History of the Mafia

1. We should, however, refer to the works of S. F. Romano, Storia della mafia (Milan, 1966); F. Brancato, “La Mafia nell’opinione pubblica e nelle inchieste dall’Unità al fascismo,” in AntiMafia: Relazione sui lavori svolti … al termine della v legislatura, pp. 163ff. G. Barone, G. Fiume, R. Mangiameli, P. Pezzino, G. Raffaele, and N. Recupero, who represent the “new” and more aggressive historiography on the topic, will be mentioned as we move forward. Let me cite here my own works, which will be reused in this context: “Nei giardini della Conca d’Oro,” Italia contemporanea, 1984, 156, pp. 43–53; “Il tenebroso sodalizio,” Studi storici, 1988, pp. 463–89; “Tra banca e politica: il delitto Notarbartolo,” Meridiana, 1990, 7–8, pp. 119–55. Let me also mention here the study that I wrote with R. Mangiameli, “Mafia di ieri, Mafia di oggi,” Meridiana, 1990, pp. 17–44.

2. “Una nuova fase della lotta alla mafia,” Interview with Giovanni Falcone, Segno, 1990, 116, p. 10.

3. In this connection, see N. Tranfaglia, La mafia come metodo (Rome, 1991).

4. L. Galluzzo, F. Nicastro, and V. Vasile, Obiettivo Falcone: Magistrati e mafia nel palazzo dei veleni (Naples, 1989), pp. 167–68.

5. The play was produced by the lead actor Giuseppe Rizzotto, but apparently it was written by a certain Gaspare Mosca. See G. G. Lo Schiavo, 100 anni di mafia (Rome, 1962).

6. Quoted by P. Alatri, Lotte politiche in Sicilia sotto il governo della Destra (1866–1874) (Turin, 1954), pp. 92–93. The variant spelling—maffia—remained frequent throughout the rest of the nineteenth century and only disappeared gradually.

7. In a report dated 31 July 1874 to the Ministry of the Interior, published as part of the documentation related to the police law (legge di PS) of 1875, in Atti parlamentari della Camera dei deputati (APCD), 1874–1875, Documents, attachment A 1, p. 13.

8. Report dated 4 April 1875, in APCD, 1874–1875, Documents, no. 24 ter., p. 20.

9. L. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche e amministrative della Sicilia,” in L. Franchetti and S. Sonnino, Inchiesta in Sicilia (Florence, 1974) (1st ed. 1876). A more recent edition of Franchetti’s book exists (Rome, 1991), with an introduction by P. Pezzino.

10. N. Recupero, “Ceti medi e ‘homines novi’: Alle origini della Mafia,” Polis, 1987, 2, p. 316. See, by the same author, “La Sicilia all’opposizione (1848–74),” in La Sicilia, ed. M. Aymard and G. Giarrizzo (Turin, 1987), pp. 41–85. The etymology was fanciful to the point of verging on the surreal: it explained “Mafia” as an acronym made up of the initials of the slogan “Mazzini Autorizza Ferimenti Incendi Avvelenamenti” (Mazzini Authorizes Assaults, Arson, and Poisonings), reported in Henner Hess, Mafia, preface by L. Sciascia (Rome, 1991) (1st ed. 1970), p. 6.

11. Report of the Grand Jury established in New Orleans in 1892, quoted in H. S. Nelli, The Business of Crime: Italians and Syndicate Crime in the United States (Chicago, 1981), p. 65.

12. G. Pitrè, Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano (Palermo, 1978), vol. 2, respectively, pp. 292 and 294.

13. Ibid., pp. 288–93; the Dizionario siciliano by G. Traina (1868), cited by Pitrè, hypothesizes that the term might be of Tuscan origin; the Nuovo dizionario siciliano-italiano by V. Mortillaro (Palermo, 1875) calls it a “Piedmontese word [sic!] introduced to the rest of Italy.”

14. An aspect emphasized for the area of Gioia Tauro by P. Arlacchi, Mafia, contadini e latifondo nella Calabria tradizionale (Bologna, 1980); F. Piselli and G. Arrighi, “Parentela, clientela e comunità,” in La Calabria, ed. P. Bevilacqua and A. Placanica (Turin, 1985), pp. 367–494.

15. A. Cutrera, La mafia e i mafiosi: Saggio di sociologia criminale (Palermo, 1900), p. 57.

16. Concerning the nineteenth-century Camorra, see the fundamental studies by M. Marmo, “Economia e politica della camorra napoletana nel sec. XIX,” in Quaderni dell’Istituto universitario orientale. Dipartimento di scienze sociali (Naples, 1989), vol. 2, pp. 103–30; “Ordine e disordine: la camorra napoletana nell’ottocento,” Meridiana, 1990, 7–8, pp. 157–90; “Tra le carceri e i mercati: Spazi e modelli storici del fenomeno camorrista,” in La Campania, ed. P. Marcy and P. Villani (Turin, 1990), pp. 691–730. A two-century sketch of the subject is provided in I. Sales, La camorra le camorre (Rome, 1988).

17. E. Ciconte, ’Ndrangheta: Dall’Unità a oggi (Rome, 1992), and E. Ciconte, processo alla ’ndrangheta (Rome, 1996). But concerning the difficulties with a history of the Calabrian Mafia, see P. Bevilacqua, “La mafia e la Spagna,” Meridiana, 1992, 13, pp. 110–16.

18. Hess, Mafia; A. Blok, La mafia di un villaggio siciliano, 1860–1960 (Turin, 1986) (1st ed. 1974); J. Schneider and P. Schneider, Classi sociali, economia e politica in Sicilia (Soveria Mannelli, 1989) (1st ed. 1976); Arlacchi, Mafia, contadini e latifondo, and Arlacchi, La mafia imprenditrice: L’etica mafiosa e lo spirito del capitalismo (Bologna, 1983). The Schneiders have recently returned to the question with new and persuasive arguments: see their essay “Mafia, anti-Mafia e la questione della cultura,” in La mafia, le mafie, ed. G. Fiandaca and S. Costantino (Rome, 1994), pp. 299–324 (available in English as Reversible Destiny: Mafia, Antimafia, and the Struggle for Palermo [Berkeley, 2003]).

19. According to the interesting theorization by R. Catanzaro, “La mafia come fenomeno di ibridazione sociale,” Italia contemporanea, 1984, 156, pp. 7–41.

20. See, respectively, in this volume, chapters 2 and 3.

21. Summation by the lawyer G. Russo Perez in Giornale di Sicilia (GDS), 8 June 1930.

22. Tribunal of Palermo Verdict vs. Spatola +119 Others (investigating magistrate, Falcone), p. 485.

23. See chapter 2 in this volume.

24. N. Gentile, Vita di capomafia, memorie raccolte da F. Chilanti (Rome, 1993) (1st ed. 1963), p. 201.

25. J. Bonanno, Uomo d’onore: L’autobiografia di J. B. (Milan, 1985), passim.

26. Interview with G. Pagano, in L’Inchiesta sulle condizioni sociali della Sicilia (1875–76), 2 vols., ed. S. Carbone and R. Grispo (Bologna, 1968), p. 483.

27. In the interview with Indro Montanelli, Pantheon minore (Milan, 1958), quoted by Arlacchi, La mafia imprenditrice, p. 43.

28. See, respectively, the letter from the bishop of Caltanissetta, G. Jacono, 12 June 1935, quoted in C. Naro, La Chiesa di Caltanissetta tra le due guerre (Caltanissetta, 1991), vol. 2, p. 167; and C. Sarauw, Note e richieste al R. Governo per l’assetto dell’industria zolfifera siciliana (Catania, 1922), pp. 5–6.

29. See, for example, the critical observations by R. Catanzaro, “Mafia come impresa?” in Various Authors, L’Italia estrema (Rome, 1992), vol. 4, pp. 37–43, and Catanzaro, Il delitto come impresa: Storia sociale della mafia (Padua, 1988); U. Santino, La mafia interpretata (Soveria Mannelli, 1995); and U. Santino and G. La Fiura, L’impresa mafiosa dall’ Italia agli Stati Uniti (Milan, 1990).

30. See, in this volume, chapter 5, on the apologetic positions held by Buscetta and, on the American side, P. Jenkins, “Narcotics Trafficking and the American Mafia: The Myth of Internal Prohibition,” Crime, Law and Social Change, November 1992, 18, pp. 303–18.

31. The letter was published in “Diario della settimana,” supplement to L’Unità, 30 October–5 November 1996, p. 58.

32. D. Gambetta, La mafia siciliana: Un’industria della protezione privata (Turin, 1992). In this connection, however, see also Catanzaro, Il delitto come impresa, pp. 27–30 and 76–79.

33. This stance emerges clearly in the book by M. Onofri, Tutti a cena da don Mariano: Letteratura e mafia nella Sicilia della nuova Italia (Milan, 1996).

34. In particular, see M. Marmo, “Le ragioni della mafia: due recenti letture,” Quaderni storici, April 1995, 88, pp. 195–211; R. Catanzaro, “Recenti studi sulla Mafia,” Polis, 1993, 2; Santino, La mafia interpretata.

35. G. Mosca, Che cosa è la mafia, now in Mosca, Uomini e cose di Sicilia (Palermo, 1980), p. 12. This locus is referenced by G. Fiandaca and S. Costantino, “La mafia degli anni ’80 tra vecchi e nuovi paradigmi,” Sociologia del diritto, 1990, 3, p. 76.

36. From a verdict handed down by the Tribunal of Locri in 1950, quoted by Ciconte, ’Ndrangheta, p. 242.

37. Testimony by Vitale in Maxiprocesso (Maxitrial), p. 13.

38. Tribunal of Catania, Ordinanza di custodia cautelare nei confronti di V. Aiello e altri (December 1993), passim.

39. Quoted by O. Cancila, Storia dell’industria in Sicilia (Rome, 1995), p. 306.

40. Rapporto Sangiorgi, ACS, AC, p. 6.

41. Fiandaca and Costantino, Introduction, in La mafia, le mafie, pp. x–xi; Santino, La mafia interpretata, pp. 37ff.

42. See chapter 5 in this volume for the revelations of Buscetta, which correspond with what we know about a cosca (Mafia family), which is quite different, however, from those in Palermo, the Catanian Santapaola-Pulvirenti cosca; Tribunal of Catania, Ordinanza, pp. 71ff.

43. A. Block, East Side, West Side: Organizing Crime in New York (Cardiff, 1980). I agree with Catanzaro, Recenti studi, and Catanzaro, “La struttura organizzativa della criminalità mafiosa in Sicilia,” in Various Authors, La criminalità organizzata (Milan, 1993), pp. 147ff.; the criticisms raised by Santino, La mafia interpretata, concerning the incompatibility of my approach and that of Block are not sufficient to persuade me to renounce the use of this terminology.

44. The distinction between protectors and the protected (see Gambetta, La mafia siciliana, pp. 319ff.) is criticized by Santino, La mafia interpretata, who, among other matters, references the case of Angelo Siino, who Gambetta considered a client of the Mafia enterprise but who was in fact a fully integrated member of Cosa Nostra (pp. 64–65); see also Marmo, Le ragioni della mafia.

45. However, the landing of other Mafia capos (Masseria, Bonanno, Gambino, and Profaci) dates back earlier than the middle of the decade, when the repression had not yet begun and the mafiosi were still on good terms with the government parties.

