, knocks over furniture, and breaks a door lock or window to make it appear as though a burglar committed the crime. When investigators discover that the wife was severely bludgeoned and stabbed 20 times, the light of suspicion falls on the husband. A burglar wouldn’t engage in such overkill, preferring instead to kill and run. Overkill usually is personal, with anger as the common, underlying drive.
Many criminals take things from the crime scene. Money, jewels, electronic equipment, and other valuables that can be sold commonly are taken, as is incriminating evidence, such as the murder weapon or a used condom.
Serial offenders, on the other hand, tend to take objects that have no monetary or evidentiary value. But, regardless of what the object is, it holds some value to the perpetrator, and he will use it to relive the crime in later fantasies. Some killers take jewelry, clothing, or even driver’s licenses. Some take body parts.
Modus operandi (MO, or method of operation) describes the tools and strategies a criminal uses to commit a crime. It isn’t a new concept. It dates back to the 1880s and the efforts of Major L. W. Atcherley, a police constable in the West Riding Yorkshire Constabulary in England, who developed a 10-point system for identifying a perpetrator’s MO. Scotland Yard later adopted many of his techniques.
Atcherley considered the following factors:
All these factors address the perpetrator’s method of doing things. They are the things the killer sees as necessary to committing and getting away with the crime.
An MO often evolves over time as the unsub finds better ways to commit the murders or other crimes and to avoid detection. Perpetrators change their mode of entry, ruse, disguise, when and where the attacks take place, and whatever else makes their efforts more effective.
In contrast to an MO, a signature is an act that has nothing to do with completing the crime or getting away with it. Signatures are important to the offender in some personal way. Torturing the victim, overkill, postmortem mutilation or posing, and the taking of souvenirs or trophies are signatures. These actions are driven by the killer’s psychological needs and fantasies.
Unlike an MO, a signature never changes. It may be refined over time, but the basic signature remains the same. For example, if a serial killer poses victims in a religious manner, praying or as a crucifix, details such as candles, crucifixes, or other ceremonial objects may be added later. The signature has changed, but its basic form and theme remain the same.
Evaluating the victim often adds to the offender profile. Studying victim characteristics is called victimology, which basically is establishing a measure of their risk of becoming a victim as a result of their personal, professional, and social life. A detailed understanding of the victim’s lifestyle and habits provides clues as to why this particular victim was selected at a given time and location. This information divides victims into the following risk categories:
A special form of victim profiling is the psychological autopsy, which is performed when the manner of a victim’s death isn’t clear, that is, investigators don’t know whether the victim’s death was an accident, suicide, or homicide. To help make this determination, the forensic psychiatrist looks into the victim’s medical, school, work, and military histories; interviews family, friends, and associates; and evaluates autopsy, police, and witness reports. The goal is to assess whether the victim was the type of person who was living in a stressful enough situation to commit suicide or living a lifestyle that made the victim an easy target for a killer.
You’ve no doubt watched nature shows on TV where the narrator discusses a certain predator’s domain or hunting range. Game wardens use these boundaries to narrow their searches for elusive lions or tigers. Profilers do the same with serial killers.
Analysis of the pattern of the perpetrator’s assaults can yield valuable information that ultimately leads to the apprehension of the assailant. Known as geographic profiling, this technique is based on the premise that serial offenders, like lions and tigers, have certain comfort zones within which they feel free to carry out their crimes. The geographic profiler likes to know where the victim was abducted, where the actual assault or murder took place, and where the body was dumped. Whenever several assaults have occurred, profilers have several such locations with which to work and can then locate the points on a map and thus define the killer’s domain.
The killer’s domain may show murders clustered in a small area, which may indicate the killer isn’t very mobile and thus may not possess a car or have a job. Conversely, if the range is broad, the perpetrator likely is highly mobile and possesses a vehicle with high mileage from its use to troll for victims. Regardless of whether the range is narrow or broad, the perpetrator likely resides or works within or near this comfort zone.
In general, disorganized killers, because of their inability to hold a job, maintain social connections, or make sophisticated plans — as well as their mental illness — tend to have narrower comfort zones and thus more confined boundaries. Organized killers are able to plan and travel and as a result tend to have much larger domains.
Determining the order of the crimes is straightforward if the victims are found shortly after the crime. However, if the victims are street dwellers or prostitutes, whose disappearance may go unnoticed, the dates of their abductions may not be known. Likewise, if the bodies are dumped in remote places, the order in which the victims were killed may not be the order in which the bodies are found. In such cases, a forensic anthropologist may be brought in to assess approximate times of death. Having this knowledge can be crucial in identifying the killer.
Serial offenders are the most difficult criminals to apprehend. They attack strangers, have no obvious motives, and frequently are highly mobile. In the same way the Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS; discussed in Chapter 5) enables authorities to match fingerprints from various crime scenes and suspects, the FBI databases also match serial offenders with crimes and profiles.
The first such database was the National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC). It serves as a repository for violent-crime data throughout the country. It led to the development of the Violent Criminal Apprehension Program (VICAP), a web-based tool, which maintains profiles that help link homicides, sexual assaults, missing persons, and unidentified remains.
Data from crime scenes are entered into the VICAP database. Investigators confronted with a murder or series of murders can create profiles of the crime scenes and compare them with others from across the country, hoping to link the crimes they’re investigating with another. An investigator analyzing a murder scene where the victim was strangled with a knotted rope, had her hands cut off, and was dumped in a lake can plug this information into a profile and compare it with other profiles stored in the VICAP database. Any crimes with similar characteristics are identified, and the investigator can look at them to determine whether the same perpetrator may have committed both crimes. If other evidence shows that to be the case, linking the two murders may ultimately lead the investigator to the killer.