46. In Chicago we find among the Mafia bosses three Campanians (Torrio, Al Capone, and Ricca), two Calabrians (Colosimo and Nitti), and only two Sicilians (Accardo and Giancana). However, the fact that the non-Sicilians, both in New York and Chicago, should all have come from Campania and Calabria may be indicative of the intertwining with prior and existing criminal traditions. I take my information from H. Abadinsky, Organized Crime (Chicago, 1994), passim.

47. The attempt to identify an authentic Sicilian Mafia in America has legitimized legends such as that of the simultaneous elimination throughout the United States of forty to sixty “old” Sicilian mafiosi, along with Maranzano: see the critique of A. Block, Space, Time and Organized Crime (London, 1994), pp. 3ff.

48. R. Scarpinato, a member of the pool of investigative magistrates in Palermo, wrote: “Blood relations must be set aside if necessary. If the organization orders the murder of a man of honor’s relative, he must bend to this event as a higher necessity.” See “Caratteristiche e dinamiche degli omicidi eseguiti e ordinati da Cosa nostra,” Segno, 1996, 176, p. 78.

49. Nick Gentile, Vita di capomafia (Rome: Editori Riuniti, 1963), passim.

50. I take this information from Block, Space, Time, p. 27; I believe that the Italian equivalent of Treasury Police is Guardia di Finanza.

51. J. L. Albini, “L’America deve la mafia alla Sicilia?” in Various Authors, Mafia e potere, ed. S. Di Bella (Soveria Mannelli, 1983), vol. 1, p. 189.

52. F. J. Ianni, Affari di famiglia (Milan, 1984). (In English: A Family Business: Kinship and Social Control in Organized Crime. With Elizabeth Reuss-Ianni.)

53. As noted on the cover of the renowned book Honor Thy Father, the biography of Bonanno’s son, Bill, by G. Talese (New York, 1981) (1st ed. 1971).

54. G. Hawkins, “God and the Mafia,” Public Interest, Winter 1969, 14, pp. 24–51; cited in Santino and La Fiura, L’impresa mafiosa, p. 257.

55. Concerning Hawkins, see the criticisms by Peter Reuter, Disorganized Crime: The Economics of the Visible Hand (Cambridge, MA, 1983), p. 7 and note; also see the declarations by Sciortino in Antimafia, Bernardinetti Report, p. 593.

56. Hess, Mafia, pp. xii and passim.

57. Arlacchi, La mafia imprenditrice, pp. 66–67; Schneider and Schneider, Classi sociali, in particular p. 250; in a parallel approach, see Blok, La mafia di un villaggio siciliano. In recent political and journalistic speeches and writings, Arlacchi has given evidence of having changed his opinion: see his self-criticism in Gliuomini del disonore (Milan, 1992), p. viii.

58. Decree of the investigating magistrate of Agrigento (2 April 1986), published under the title La mafia di Agrigento, ed. G. Arnone (Cosenza, 1988), pp. 279–80.

59. G. M. Puglia, “Il mafioso non è un associato per delinquere,” La scuola positiva, 1930, 1, p. 156.

60. R. T. Anderson, “From Mafia to Cosa Nostra,” American Journal of Sociology, November 1965, 3, pp. 302–10.

61. President’s Commission on Organized Crime, Report to the President, vol. 1, The Impact (Washington, DC, 1986), pp. 26–27.

62. Hess, Mafia, p. 109; G. Alongi, La maffia nei suoi fattori e nelle sue manifestazioni: Studio sulle classi pericolose della Sicilia (Turin, 1886). See a second, revised edition of Alongi’s text published under the title La mafia (Palermo, 1904). Cutrera, La mafia e i mafiosi.

63. L. Violante, Non è la piovra: Dodicitesi sulle mafie italiane (Turin, 1994), pp. 58–59 and 81ff.

64. We support the views of A. Baratta, “Mafia e Stato: Alcune riflessioni metodologiche,” in La mafia, le mafie, ed. Fiandaca and Costantino, pp. 95–117. This is the source of the need to link the concept of Mafia to that of the “Mafia bourgeoisie” on which Santino focused, for instance, in “La mafia come soggetto politico,” in La mafia, le mafie, ed. Fiandaca and Costantino, pp. 122–24, and G. Di Lello, Giudici (Palermo, 1994), pp. 10 and passim. I would only observe that in no way can the Mafia be considered as a social class (or vice versa), and that therefore such an exposition provides no help in making the necessary distinction among the various components of the Mafia network.

65. Mentioned in the report by F. Conti to the Istituto Meridionale di Storia e Scienze Sociali seminar concerning associationism during the liberal era, held in Rome in spring 1996.

66. Gentile, Vita di capomafia, p. 55.

67. Testimony by Buscetta, Dibattimento (trial hearing), vol. 1, p. 37.

68. W. Natoli, I Beati Paoli (Palermo, 1971). See also F. Renda, I Beati Paoli: Storia, letteratura e leggenda (Palermo, 1988).

69. Hess, Mafia, pp. 134ff.

70. Victor W. Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969), p. 103, as noted on p. 38, n. 6 in the Italian edition, Il processo rituale (Brescia, 1972); I retranslated the last phrase.

71. G. Ciotti, I casi di Palermo (Palermo, 1866), p. 7.

72. Marmo, “Tra le carceri e i mercati,” p. 724. But see also the essays by Marmo herself and by P. Pezzino, in Various Authors, Onore e storia nelle società mediterranee, ed. G. Fiume (Palermo, 1989).

73. Giuseppe Giarrizzo, “Mafia,” in Enciclopedia italiana (Rome, 1993), Appendix 5, p. 278.

74. Alongi, La maffia, p. 75. But already the report (mentioned above) by the prefect of Trapani (16 May 1874) noted the connection between the concept of humility and the concept of humanity. Also, E. Onufrio, “La mafia in Sicilia,” Nuova Antologia, 1877, pp. 365–67, harked back to the terminology of the prison Camorra and the ricottari, or pimps. Among the historical references, see P. Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità di favore: Mafia e modernizzazione violenta nella Sicilia post-unitaria (Milan, 1990), pp. 118 and passim.

75. Quoted in R. Mangiameli, “Gabellotti e notabili nella Sicilia dell’interno,” Italia contemporanea, 1984, 156, p. 67.

76. S. Romano, L’ordinamento giuridico (Florence, 1945) (1st ed. 1918), p. 101; Romano, however, does not use the word “Mafia” in this text.

78. G. G. Lo Schiavo, “Nel regno della Mafia,” in processi (1955), quoted by Galluzzo and others, Obiettivo Falcone, p. 75. Equally adulatory is the depiction in Lo Schiavo’s novel, Piccola pretura (Milan, 1948), on which P. Germi based his film In nome della legge (1949). But see also Lo Schiavo, 100 anni di mafia.

79. Gambetta, La mafia, pp. xii–xiii, concerning which see the critical observations of G. Fiandaca, “La mafia come ordinamento giuridico: utilità e limiti di un paradigma,” Segno, 1994, 155, pp. 23–35.

80. Quoted by C. Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti (Milan, 1932), pp. 15ff.

81. G. Falcone, Cose di Cosa nostra, written with M. Padovani (Milan, 1991), p. 37. See references by Terranova to Giampietro in chapter 5 of this volume.

82. See also the letters by Santapaola, along with the letter by Ferone, in “Diario della settimana,” supplement to L’Unità, 30 October–5 November 1996, pp. 58–62.

1. The most solidly supported derivation is from the Arabic marfud, whence the Sicilian term marpiuni (swindler, crafty person) marpiusu-mafiusu: V. Lo Monaco, “Lingua Nostra,” 1990, quoted by Giuseppe Giarrizzo, “Mafia,” in Enciclopedia italiana (Rome, 1993), pp. 277–78.

2. Poche parole alla Commissione parlamentare (Palermo, 1867), in appendix to the Inchiesta Fabrizi, p. 515. In general, see P. Alatri, Lotte politiche in Sicilia sotto il governo della Destra (1866–1874) (Turin, 1954), and F. Brancato, La Sicilia nel primo ventennio del Regno d’Italia (Bologna, 1956).

3. Letter from Pantaleoni to Ricasoli, September–October 1861, quoted by F. Brancato, La Mafia nell’opinione pubblica e nelle inchieste dall’ Unità al fascismo (Cosenza, 1986).

4. These were the pugnalazioni (stabbings) that the questura attributed to a plot put together by the opposition on both left and right, including even the moderate prince of Sant’Elia. See the brilliant but unpersuasive treatment by L. Sciascia, I pugnalatori (Turin, 1976), and, now, the well-documented book by P. Pezzino, La congiura dei pugnalatori (Venice, 1992). Terrorism played a major role in the Palermo of those years in defining the relationship among the democratic forces, and between those forces and the authorities, as demonstrated by the murder of C. Trasselli and the wounding of F. Perroni Paladini, both moderate followers of Garibaldi; see Alatri, Lotte politiche, pp. 109 and 137.

5. The most recent version of this historiographic approach is found in Nicola Tranfaglia, La mafia come metodo (Rome, 1991), though it is criticized by P. Bevilacqua, “La mafia e la Spagna,” Meridiana, 1992, 13. More typical of the Sicilian cultural tradition is the variant found in V. Titone, La società siciliana sotto gli spagnoli e le origini della questione meridionale (Palermo, 1978).

6. D. Gambetta, in La Mafia siciliana: Un’industria della protezione privata (Turin, 1992), and also in “La protezione mafiosa,” Polis, August 1994, pp. 302–3, states instead that Spain introduced into southern Italy the element of “mistrust” that engendered the Mafia. He considered significant the fact that an endemic violence—which is hardly the same thing as the Mafia—also exists in other former Spanish colonies such as the Philippines. The reasoning is weak and mostly allusive. Why make the comparison to the Philippines but not to China and Japan, both of which have major forms of organized crime? Why should we think that Spanish rule had such negative effects on southern Italy but not on the Netherlands, Lombardy, and even on Spain itself? It should be recalled that Sicily was never a colony, but rather one of the realms of the Aragon crown, and that at the end of the fifteenth century it passed to the crown of Castile, preserving its status, its laws and orderings, and its influence on imperial policy. It should be compared not to the Americas or the Philippines, but rather to Aragon and to the other Iberian possessions of the Hapsburgs, not including Castile. H. G. Koenigsberger, The Practice of Empire (Ithaca, N Y, 1969); G. Giarrizzo, “La Sicilia dal Cinquecento all’Unità d’Italia,” in G. Giarrizzo and V. D’Alessandro, La Sicilia dal Vespro all’Unità d’Italia (Turin, 1989).

7. As in O. Cancila, Così andavano le cose nel secolo sedicesimo (Palermo, 1984); it seems excessive that the Holy Office should be described here as “a large Mafia organization” (p. 29).

8. L. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche e amministrative della Sicilia,” in L. Franchetti and S. Sonnino, Inchiesta in Sicilia (Florence, 1974) (1st ed. 1876), a thesis that was later broadly adopted, for instance, by P. Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità di favori: Mafia e modernizzazione violenta nella Sicilia post-unitaria (Milan, 1990).

9. See, for instance, Gambetta’s contribution to the debate with Lupo, Pezzino, and Tranfaglia in Passato e presente, 1994, 31, pp. 24–25.

10. S. Lupo, “Tra centro e periferia: Sui modi dell’aggregazione politica nel Mezzogiorno contemporaneo,” Meridiana, 1988, 2, pp. 18–22.

11. Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, and Pezzino, Il paradiso abitato dai diavoli (Milan, 1992). See also the writings of E. Iachello and A. De Francesco, in Various Authors, Elites e potere in Sicilia, ed. F. Benigno and C. Torrisi (Rome, 1995).

12. G. Fiume, Le bande armate in Sicilia (1819–1849): Violenza e organizzazione del potere (Palermo, 1984), p. 117. Sharing this view, among the contemporaries, is L. Bianchini; see Brancato, La Mafia, p. 172.

13. Fiume, Le bande armate, passim.

14. E. Sereni, Il capitalismo nelle campagne (Turin, 1980) (1st ed. 1946), pp. 145ff.

15. See G. Cammareri Scurti, Il latifondo in Sicilia e l’inferiorità meridionale (Milan, 1909), pp. 80ff.; the Inchiesta parlamentare sulle condizioni dei contadini nelle province meridionali e nella Sicilia (Rome, 1908), vol. 6; and my own “I proprietari terrieri del Mezzogiorno,” in Storia dell’agricoltura italiana in età contemporanea (Venice, 1990), vol. 2, pp. 105–50.

16. In Inchiesta Fabrizi, p. 117.

17. Fiume, Le bande armate, p. 74.

18. Report dated 3 August, in E. Pontieri, Il riformismo borbonico nella Sicilia del Sette e dell’Ottocento (Rome, 1945), pp. 222–25.

19. Quoted by Fiume, Le bande armate, p. 75.

20. G. Fiume, La crisi sociale del 1848 in Sicilia (Messina, 1982), p. 64.

21. G. Fiume, “Il disordine borghese nella Sicilia dei Borbone: il caso di Marineo (1819–1859),” in Various Authors, Contributi per un bilancio del regno borbonico (Palermo, 1990); S. Costanza, La patria armata: Un episodio della rivolta antileva in Sicilia (Trapani, 1989); and my own “Tra centro e periferia.”

22. In Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 277.

23. See A. De Francesco, La guerra di Sicilia (Catania, 1992).

24. Fiume, La crisi sociale del 1848, as well as R. Romeo, Il Risorgimento in Sicilia (Bari, 1950), and Giarrizzo, “La Sicilia dal Cinquecento all’Unità.”

25. Among the recent literature, see also Giarrizzo, “La Sicilia dal Cinquecento all’Unità,” and P. Pezzino, “La tradizione rivoluzionaria siciliana e l’invenzione della Mafia,” Meridiana, 1990, 7–8. Similarly, in modern-day Colombia the narcotics cartels have established themselves in areas that have experienced a stubborn and endemic civil war; see P. Burin des Rozies, Cultures mafieuses: L’exemple colombien (Paris, 1995). Something similar can be said concerning the warlords in the areas bordering China.

26. Stated in December 1860 by the deputy M. Cordero di Montezemolo in a letter to Cavour, in G. Scichilone, Documenti sulle condizioni della Sicilia dal 1860 al 1970 (Rome, 1952), pp. 62–63.

27. Where armed men emerged “from all the houses” carrying red banners on which was written “Republic”—but relying on the support of reactionary monks—and then headed for Palermo: see Inchiesta Fabrizi, p. 347.

28. V. Maggiorani, Il sollevamento della plebe di Palermo e del circondario nel September 1866 (Palermo, 1866), pp. 82–83; G. Ciotti, I casi di Palermo (Palermo, 1866); A. Maurici, La genesi storica della rivolta del 1866 in Palermo (Palermo, 1916), pp. 469ff. In historiographic terms, see F. Brancato, “Origine e caratteri della rivolta palermitana del September 1866,” Archivio storico siciliano, 1955, and the monographic issue of Nuovi quaderni del Meridione, 1966, 16.

29. Maggiorani, Il sollevamento, p. 6.

30. Maurici, La genesi, p. 471.

31. Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 522.

32. Consider, for instance, the confiscation of the property of religious institutes, which interrupted the financial flow from all over Sicily that had made it possible for local society to use those resources locally; or the way in which the new state completed the work of the Bourbon state in the field of public works and the distribution of offices (for instance, judicial offices), helping other cities to the detriment of the capital city. Almost all the interviews in the Inchiesta Fabrizi indicate the specific nature of Palermo; in contrast, see Alatri, Lotte politiche, pp. 10ff.

33. See the testimony of Commissioner Felzani, in Processo dei Fratelli: Amoroso e compagni (Palermo, 1883), p. 53. It was in the Amoroso home that Badia was arrested and that the meetings of the insurrection committee were held. See Maurici, La genesi, p. 337; Alatri, Lotte politiche, p. 138. Concerning Miceli, see, among others, Fiume, Le bande armate, pp. 102ff.

34. Maggiorani, Il sollevamento, p. 69. This renders less believable the thesis that in 1863 Sant’Elia might have been the mastermind behind the pugnalatori, or stabbers. Such an individual, collaborating among others with the Gucciones of Alia (Guccione, Storia di Alia [Rome, 1991], p. 345)—whom we shall see later among the leading mafiosi gabellotti (renters and sublessors of parcels of farmland)—would have needed to expose himself, in order to find the killers, by contacting prospective thugs chosen almost by chance throughout Palermo.

35. Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 406. Among Licata’s noteworthy actions is also the denunciation of the fanciful Bourbon-Republican plot of Corrao: Pezzino, La congiura, p. 178.

36. Contribution of the duke of Cesarò in Inchiesta Bonfadini.

37. G. Petix, Memorie e tradizioni di Montedoro (Montedoro, 1984), vol. 1, pp. 241–42.

38. The family was involved in other violent episodes: a Caico was kidnapped around 1874, with the payment of a ransom “followed by the immediate capture of three of the criminals, and by the killing of a fourth”; a Caico, mayor of Montedoro, was arrested in 1897 (and subsequently acquitted) for the murder of the chief of the opposing faction. See L. Hamilton Caico, Vicende e costumi siciliani (Palermo, 1983), pp. 161–62; testimony of Senator F. Morillo of Trabonella, in Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 1028; Petix, Memorie, pp. 291–94.

39. Inchiesta Bonfadini, pp. 462–63.

40. Archivio di Stato di Palermo, Gabinetto Prefettura (ASPA, GP), 1876, b. 35, f. 6, the questore to the royal prosecutor, 21 September 1875, respectively, pp. 14–15 and 15–16.

41. See my own Il giardino degli aranci: Il mondo degli agrumi nella storia del Mezzogiorno (Venice, 1990), and O. Cancila, Palermo (Rome, 1988), passim.

42. L. Franchetti, Politica e mafia in Sicilia: Gli inediti del 1876, ed. A. Jannazzo (Naples, 1995), p. 190. Turrisi’s letter of protest is in L’Amico del popolo, 24 August 1874. The list of the mafiosi of Cefalù is in ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 39.

43. D. Farini, Diario di fine secolo 1896–1899 (Rome, 1961), vol. 2, p. 909.

44. Interview in Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 473.

45. L. Tirrito, Sulla città e comarca di Castronovo di Sicilia (Palermo, 1873), vol. 2, pp. 69–70. Moreover, the Nicolosi were pro-Bourbon. Concerning the Gucciones, see Guccione, Storia di Alia.

46. List of the mafiosi of Termini, category I, no. 20, in ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 39. For Leone see G. Alongi, La mafia (Palermo, 1904), p. 85; according to Valvo Di Menza, Le cronache delle assise di Palermo (Palermo, 1878), p. 74.

47. Mangiameli, “Banditi e mafiosi dopo l’Unità,” Meridiana, 1990, 7–8, pp. 73–117.

49. See the extensive documentation in ASPA, GP, b. 85.

50. Quoted in Mangiameli, “Banditi e mafiosi,” p. 104. That same year, Borsani was transferred.

51. Audizione (examination of witnesses), in Inchiesta Fabrizi, p. 29.

52. In particular, see H. Hess, Mafia (Rome, 1991) (1st ed. 1973), and A. Blok, La mafia di un villaggio siciliano, 1860–1960 (Turin, 1986) (1st ed. 1974).

53. Report dated 31 July 1974, pp. 13–14.

54. C. Fiore, “Il controllo della criminalità organizzata nello Stato liberale,” in Quaderni dell’Istituto universitario orientale: Dipartimento di scienze sociali (Naples, 1989), vol. 2, p. 132.

55. Quoted by Fiume, Le bande armate, p. 75.

56. Summary of the reports (18 January 1875) in APCD, 1874–1875, Documents, attachment 2, p. 57. The reader should recall the analogous role played by the Neapolitan Camorra, though for only a brief period, until the repression brought about by S. Spaventa: M. Marmo, “Economia e politica della camorra napoletana nel sec. XIX,” in Quaderni dell’ Istituto universitario orientale: Dipartimento di scienze sociali (Naples, 1989), vol. 2, pp. 114ff.

57. N. Turrisi Colonna, Cenni sullo stato attuale della sicurezza pubblica in Sicilia (Palermo, 1988) (1st ed. 1864), p. 43.

59. Privately, he declared to Franchetti that his campieri “were obliged” to supply the brigands: “necessarily, because a vendetta can ruin one of my immense olive groves.” See Franchetti, Politica e mafia, p. 58.

60. Giarrizzo, “La Sicilia,” p. 700.

61. Quoted by N. Recupero, “La Sicilia all’opposizione,” pp. 48–49.

62. Report of the questore, 28 February 1876, in ASPA, GP, b. 35.

63. N. Recupero, “Ceti medi e ‘homines novi’: Alle origini della Mafia,” Polis, 1987, 2, p. 313.

64. I quote again from the report on the Giammona group.

65. “Corriere giudiziario,” appendix of the Giornale di Sicilia (GDS), 15 May 1878; descriptions of the rituals in ASPA, Gabinetto Questura (GQ), 1880, b. 7.

66. Respectively, Di Menza, Cronache, and testimony by Rudinì, in Inchiesta Fabrizi, p. 118. Prison and internal exile brought together Neapolitan and Sicilian organized crime: see also Di Menza, Cronache, as well as the report by the prefect of Trapani in APCD, 1874–1875, 16 May 1874, p. 15. Of note is the legend of the Catalonian noblemen who founded regional crime traditions in the south of Italy at Favignana; see E. Ciconte, ’Ndrangheta Dall’ Unità a oggi (Rome, 1992), pp. 6–8. Concerning the prison Camorra, see M. Marmo, “Tra le carceri e i mercati: Spazi e modelli storici del fenomeno camorrista,” in La Campania, ed. P. Marcy and P. Villani (Turin, 1990). According to a document from 1861 (in G. Machetti, “Camorra e criminalità popolare a Napoli,” Società e storia, 1991, 51, p. 80), the Bourbon army was the vehicle of importation to Naples from Sicily (where the army recruited ex-convicts) of a “broader, more ferocious, and lower” Camorra than the native one.

67. G. Baglio, Ricerche sul lavoro e sui lavoratori in Sicilia: il solfaraio (Naples, 1905), and G. Barone, “Formazione e declino di un monopolio naturale,” in S. Addamo et al., Zolfare di Sicilia (Palermo, 1989), p. 94.

68. T. V. Colacino, “La Fratellanza,” Rivista di discipline carcerarie, 1885, cited in Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, pp. 212ff.; another study from the same period is the one by F. Lestingi, “La fratellanza nella provincia di Girgenti,” Archivio di psichiatria, 1884. Both of them are mentioned by A. Cutrera, La mafia e i mafiosi: Saggio di sociologia criminale (Palermo, 1900), p. 125. Concerning the entire episode and the social issues mentioned above, see Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, pp. 202ff.

69. L. Pirandello, La lega disciolta, in Corriere della Sera (CS), 6 June 1910, now in L. Pirandello, Novelle per un anno (Milan, 1990), vol. 3, t. 1, pp. 70–80; this same text and issue were also mentioned in Giarrizzo, “Mafia,” in E. J. Hobsbawm, I ribelli (Turin, 1966) and I banditi (Turin, 1971).

70. The numbers do not include draft-dodgers and deserters: Report of the Depretis Commission in APCD, 1874–1875, Documents, Progetti di legge (draft bills), 24 A, p. 21.

71. Another report by Calà Ulloa, 25 April 1838, in E. Pontieri, Il riformismo borbonico nella Sicilia del Sette e dell’Ottocento (Rome, 1945), p. 217.

72. Concerning which, see L. Mascilli Migliorini, “Il mondo politico meridionale di fronte alla legge di PS del 1875,” Nuova rivista storica, 1979; F. Renda, Storia della Sicilia (Palermo, 1985), vol. 2, pp. 32ff.

73. The reports by Fortuzzi, dated 4 April and 4 January 1875, in APCD, 1874–1875, Documents, Progetti di legge (draft bills), no. 24 ter., pp. 20 and 58.

74. Judgment of the Depretis Commission, no. 24 A, p. 23.

75. Ibid., pp. 3890 and 3886–87.

76. Relazione, p. 12.

77. See the controversy in Inchiesta Bonfadini; the regulations on the special security regimen of ammonizione are in Fiore, “Il controllo della criminalità organizzata,” vol. 2, pp. 141ff.

78. Circular letter dated 6 July 1871, cited in Alatri, Lotte politiche, p. 363.

79. See G. Giarrizzo, Catania (Rome, 1986), in particular pp. 25–26. There were clashes as well between questura and Borsani, Tajani’s predecessor and future chairman of the parliamentary commission; see Alatri, Lotte politiche, pp. 180ff.

80. APCD, 1874–1875, Discussioni, 11 June 1875, p. 4124. This and other texts by Tajani are now in Tajani, Mafia e potere, ed. P. Pezzino (Pisa, 1993).

81. APCD, Discorso, p. 4132.

82. See R. Mangiameli, “Dalle bande alle cosche: La rappresentazione della criminalità in provincia di Caltanissetta,” in Various Authors, Economia e società nell’area dello zolfo, ed. G. Barone and C. Torrisi (Rome, 1989), pp. 210–11.

83. The materials of the investigation, which can be consulted at ACS, were partially published in 1968 (Inchiesta Bonfadini), and another part appeared in E. Iachello, Stato unitario e disarmonie regionali (Naples, 1987). Concerning the investigation, see the introduction to Iachello’s text, as well as P. Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, pp. 31–80.

84. See now, in the edition edited by F. Barbagallo: Pasquale Villari, Le lettere meridionali ed altri scritti sulla questione sociale in Italia (Naples, 1979) (1st ed. 1875).

85. I quote from Bonfadini’s draft, session of 25 March 1876, in Inchiesta, p. 156, themes that were, of course, included in the final report, in Inchiesta, pp. 1135ff.

86. S. Salomone-Marino, Leggende popolari siciliane in poesia (Palermo, 1880), p. xxii; but see the handsome reconstruction by Mangiameli, “Banditi e mafiosi dopo l’Unità.”

87. Fiume, Le bande armate, p. 74.

88. APCD, 1874, Documents, report of Minister Cantelli on the police measures (provvedimenti di PS), pp. 2 and 4. Concerning the interaction between criminals on the run and novice criminals, see also the account of Don Peppino il Lombardo in Mangiameli, “Dalle bande alle cosche,” p. 197.

89. Quoted by Fiume, Le bande armate, p. 75.

90. G. Pagano, La Sicilia nel 1876–77 (Palermo, 1877), p. 41.

91. See Hess, Mafia, passim, and Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, pp. 129–31.

92. Interview with the commanding colonel of Agrigento, p. 580. The episode is also in Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, pp. 60–61.

93. E. Fincati, Un anno in Sicilia, 1877–1878 (Rome, 1881), p. 76. The judgment is undercut by the improved relations between the state and the governing classes after 1876.

94. Mangiameli, “Banditi e mafiosi,” p. 98.

95. APCD, Discorso, p. 4126.

96. According to the sarcastic expression of G. Di Menza, Cronache delle assise di Palermo (Palermo, 1978), vol. 2, p. 232. See Mangiameli, “Banditi e mafiosi,” concerning these episodes and for a profile of Di Menza himself, who was a magistrate and man of the Italian left (p. 75).

97. APCD, Discorso, p. 4131.

98. Interview (see note 92 above).

99. Final report, in Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 1158.

100. At least according to the testimony of the baron, pp. 699–702.

101. The summation of Tajani with the testimony of Barraco in Antologia della mafia, ed. N. Russo (Palermo, 1964), p. 163.

102. APCD, Discorso, p. 4133.

103. See, respectively, the report, p. 5, and the interview in Inchiesta Bonfadini (subsequent to his resignation), pp. 969–70.

104. APCD, 11 June 1875, p. 4114.

105. I refer the reader to L. Sandri’s introduction to Inchiesta Bonfadini and to Iachello’s introductory essay, Stato unitario, pp. 7–86.

106. S. Sonnino, “I contadini in Sicilia,” in Franchetti and Sonnino, Inchiesta, vol. 2.

107. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche,” p. 93.

108. Interview with Rudinì, in Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 951; Giuseppe Pitrè, Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano, facsimile edition (Bologna, n.d.), p. 291.

109. Franchetti, Politica e mafia, p. 41.

110. Ibid., pp. 68–69, 37, and 48–49.

111. Ibid., pp. 198 and—for the previous references—34, 32, 62.

112. Ibid., pp. 36, 46, 49.

114. But among the letters written by Sidney Sonnino to Emilia Peruzzi, now being prepared for publication, and which I was able to consult thanks to the courtesy of the editor Paola Carlucci, there is one (dated from Palermo, 2 March 1876, and numbered CXXX) in which he writes about Turrisi: “Here they say that he is linked to the Mafia—but this is of no importance to us, and we would like to hear what he has to say.”

115. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche,” p. 91.

117. It should be remembered that Franchetti, traveling in 1874 through the mainland of southern Italy, had found not a trace of such a phenomenon: see Condizioni economiche e amministrative delle province napoletane (Rome, 1985).

118. In an intentionally misleading manner, Giuseppe Torina, former mayor of and member of parliament for Caccamo, considered (as we shall see) to be an exponent of the alta maffia, claimed that the “maffiosi are in the countryside,” not in town; see Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 441.

119. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche,” pp. 33–34. The attempt to distinguish between the two types of manutengolismo (out of interest and out of necessity) was already mentioned in the report by Rasponi dated 31 July 1874, pp. 13–14.

120. Mangiameli, “Banditi e mafiosi.”

121. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche,” p. 55.

122. There is an overvaluing of the antibrigand mobilization referred to by Franchetti: see Man-giameli, “Banditi e mafiosi,” pp. 98–99.

123. I can only refer the reader to R. Romanelli, Il comando impossibile (Bologna, 1988).

124. Iachello, Stato unitario, p. 70, recalls that Fortuzzi was one of Franchetti’s sources; see also E. Cavalieri, introduction to the Inchiesta, p. xxiii.

125. See pp. 218–39 of Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche,” and for the references, see pp. 219, 221, 222, and 224.

126. Title of a pamphlet by R. Conti (Catania, 1877).

127. G. Alongi, La maffia nei suoi fattori e nelle sue manifestazioni: Studio sulle classi pericolose della Sicilia (Turin, 1886), p. 9.

128. Pagano, La Sicilia nel 1876–77, p. 35.

129. ACS, Giustizia, Affari generali riservati (AAGGRR), 1877, b. 37, in particular the Prospetto dei processi … per abusi di autorità; see also ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 42, with yet another of the long lists of conflicts between the magistracy and the questura (police administration).

130. Pagano, La Sicilia, p. 41.

131. The lists are found in ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 39; but already in the previously mentioned report, dated 31 July 1874, p. 14, Rasponi announced a coming “list of Maffiosi broken down by rank.”

132. File concerning M. Abbate, no. 66 in the Termini list, category II.

133. Respectively, files on A. Di Marco, no. 70, and on L. Crimi, no. 67, Termini.

134. File no. 50, Termini.

135. File on G. Demma, no. 52, Termini.

136. Respectively, report of the delegato di PS, dated 10 June 1877, and telegram from Nicotera to the prefect, dated 26 January 1877, in ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 39; file on Torina, category I, Termini, no. 22. The above-mentioned interview with Torina, on pp. 433–42 of the Inchiesta Bonfadini, is from start to finish a polemic against the “excesses” of the special security regimen of ammonizione.

137. Letter dated 17 February 1877, in ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 39.

138. Report from the delegato di PS, October 1872, in ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 39.

139. File no. 3, category I, Termini.

140. Testimony in the Notarbartolo trial reported by G. Marchesano, processo contro Raffaele Pal-izzolo & C. Arringa dell’avv. G.M. (Palermo, 1902), p. 309. Claims of collaborationist merit on the part of notables-qua-mafiosi in the 1880s are found as well in Hess, Mafia, pp. 92–94.

141. “La questione Avellone,” in GDS, 3 April 1892, quoted by Cancila, Palermo, p. 235.

142. File no. 1, category I, Termini.

143. File no. 4–5, category I, Termini.

144. Report dated 10 June 1877 in ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 39. The Runfola brothers were landowners in Valledolmo, no. 6 and no. 7 on the Termini list, category I; Cerrito is thought to be a member of the family of major leaseholders in Caltavuturo.

145. Information provided by Member of Parliament Girolamo De Luca Aprile and reported in the summary of the first preliminary investigation into the killing of Notarbartolo, in ACS, Giustizia, MAP, b. 126. It is noteworthy that De Luca Aprile was among the critics of Malusardi: see Brancato, La mafia, p. 230. Marchesano, processo, pp. 348–49, notes that, since Palizzolo was pro-ministerial, the reasons for the special security regimen of ammonizione must not have been linked to electoral considerations.

146. Prospetto dei processi … per abusi di autorità, pp. 1–2.

147. Alongi, La mafia, p. 299.

148. Quoted by Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, p. 138.

150. APCD, Discussioni, session of 8 July 1896, pp. 7315–53 and in particular p. 7347.

151. The letters are quoted by Marchesano, processo, pp. 320–29; the letter concerning Filippello is in ASPA, GQ, 1866–1939, b. 20.

152. APCD, Discussioni, session of 8 July 1896, pp. 7315–53.

153. Cutrera, La Mafia, p. 91; concerning Li Destri, see the documentation quoted by Hess, Mafia, passim.

154. Sonnino, “I contadini,” p. 68. But see my own Il giardino degli aranci: Il mondo degli agrumi nella storia del Mezzogiorno (Venice, 1990).

155. The interview with Corleo in Iachello, Stato unitario, pp. 259–60. Identical tone and emphasis are found in Villari, Le lettere meridionali, p. 56; unconvincing, on the other hand, is N. Colajanni, La delinquenza in Sicilia e le sue cause (Palermo, 1885), pp. 35ff.

156. Thesis set forth in the final report of the Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 1079.

157. APCD, Discorso, p. 4125.

158. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche,” p. 95.

159. Interview in Inchiesta Fabrizi, p. 77.

160. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche,” pp. 97–99.

161. Atti della Giunta per l’inchiesta agraria, vol. 13 (Rome, 1884–1885), file 1.2, p. 249.

162. Respectively, anonymous, 22 March 1879, pp. 2–3; letter from an adviser to the prefect (the settembrini were those who took part in the unrest of September 1866); list of the advisers of 1879: ASPA, GP, b. 61.

163. processo Amoroso, p. 160.

164. G. De Felice, Maffia e delinquenza in Sicilia (Milan, 1900), pp. 52–53.

165. Respectively, letter from the questore to the prefect, 10 October 1875, in ASPA, GP, 1876, b. 35; Anonymous in ASPA, GP, 1880, b. 51.

166. Testimony of the chief justice of the Corte d’Appello (appeals court) of Palermo, S. Schiavo, in Inchiesta Bonfadini, pp. 376–77.

167. Interview in Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 477.

168. This is an expression from Gestivo, interview, whose pro-Mafia ideology is quite clear.

169. I quote from Galati’s memoir, “I casi di Malaspina e la mafia nelle campagne di Palermo,” in Inchiesta Bonfadini, pp. 999–1016, in particular p. 1000; also in ASPA, GP, 1876, b. 5.

170. Summation by the lawyer Siracusa, processo Amoroso, p. 218.

171. The questore to the prefect, 10 October 1875, in ASPA, GP, b. 35.

172. Galati, “I casi di Malaspina,” p. 1001.

173. The questore to the prefect, 18 September 1875, in ASPA, GP, b. 35.

174. processo Amoroso, p. 238.

175. The minister to the prefect, 18 September 1875, p. 3, in ASPA, GP, 1875, b. 35, f. 6.

176. The questore to the prefect, 26 October 1875, fondo cited above, pp. 11 and 10.

177. Exchange of letters between Codronchi and Gerra, 26 and 30 November 1875, ASPA, GP, 1877, b. 39.

178. Memoir dated 29 December 1875, file cited above.

179. The minister to the prefect, 12 August 1875, pp. 2 and 4.

180. Report of the questore to the public prosecutor, 29 September 1876, in ASPA, GQ, 1880, b. 7, with extensive documentation. See also Di Menza, Le cronache, pp. 221ff., and Cutrera, La Mafia, pp. 118ff.

181. As documented by many of the witnesses in the 1878 trial and from the statement of the defendant S. Spinnato, 27 April 1878, in ASPA, GQ, 1880, b. 7.

182. Di Menza, Le cronache, p. 232.

183. The delegato di PS Bernabò to the questore, 16 September 1876, p. 3, in ASPA, GQ, 1880, b. 7. Among the stoppagghieri, two claimed that they had been persecuted by Albanese: statements of the defendants, ibid.

184. The royal public prosecutor of Palermo to the minister, 18 January 1879, in ACS, Giustizia, MAP, b. 49.

185. Letter to the GDS, 28 May 1878.

186. Concerning the tragic conflict with Mayor Calderone of Marineo, see also the memoir written (1887) by his wife, G. Cirillo Rampolla, Suicidio per mafia, introduction by G. Fiume (Palermo, 1986).

187. Report from the delegato di PS of Misilmeri, 1 December 1876, together with other reports in ASPA, GQ, fondo.

188. Di Menza, Le cronache, p. 238.

189. Documentation in ACS, Giustizia, MAP, b. 49; the text of the letters is in processo Amoroso, pp. 148–50.

190. Franchetti, “Condizioni politiche,” p. 96.

191. ASPA, GP, b. 63.

192. processo Amoroso, p. 56.

193. Trial for wife-murder, attributed to a Palermo mafioso: report by the prefect, 23 August 1914, p. 3, in ACS, Polizia Giudiziaria (judicial police), b. 144.

194. Report by the prefect, 16 June 1912, p. 2, file cited above, b. 374.

195. Testimony and the incident in ASPA, GQ, b. 63, where the trial documentation is found as well.

196. processo Amoroso, p. 41.

198. See the report, dated 8 March 1880, in ASPA, GQ, fondo.

199. Telegram by Marinuzzi in L’Amico del popolo, 5 March 1880. An extensive summary of the summation is in ASPA, GQ, fondo.

200. processo Amoroso, p. 24.

203. “I casi di Malaspina,” p. 1000.

204. E. Arnao, La coltivazione degli agrumi (Palermo, 1899), p. 373.

205. Respectively, F. Alfonso, Trattato sulla coltivazione degli agrumi (Palermo, 1875), p. 463; interview with the exporter F. Puglisi in Iachello, Stato unitario, p. 200.

206. Description of the murder of one of these middlemen in Bernabò’s report to the questore, 24 September 1876, ASPA, GQ, fondo. For an in-depth analysis of the transactions peculiar to the citrus trade, however, for which there is not enough space in this context, I refer the reader to my Il giardino degli aranci.

207. Interview with Pagano, in Inchiesta Bonfadini, p. 483.

208. The questore to the royal public prosecutor, 29 September 1876, p. 8.

1. A profile of Notarbartolo, laudatory but accurate in every detail that can be cross-referenced to other sources, was written by his son, L. Notarbartolo, Memorie della vita di mio padre, Emanuele Notarbartolo di San Giovanni (Pistoia, 1949). Concerning the period of the sindacatura, see O. Cancila, Palermo (Rome, 1988), pp. 148–55; concerning the management of the bank, see R. Giuffrida, Il Banco di Sicilia (Palermo, 1973), vol. 2, pp. 307–19. See also Giuseppe Barone, “Egemonie urbane e potere locale, 1882–1913,” in Storia d’Italia, ed. M. Aymard and G. Giarrizzo (Turin, 1987), pp. 307–19; and P. Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità di favore: Mafia e modernizzazione violenta nella Sicilia post-unitaria (Milan, 1990).

2. G. Marchesano, Processo contro Raffaele Palizzolo & C. Arringa dell’avv. G.M. (Palermo, 1902), p. 213.

3. Per l’assassinio del comm. Notarbartolo (24 October 1896), p. 1, in Biblioteca Comunale di Imola (BCI), Carte Codronchi, Commissariato civile per la Sicilia, cat. 16, Processo Notarbartolo, b. 8217.

4. Report of the Minister of Justice dated 26 February 1894, p. 1, in ACS, Giustizia, MAP, b. 126.

5. Testimony at the trial in Milan by the questore of Messina Peruzy, formerly police detective in Palermo, in GDS, 23–24 November 1899.

6. R. Poma, Onorevole alzatevi! (Florence, 1976), described the courtroom hearings that I myself read about in the accounts of the Corriere della Sera (CS), the GDS, and L’Avanti! as well as other daily newspapers.

7. Letter to Codronchi, 5 December 1899, in BCI, file cited in note 3 above.

8. Notarbartolo, Memorie, p. 339.

9. L’Avanti! 18 November 1899.

10. CS, 4–5 September 1901.

11. Report of the prefect De Seta dated 15 May 1900 in ACS, PS, AAGGRR 1879–1903, b. 1., fasc. 1/11, p. 4, containing a note from Di Blasi.

12. GDS, 3–4 December 1899.

13. GDS, 15–16 December 1899.

14. GDS, 23–24 November 1899.

15. S. Sonnino, Diario 1866–1912, ed. B. F. Brown (Bari, 1972), vol. 1, p. 428 and also p. 423.

16. L’Avanti! 8 December 1899.

17. Rastignac [V. Morello], “I discorsi del giorno: de malo in pejus,” La Tribuna, 15 December 1899.

18. G. De Felice, Maffia e delinquenza in Sicilia (Milan, 1900), p. 42.

19. Letter to the Minister of Justice, 14 February 1900, p. 6 in ACS, Giustizia, MAP, b. 125.

20. Sonnino’s speech to the Chamber of Deputies on 6 July 1896 is in S. M. Ganci, Il commissariato civile per la Sicilia del 1896 (Palermo, 1958), pp. 320–40. A list of the government parliamentarians upon Codronchi’s arrival is in BCI, file cited above, cat. 15, b. 8182. Concerning the commissariato civile, see Barone’s summary, “Egemonie urbane,” pp. 285–94.

21. D. Farini, Diario di fine secolo 1896–1899 (Rome, 1961), vol. 2, p. 908.

22. Speech of 8 July 1896, p. 7349.

23. Notarbartolo, Memorie, p. 333.

24. Letter and notes in BCI, file cited above.

25. Undated notes in BCI, file cited above. The investigation into the municipal government of 1900–1901 would describe the period of the Amato-Pojero mayoralty as “one of the saddest and most deplorable periods.” Quoted in Cancila, Palermo, p. 205.

26. Respectively, De Felice, “Le responsabilità del governo: i consiglieri della maffia,” L’Avanti! 28 December 1899; Cancila, Palermo, pp. 103–4.

27. D. Farini, Diario di fine secolo 1896–1899, vol. 2, p. 1188.

29. “La mafia: sue origini e sue manifestazioni,” GDS, 10–11 December 1899.

30. Sangiorgi Report, attachment to the XVI report, p. 16.

31. The negotiations among Codronchi, Lucchesi, and Bertolani in BCI, file cited above, cat. 14, b. 7816 bis. According to a memorandum from the civil plaintiff (14 January 1900, pp. 4–5), it was allegedly Cosenza who persuaded the ex-convict to refrain from naming the mastermind: ACS, Giustizia.

32. Notarbartolo, Memorie, pp. 335–38.

33. Letter dated 5 October 1899, pp. 3–4; in the same connection, and in the same file cited above, also a letter from Rudinì to Codronchi, dated 10 October 1899.

36. Report dated 15 May 1900, p. 5.

37. Cosenza to Gianturco, 1 April 1901, p. 4, in ACS, Giustizia, b. 126.

38. Memorandum dated 14 January 1900, p. 14.

39. Notarbartolo, Memorie, pp. 351–52.

40. Drago, “La maffia è necessaria,” L’Avanti! 5 December 1899.

41. Letter dated 8 July 1900 in BCI, file cited above, cat. 16, b. 8223. By G. De Felice; see, for instance, “L’ex-Viceré Codronchi e la Mafia,” L’Avanti! 9 December 1899.

42. In Atti parlamentari della Camera dei deputati (APCD), Discussioni, 1 December 1899, pp. 344 and 383.

43. “Attorno al processo Notarbartolo,” Il Tempo, 2 January 1900, and the comment by G. De Felice, “Sempre le lettere del generale Mirri,” L’Avanti! 4 January 1900.

44. “La mafia: sue origini.”

45. Documents from January 1900 in ACS, Giustizia, file cited above, b. 125.

46. Report dated 1 March 1900 in ACS, file cited above.

47. The dense exchange of letters between the pair, summer–fall 1900 (previously utilized by Barone, “Egemonie urbane,” pp. 315–16), in ACS, Giustizia, file cited above, b. 126.

48. Pietro Rosano et al., Memoria in difesa di R. Palizzolo (Palermo, 1904), p. ix.

49. CS, respectively, 28–29 September and 1–2 October 1901.

50. Rosano et al., Memoria in difesa di R. Palizzolo, p. ix.

51. G. Mosca, “Palermo e l’agitazione pro-Palizzolo,” in Mosca, Uomini e cose di Sicilia (Palermo, 1980), p. 52.

52. See Frosini’s observations in his introduction to Mosca, Uomini e cose, pp. xiv–xv, as well as the obituary of Rudinì, Uomini e cose, pp. 89–98. Mosca would later be elected a member of parliament for Caccamo; might he have pulled his punches concerning the followers of Palizzolo?

53. Archivio di Stato di Palermo (ASPA), GP, b. 84; but see also Notarbartolo, Memorie, pp. 165–88.

54. Marchesano, processo, p. 417.

55. Respectively, report dated 21 August 1882, pp. 2–3, in ASPA, GP, b. 84; dated 3 August 1875 in ASPA, GP, b. 33; personal file in ASPA, GQ, b. 20; Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, pp. 163–64.

56. Sangiorgi Report, XXIV report, pp. 4–5.

57. A. Cutrera, La mala vita di Palermo (Palermo, 1900).

58. Marchesano, processo, p. 332.

59. E. Bertola, Requisitoria pronunciata alla Corte d’Assise di Bologna (Bologna, 1902). An extensive summary of the matter can also be found in CS, 9–10 September 1901.

60. Bertola, Requisitoria, p. 27.

62. Statement of the witnesses Accardi and Barabbino, in Bertola, Requisitoria, pp. 30 and 32; Pezzino, Una certa reciprocità, p. 161.

63. Sangiorgi Report, pp. 370–72. A case resembling that of the Gentile estate was the case of the Ferreri estate under Tommaso Natale, a base of operations for cattle thieves and “the most greatly feared smugglers”: from the commander of the Carabinieri to the prefect, 3 January 1896, in ASPA, GP, b. 148, f. 16.

64. Per l’assassinio del comm. Notarbartolo: Sunto e impressioni della pratica esistente in questura (24 October 1896), in BCI, file cited above, cat. 16, b. 8217, p. 23.

65. ACS, Interni, AAGGRR, 1879–1903, b. 1, fasc. 1/11, telegram dated 18 December 1899.

66. The prefect to the prime minister, 24 October 1900, pp. 3 and 4, in ASPA, GQ, b. 20.

67. “La misteriosa scomparsa di 4 persone,” GDS, 6–7 and 12–13 November 1897.

68. Undated handwritten note, certainly in the hand of Sangiorgi, in ASPA, GQ, b. 20.

69. Sangiorgi Report, p. 47.

72. Report of the questore, 3 August 1900, in ACS, GQ, b. 20; I do not know whether this Filippo Vitale is the same as the Mafia capo of Altarello and whether this Salvatore Greco is the same as the one identified in the investigation of the Sangiorgi Report as a major leader of the Ciaculli group.

73. Calpurnio, Dai ricordi dal carcere del comm. Raffaele Palizzolo (Rome, 1908), p. 142.

74. Report dated 24 October 1900.

75. CS, 30–31 October 1901.

76. See, for instance, the concerns of Sangiorgi himself in Rapporto, p. 369.

77. See, for instance, the episode: Rapporto, pp. 89–90.

78. Ibid., pp. 84ff.

81. Ibid., pp. 335–36.

82. G. Alongi, La maffia nei suoi fattori e nelle sue manifestazioni: Studio sulle classi pericolose della Sicilia (Turin, 1886), p. 301.

83. Respectively, Anonymous, p. 1, and XXVII report; in Sangiorgi Report.

84. Sangiorgi Report, p. 10.

85. Drago, “La maffia è necessaria.”

86. G. Mosca, “Che cosa è la mafia,” in Mosca, Uomini et cose.

87. Report that resulted from the ingenuity of Inspector Alongi, 13 May 1904, in ASPA, QAG, b. 1434, Associazione a delinquere, Camastra Giovanni + 75, which described as mafiosi the heads of the organization. In contrast, Cutrera, La mala vita di Palermo, tends to distinguish ricottari, or pimps, from mafiosi.

88. Sangiorgi Report, p. 6.

89. Respectively, ibid., pp. 382ff.; the delegato di PS of Villabate to the questore, 14 December 1901, in ASPA, GP, b. 20.

90. The delegato di PS of Villabate to the questore, 29 December 1901, in ASPA, file cited above.

91. See a case of purse snatching and another case of extortion against a street peddler in ACS, PG 1912, b. 374. Concerning the urban Camorra, see Marcella Marmo, “Trale carceri e i mercati: Spazi e modelli storici del fenomeno camorrista,” in La Campania, ed. P. Marcy and P. Villani (Turin, 1990), pp. 711ff., and concerning the Camorra of the hinterland, pp. 726ff. For a more general comparison, see Introduction, in Quaderni dell’Istituto universitario orientale. Dipartimento di scienze sociali (Naples, 1989), vol. 2, pp. 9–30.

92. Sangiorgi Report, XXVI report.

93. See the case of the two gabellotti of the Politi estate, subsequently murdered, the Oliveri estate, and the damaging attacks, in Sangiorgi Report, pp. 221ff.; XXV report, p. 39.

94. “La misteriosa scomparsa … D’Alba, vittima o complice?” GDS, 12–13 November 1897.

95. “Uno strascico delle bombe sparate ai mercanti di limoni,” GDS, 24–26 October 1897; concerning these disagreements, I refer the reader to my own Il giardino degli aranci: Il mondo degli agrumi nella storia del Mezzogiorno (Venice, 1990), p. 162.

96. Sangiorgi Report, pp. 92ff.

97. Ibid., pp. 17ff.; pp. 135ff.

100. Ibid., pp. 137, 143ff., attachments 1 and 2 with the signed statements of the two widows.

103. Summary of the first preliminary investigation, on p. 126.

104. Ibid. Concerning the fall of the regionalist administration, see Cancila, Palermo, pp. 145ff.

105. Notarbartolo to Gerra, 30 March 1876, quoted in Giuffrida, Il Banco, p. 145. See also Barone, “Egemonie urbane,” pp. 309–11.

106. Notarbartolo to Detective A. Quarta, 30 June 1889, quoted in Giuffrida, Il Banco, p. 161.

107. ACS, Carte Crispi, b. 420, letter dated 8 April 1889, reproduced in the appendix of Giuffrida, Il Banco, pp. 320–28.

108. Notarbartolo, Memorie, pp. 223–24.

109. Marchesano, processo, p. 391.

110. According to Marchesano, processo, p. 394, Palizzolo was in the same situation; the fact was not mentioned by Notarbartolo in his letters, nor do I find evidence of it from other sources.

111. Also, the second letter in ACS, file cited above, is reproduced in the appendix of Giuffrida, Il Banco, pp. 329–32.

112. Summary of the first preliminary investigation.

113. Quoted by L. De Rosa, “Il Banco di Napoli e la crisi economica del 1888–1894: Tramonto e crisi della gestione Giusso,” Rassegna economica, 1963, 2, pp. 349–431, and in particular p. 430.

114. See the analysis by De Rosa, ibid.

115. Quoted by G. Barone, “Crisi economica e marina mercantile nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia (1888– 1894),” in Archivio storico per la Sicilia orientale, 1974, vol. 1, pp. 45–111, and in particular p. 82; I would refer the reader to this article for the history of the Italo-British company.

116. Ibid., p. 83. Concerning the Florio empire, see S. Candela, I Florio (Palermo, 1986).

117. G. Barone, “Lo Stato e la marina mercantile in Italia,” Studi storici, 1974, 3.

118. Speech dated 29 April 1885 in APCD, Discussioni, pp. 13203–21, in particular p. 13219.

119. R. Palizzolo, Sulle convenzioni marittime (Rome, 1893), p. 30.

120. Testimony of P. Bazan in Milan in GDS, 25–26 November 1899; but see the clear reconstruction by Marchesano, processo, pp. 452ff.

121. L’Epoca, 8 June 1890, quoted by Giuffrida, Il Banco, p. 256.

122. Summary of the first preliminary investigation.

123. CS, 6–7 September 1899.

124. Cutrera to the questore, 26 and 27 January 1900, in ASPA, GQ, 1866–1939, b. 20. But concerning the financing of citrus exports, I refer the reader to my own Il giardino degli aranci.

125. See the personal files found in ASPA, file cited above, and the reports dated 24 and 25 January 1900, in ASPA, GQ, 1866–1939, b. 20.

126. Respectively, Processo dei Fratelli Amoroso e compagni (Palermo, 1883), p. 28; and ACS, PS, AAGGRR, 1879–1903, b. 1, fasc. 1/11, telegram from the prefect of Agrigento, 13 December 1899.

127. Account by G. Blandini, June 1909, quoted by G. Barone, “Lo Stato e le opere pie in Sicilia,” in Various Authors, Chiesa e società urbana in Sicilia (Acireale, 1990), p. 52.

128. Sangiorgi Report, pp. 314–15.

129. Respectively, letter dated 9 March and report dated 4 April 1898 in ASPA, GP, b. 172. In more general terms, see my own Il giardino degli aranci, pp. 159ff.

130. GDS, 30 November–1 December 1899.

131. Notarbartolo, Memorie, p. 394.

132. Sangiorgi Report, attachment to the XIV report.

133. Calpurnio, Dai ricordi del comm. R. Palizzolo, p. 10; of these alleged Ricordi or “memoirs” I have found no other traces.

134. Mosca, “Perché offende l’assoluzione di Palizzolo,” in Mosca, Uomini e cose, p. 58.

135. Of course, these are recurring themes: note, for instance, the coincidental timing of the presentation of Nitti’s book and the opening of the Milan trial, in GDS, 8–9 November 1899.

136. Concerning the “Pro-Sicilia,” I refer the reader to Francesco Renda, Socialisti e cattolici in Sicilia, 1900–1904: le lotte agrarie (Caltanissetta, 1972).

137. Cancila, Palermo, pp. 237–40; Candela, I Florio; G. Barone, “Il tramonto dei Florio,” Meridiana, 1991, 11–12, pp. 15–46.

138. La Battaglia, 10 November 1901, quoted in Renda, Socialisti e cattolici, p. 405.

139. See, for instance, the previously cited parliamentary speech by De Felice on 1 December 1899, pp. 350–51, and De Felice, maffia e delinquenza, p. 37.

140. See the letter from V. E. Orlando to Giolitti in 1909 quoted by Barone, “Il tramonto dei Florio,” p. 34.

141. Electoral platform quoted in Renda, Socialisti e cattolici, p. 116, to which I refer the reader for a reconstruction of these events.

142. L’Ora, 24–26 July 1904; likewise the rest of the pro-Palizzolo press: “Il caso Palizzolo,” Il Gazzettino rosa, 11–18 January 1900; Spartachus, “Tasca, Drago e Palizzolo,” La Forbice, 7 January 1900.

143. De Felice, maffia e delinquenza, p. 43.

144. See the observations by M. Marmo, Il proletariato industriale a Napoli in età liberale (Naples, 1978), pp. 223ff., and by F. Barbagallo, Stato, Parlamento e lotte politico-sociali nel Mezzogiorno (Naples, 1976), pp. 70ff.

145. In L’Avanti! 1 August 1902.

146. “Saprofiti politici,” Critica sociale, 1895, 13, pp. 194–95.

147. A. Labriola, “Nord e Sud,” Critica sociale, 1896, 15, p. 234.

148. In Il Giorno, 8 January 1900.

149. Napoleone Colajanni, Nel regno della mafia: dai Borboni ai Sabaudi (Rome: Rivista populare, 1900), p. 39.

150. In Il Mattino, 13 November 1903, quoted in Barbagallo, Stato, Parlamento, p. 169. Previously, Rosano had engaged in polemics with the extreme over his decision to defend Palizzolo.

151. L. Pirandello, I vecchi e i giovani (Milan, 1913) (1st ed. 1905), p. 7.

152. Article dated 1 August 1902, quoted in CS, 2–3 August 1902.

153. CS, 2–4 October 1901.

154. “La mafia: sua natura e sue manifestazioni,” GDS, 10 December 1899.

155. Alongi, La mafia, p. 112.

156. In L’Ora and in GDS, 31 March, 1 April 1902.

157. APCD, Session of 1874–75, Discussione, meeting of 7 June, p. 3966.

158. Mosca, Che cosa è la mafia. In this connection, see R. Salvo, “Mosca, la mafia e il caso Palizzolo,” Nuovi quaderni del Meridione, 1982, pp. 233–45.

159. Marchesano, processo, p. 292.

160. See, respectively, the previously cited deposition in Bologna; the testimony of the daughter in G. Bonomo, Pitrè, la Sicilia e i siciliani (Palermo, 1898), p. 345; and the books quoted by Barone and Renda. See also Pitrè, “Per la Sicilia,” GDS, 7–8 August 1902.

161. Pitrè, Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano (Bologna, n.d.), p. 289.

162. processo Amoroso, p. 39.

163. In L. Sciascia, A futura memoria (Milan, 1989). Moreover, Hess erroneously attributes the phrase to the defendant Minì; Sciascia, adding one mistake to another, states that “Mini [sic] is an expression meaning a fellow; a mid-level or major Mafioso”: this is a typical extension toward a symbolic empyrean made up of easily identified events and people. H. Hess, Mafia, preface by L. Sciascia (Rome, 1991) (1st ed. 1970), esp. p. vi.

164. processo Amoroso, respectively, pp. 34, 69, 30.

166. Hess, Mafia, p. 44.

167. Summation by Lucifora, in ASPA, GQ, b. 7; summation by Cuccia, in processo Amoroso, p. 250.

168. This thesis was demolished by Marchesano, processo, pp. 69–70.

169. Ibid., pp. 294–95.

170. Pitrè, Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi, vol. 2, p. 292.

171. “The man who talks too much destroys himself with his own mouth.”

172. This is the opinion of the anonymous source cited above.

173. Sangiorgi Report, pp. 277ff., 349ff.

174. Ibid., p. 191; but see also Alongi, La guardianìa, p. 354.

175. The questore to the prefect, 18 September 1875, p. 5.

176. J. Schneider and P. Schneider, Classi sociali, economia e politica in Sicilia (Soveria Mannelli, 1989) (1st ed. 1976), pp. 103ff.

177. “Il processo contro i rapinatori di carrozze,” GDS, 7 July 1928. For a case of this sort, see the report for the prefecture, 11 October 1916, in ACS, PG 1916–18, b. 236.

178. Report, cited by Alongi, dated 13 May 1904, p. 12.

179. J. Amery, Sons of the Eagle: A Study in Guerrilla War (London, 1948), quoted by Schneider and Schneider, Classi sociali, p. 121.

180. G. E. Nuccio, Il giardino dei limoni (Palermo, 1926), quoted by S. F. Romano, La Sicilia nell’ultimo ventennio del secolo XIX (Palermo, 1958), p. 118.

181. Sangiorgi Report, XXVIII report, p. 9.

182. The questore to the prefect, 10 October 1875.

183. Report of the prefect of Palermo, 16 March 1916, in ACS, PG 1916–18, b. 236.

184. ASPA, GP, b. 148, f. 16, the commander of the legion of the Carabinieri to the prefect, 3 January 1896, but also Sangiorgi Report, p. 253.

185. G. G. Lo Schiavo, 100 anni di mafia (Rome, 1962).

186. processo Amoroso, p. 47; E. Scalici, Cavalleria di Porta Montalto (Naples, 1885), p. 81 of the reprint with the title La Mafia siciliana, ed. A. D’Asdia (Palermo, 1980).

187. E. Onufrio, “La mafia in Sicilia,” Nuova Antologia, 1877, p. 367.

188. P. Arlacchi, La mafia imprenditrice: L’etica mafiosa e lo spirito del capitalismo (Bologna, 1983), pp. 26–27. Far more persuasive is the analysis by Catanzaro, Il delitto come impresa: Storia sociale della mafia (Padua, 1988), pp. 38–41.

189. Terms used by Francesco Siino, in Sangiorgi Report, p. 45.

1. E. Reid, La mafia (Florence, 1956), pp. 152ff.; J. L. Albini, The American Mafia: Genesis of a Legend (New York, 1971), pp. 159ff.; H. S. Nelli, The Business of Crime: Italians and Syndicate Crime in the United States (Chicago, 1981), pp. 27ff.

2. This is a reference to the brigand Leone and was adopted by H. Asbury, The French Quarter (New York, 1938), quoted in Albini, The American Mafia, p. 160.

3. Quoted by A. Paparazzo, Italiani del Sud in America (Milan, 1990), p. 12, to which I refer the reader for this topic.

4. E. Sori, L’emigrazione italiana dall’Unità alla seconda guerra mondiale (Bologna, 1979), pp. 330–36.

5. Plunkitt di Tammany Hall, una serie di conservazioni … raccolte da W. L. Riordon, ed. A. Testi (Pisa, 1991) (1st ed. 1905).

6. Albini, The American Mafia, p. 154, my translation. From the literature between the two world wars, I would cite J. Landesco, Organized Crime in Chicago (Chicago, 1979) (1st ed. 1929), and F. W. White, Little Italy: Uno slum italo-americano (Bari, 1968) (1st ed. 1943). There is a reference to this debate in P. Arlacchi and N. Dalla Chiesa, La palude e la città (Milan, 1987), and in U. Santino and G. La Fiura, L’impresa mafiosa dall’Italia agli Stati Uniti (Milan, 1990), pp. 516ff.

7. See my own Il giardino degli aranci: Il mondo degli agrumi nella storia del Mezzogiorno (Venice, 1990), pp. 128ff.

8. See chapter 2 in this volume.

9. Letter from the brigand quoted by L. Lumia, Villalba, storia e memoria (Caltanissetta, 1990), vol. 2, p. 234.

10. I cite only the case of P. Pollara, consigliere comunale (town councilman) of Ficarazzi: report of the prefect of Palermo, 4 February 1916, in ACS, PG, 1916–1918, b. 236.

11. The document is quoted by A. Petacco, Joe Petrosino (Novara, 1983), pp. 111–17; the quote is on p. 111.

12. I have reconstructed this episode based primarily on the book by Petacco mentioned in the previous note and another book by N. Volpes, Tenente Petrosino, missione segreta in Sicilia (Palermo, 1972). Both of these books reproduce extensive first-hand documentation, part of which is taken from a file from the questura of Palermo that cannot be consulted through the normal archival channels.

13. The Report of Immigration Commission of the Parlamento federale (Congress) from 1911 instead signaled a cooperative stance to the Italian government. Other difficulties can be attributed to American legislation: see Albini, The American Mafia, pp. 168–69.

14. Report quoted by Petacco, Joe Petrosino, pp. 138–39.

15. Verdict from the sezione d’accusa (prosecution section) of the Palermo Court of Appeals, 22 July 1911, quoted by Volpes, Tenente Petrosino, pp. 146–53, and in particular p. 148.

16. Report by Ceola, 2 April, in Petacco, Joe Petrosino, pp. 166–70.

17. An interesting opinion because, being that of a fellow townsman born in 1901 (the magistrate M. Margiotta), it reflects the “public opinion” of the time: quoted in L. Sciascia, A futura memoria (Milan, 1989), pp. 37–38.

18. Respectively, letter to Ceola from the questore of Rome dated 19 March, in Volpes, Tenente Petrosino, p. 118, and A. Block, East Side, West Side: Organizing Crime in New York (Cardiff, 1980), p. 8.

19. Michele Pantaleone, Mafia e politica, 1943–1962 (Turin, 1962), information that is not supported by documents, such as the report that Cascio-Ferro was the inventor of the “pizzo,” or levying of protection money, organized in Palermo (pp. 29–30). The route through Marseilles was utilized to avoid Italian American border controls: Report of Immigration Commission (1911). In 1924 Bonanno left his country along the Tunis–Le Havre–Cuba–Florida route (the last stretch by fishing boat); see J. Bonanno, Uomo d’onore: L’autobiografia di J. B. (Milan, 1985), pp. 54–55.

20. I take this information from ACS, Casellario politico centrale (CPC), b. 1141, integrating it with the documentation reported in the volumes quoted by Petacco and Volpes.

21. Pantaleone, Mafia e politica, p. 31.

22. Trial, concerning which see Giuseppe Barone, “Egemonie urbane e potere locale, 1882–1913,” in Storia d’Italia, ed. M. Aymard and G. Giarrizzo (Turin, 1987), pp. 215–16.

23. See account by G. Blandini, June 1909, quoted by G. Barone, “Lo Stato e le opere pie in Sicilia,” in Various Authors, Chiesa e società urbana in Sicilia (Acireale, 1990), p. 52.

25. Personal file in ACS, CPC, b. 1141.

26. Report by the prefect of Palermo, 12 December 1908, in ACS, file cited above.

27. Summation by Lieutenant Palizzolo, defender of the fascianti of Partinico, in G. Casarrubea, I fasci contadini e le origini delle sezioni socialiste della provincia di Palermo (Palermo, 1978), vol. 2, p. 257.

28. This is true of, among other cases, the massacre of Caltavuturo, regarding which I refer the reader to the reconstruction by F. Turati, “Il ‘trionfo dell’ordine’ a Caltavuturo,” Critica sociale, 1893, 6.

29. A. Drago, “La maffia è necessaria,” L’Avanti!, 5 December 1899.

30. Casarrubea, I fasci, passim.

31. Printed document entitled Il municipio di Misilmeri (Palermo, 1901), p. 11, in ACS, AC, Comuni, b. 172.

32. I refer the reader to the fundamental work by Barone, “Egemonie urbane.”

33. Report from the delegato di PS, 20 December 1899, in ACS, file cited above.

34. Respectively, the article “Cose di Monreale,” in La provincia, 1908, and the manifesto of the municipal administration, 18 June 1908, in ACS, file cited above.

35. Complaint signed by M. Costanzo, 20 March 1908, in ACS, file cited above.

36. Report dated 20 December 1899.

37. Report from the prefect, 4 October 1906, in ACS, AC, Comuni, b. 173.

38. Respectively, telegram from Di Pisa to Zanardelli, 29 June 1906, and petition from the circolo dei civili, undated, pp. 6 and 7, ACS, file cited above.

39. Prefectorial report dated 16 July 1906 in ACS, file cited above, b. 173.

40. ACS, PG, 1912, b. 374; but see chapter 2.

41. Giuseppe Guido Lo Schiavo, Il reato di associazione per delinquere nelle provincie siciliane (Selci Umbro, 1933), p. 145.

42. Claim signed by G. Fiducia Morana, p. 4, and Report of the Direzione Generale di PS, 8 June 1906, in ACS, file cited above, b. 172.

43. Fiume, Introduction to G. Cirillo Rampolla, Suicidio per mafia (Palermo, 1986).

44. Archivio di Stato di Agrigento (ASAG), Underprefecture of Bivona, b. 107.

45. A. Rossi, L’agitazione in Sicilia (Palermo, 1988) (1st ed. 1894), p. 64.

46. See also A. Blok, La mafia di un villaggio siciliano, 1860–1960 (Turin, 1986) (1st ed. 1974), pp. 122ff. Here, as elsewhere, I use the real names, rather than the conventional names used by the author.

47. I refer the reader to the analysis by G. Procacci, “Movimenti sociali e partiti politici in Sicilia,” in Annuario dell’Istituto italiano per l’età moderna e contemporanea (Pisa, 1959), pp. 109–214.

48. R. Ciuni, “Un secolo di mafia,” in Various Authors, Storia della Sicilia (Palermo, 1978), vol. 9, p. 393.

49. Quoted by C. Messina, Il caso Panepinto (Palermo, 1977), p. 40.

50. La Plebe, 5 January 1905, quoted in In giro per la Sicilia con “La plebe,” ed. C. Messina (Palermo, 1985), pp. 71–74.

51. Relazione prefettizia dated 11 February 1902 in ACS, AC, Comuni, b. 173 (Prizzi).

52. Messina, Il caso Panepinto, p. 77.

53. Quoted by G. Barone, “Gruppi dirigenti e lotte politiche,” in Various Authors, Lorenzo Panepinto: democrazia e socialismo nella Sicilia del latifondo, ed. Giuseppe Barone (Palermo, 1990), p. 61.

54. Report by the prefect of Palermo, 24 November 1915, in ACS, PG, 1916–1918, b. 236.

55. Verro to Colajanni, 27 May 1912, in G. Barone, “La cooperazione agricola dall’età giolittiana al fascismo,” in Various Authors, Storia della cooperazione siciliana, ed. O. Cancila (Palermo, 1993), pp. 255–56.

56. A. Tasca, “Un apostolo troncato,” L’Avanti!, 31 May 1911.

57. L’Ora, 19–20 May 1911, quoted by Messina, Il caso Panepinto, pp. 189ff.

58. Verro to Colajanni, 12 May 1911, in Barone, “La cooperazione.”

59. Letter quoted by S. Mangano, Bernardino Verro socialista corleonese (Palermo, 1974).

60. Speech to the conference of peasants in Palermo, February 1920, quoted by G. C. Marino, Partiti e lotta di classe in Sicilia, da Orlando a Mussolini (Bari, 1976), p. 143. But concerning the awareness of Alongi, see also the report dated 4 March 1920, in ACS, CPC, b. 76, p. 2.

61. Report, pp. 3 and 6.

62. Marino, Partiti e lotta di classe, p. 140.

63. S. Centinaro, “La reazione dell’opinione pubblica alla morte di Lorenzo Panepinto,” in Various Authors, Lorenzo Panepinto, p. 146. The trial, held in Catania per legittima suspicione, or recusal of venue, concluded in a nulla di fatto, roughly, an acquittal or mistrial or decision not to proceed.

64. Opinion of Verro in the letter cited in note 58 above, dated 12 May 1911.

65. {Relazione prefettizia} cit., 24 November 1915.

66. Lumia, Villalba, vol. 2, p. 271.

67. Report of the Rural Savings and Loan (Cassa rurale) of Villalba, in Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sulle condizioni dei contadini nelle province meridionali e nella Sicilia, vol. 6, Sicilia (Rome, 1910), t. I, p. 717.

68. I refer the reader again to Lumia, Villalba, vol. 2, pp. 273ff.

69. See the report by G. Alongi, 14 November 1902, published in the appendix of Alongi, La Mafia (Palermo, 1904), pp. 363–87; and Cutrera, Varsalona, il suo regno e le sue gesta delittuose (Rome, 1904).

70. See the report of the investigating magistrate F. U. Di Blasi, 2 October 1928, vol. 4, in Antimafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. V, pp. 423–33.

71. See also the anonymous letter dated Buenos Aires, 9 March 1913, and the report of the prefect, 6 May 1913, in ACS, PG, 1913, b. 103.

72. Alongi, Relazione, p. 366. Here as elsewhere the author places perhaps excessive emphasis on the innovative nature of this fin-de-siècle brigandage compared with the “classical” brigandage.

73. An anonymous “threatened landowner” to the prefect, June 1912, in ACS, PG, 1913, b. 374.

74. Di Blasi report, 15 September 1926, I, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. V, p. 339. See also the testimony of Candino himself, in A. Spanò, Faccia a faccia con la mafia (Milan, 1978), p. 20; the author, the son of the inspector Francesco Spanò serving in the area from 1912 on, makes use of his father’s documentation.

75. Alongi, Relazione, p. 376.

76. The protest of the mayor, 4 October 1915, in ACS, PG, 1916–1918, b. 236. The pitched battle between the Grisafigang and one of the Lo Jaconos, following the slaughter of sixteen head of cattle (1912), in ACS, PG, 1912, b. 374. See also Blok, La mafia, pp. 131ff.

77. See the network that supports Raffaele Ballo, “acknowledged chief of the criminals, low and high, of the countryside around Palermo and Trapani,” in the reports dated 24 February and 4 March 1911, in ACS, PG, 1914, b. 144.

78. The relatives of Varsalona exerted a sort of monopoly over the area mills. See Alongi, Relazione, p. 371.

79. Report of the under-prefect of Corleone, 12 September 1913, p. 2, in ACS, PG, 1913, b. 103.

80. Letter from the company Malato & C., 17 February 1913; reply from the prefecture, 29 March, in ACS, PG, 1913, b. 103.

81. M. Genco, Il delegato (Palermo, 1991), p. 55; the reference is to the volume cited, Varsalona.

82. Letter dated Palermo, 15 August 1914, in ACS, PG, 1914, b. 144.

83. Alongi, Relazione, p. 373.

84. Letter from the prince of Camporeale, 30 November 1916, in Quarant’anni di vita politica italiana: Dalle carte di Giovanni Giolitti (Milan, 1961), vol. 3, pp. 202–3.

85. Summation of the lawyer Restivo during the Ortoleva trial, in GDS, 28 March 1929.

86. C. Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti (Milan, 1932), p. 212 and passim.

87. Di Blasi report, vol. 1, pp. 339 and 317.

88. The association of cattle rustlers led by the mayor of Godrano, Giuseppe Barbaccia, was denounced with a prefectorial reaction on 11 May 1916 in ACS, PG, 1916–1918, b. 236. Especially concerning the bloody aftermath of the second postwar period, see the report on the Bosco della Ficuzza, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. III, pp. 1223–33.

89. GDS, 22 January 1926.

90. GDS, 6 September and, in general, July–September 1930.

91. Di Blasi report, 26 February 1928, vol. 2, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. III, p. 371.

92. Letter cited in the Di Blasi report, vol. 3, p. 378.

93. Concerning the cases of Mistretta, see the extensive reconstruction by G. Raffaele, L’ambigua tessitura: Mafia e fascismo nella Sicilia degli anni venti (Milan, 1993); Spanò, Faccia a faccia; the cited Di Blasi report; and the judicial accounts cited above.

94. See also the testimony of the priest I. Strano, in GDS, 14 November 1928.

95. Testimony of B. Tusa and L. Seminara in GDS, 11 September 1928.

96. A number of the people I interviewed in Ramacca, aside from the case of the Tusas, also referred to the cases of the Pollacis, who came from Nicosia in the 1920s, and to the Andolinas, who came from Enna in the 1930s.

97. GDS, 28 December 1928.

98. But sentenced to four years during the trial of Nicosia in 1929.

99. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, pp. 10–11.

100. Testimony of the baron in GDS, 15 October 1930.

101. GDS, 11 January 1929.

102. Raffaele, L’ambigua tessitura, p. 237.

103. Not very different was the thesis of the lawyer Villasevaglios, in GDS, 19 January 1929, according to which from the Madonie-Caronie mountain massif, the organization extended “into the neighboring river valleys.”

104. La mafia, p. 143. Blok does not find it contradictory to describe Cascio-Ferro planning cattle thefts in both Bisacquino and Sambuca (p. 147), or to admit (p. 144) that he imposed himself “as a Mafia capo in larger districts.” To claim that the “so-called conspiracy to commit crimes” should be defined in terms of “networks of relations” does not resolve the question of the extent and stability of these networks.

105. G. Molè, Studio-inchiesta sui latifondi siciliani (Rome, 1929); N. Prestianni, Inchiesta sulla piccola proprietà coltivatrice formatasi nel dopoguerra, vol. 6 of the Inchiesta Inea (Rome, 1931).

106. Respectively, Barone, “Lo Stato e le opere pie in Sicilia,” p. 55; ACS, AC, Podestà: Catania.

107. Raffaele, L’ambigua tessitura, pp. 226ff.

108. Documentation in ACS, PS, 1920, b. 87; but see also A. Cicala, “Il movimento contadino in Sicilia nel primo dopoguerra,” Incontri meridionali, 1978, 3–4, pp. 61–78.

109. File concerning the cooperatives of Ribera in ACS, PS, G1, b. 35: Agrigento.

110. Concerning Genco Russo, see AntiMafia: Biografie, pp. 39–64; concerning the cases of the Polizzello estate, see AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, tt. II and III. Concerning the judicial episodes, see “Cooperativa tra i combattenti di Mussomeli,” GDS, 9 October 1929, and the Verdict vs. Termini +20 in ASCL, Corte d’Assise, Sentenza, b. 35.

111. The episode is reconstructed with the usual clarity by Lumia, Villalba, pp. 34off.

112. Di Blasi report, vol. 2, p. 370.

113. Letter from the bishop of Caltanissetta, G. Jacono, 12 June 1935, quoted in C. Naro, La Chiesa di Caltanissetta tra le due guerre (Caltanissetta, 1991), vol. 2, p. 167.

114. I refer the reader to my own “La crisi del monopolio naturale,” in Various Authors, Economia e società nell’area dello zolfo, ed. G. Barone and C. Torrisi (Caltanissetta, 1989), p. 354. Concerning the prior affairs of Don Calò see Lumia, Villalba, pp. 313ff.

115. Parliamentary speech in May 1949 quoted by O. Barrese, I complici (Soveria Mannelli, 1988), p. 18.

116. In GDS, 28 July 1925.

117. APCD, Discussioni, 7 February 1923, p. 1516.

118. October 1925; the competition was for piecework in the Trabia mine: GDS, 15 January 1928 and the days following.

119. Telegram dated 3 July in ACS, AC, Uf ficio elettorale, b. 18. More can be said about Fascism than space allows here; I refer the reader to my own “L’utopia totalitaria del fascismo,” in Various Authors, La Sicilia, ed. M. Aymard and G. Giarrizzo (Turin, 1987), pp. 371–482.

120. But see Marino, Partiti e lotta di classe, pp. 282–88, with the documentation cited in that work.

121. See the list in GDS, 27 February 1926.

122. In GDS, 3 December 1927.

123. Letter from V. Franco quoted by Spanò, Faccia a faccia, p. 33.

124. Letter from G. Faraci, 5 April 1923, in ACS, Carte Bianchi, b. 2.

125. Speech in Agrigento on 9 May, in B. Mussolini, Opera omnia (Florence, 1959), vol. 20, p. 264.

126. The Mori episode is perhaps the most extensively studied case in the history of the Mafia. Aside from the works cited above, see A. Petacco, Il prefetto di ferro (Milan, 1976); S. Porto, Mafia e fascismo (Palermo, 1977); and C. Duggan, La mafia durante il fascismo (Soveria Mannelli, 1986), published in English as Fascism and the Mafia (New Haven, 1989). Mori’s book, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, is as poor in information as it is rich in ideology.

127. C. Mori, Tra le zagare oltre la foschia (Florence, 1923).

128. Marino, Partiti e lotta di classe, pp. 166–75; “La situazione in provincia di Trapani,” Bollettino della Confederazione dell’agricoltura siciliana, 16 November 1920.

129. A. Infranca, “Il periodo trapanese del prefetto Mori nel giudizio della stampa locale,” Nuovi quaderni del Meridione, 1982, 78, pp. 227–61.

130. Letter quoted by G. Faraci, p. 8.

131. Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, p. 242.

134. Speech delivered in Alcamo in Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, pp. 268–71.

135. Opinion of Mussolini, as General Di Giorgio reminded the Duce himself in a letter dated 19 March 1928, quoted by G. Caprì, “Di Giorgio e Mori ai ferri corti,” Osservatore politico-letterario, January 1977, p. 48; the number does not include those in internal exile.

136. GDS, 4 June 1926.

137. Spanò, Faccia a faccia, pp. 42ff.

138. If we are to believe Cucco’s autobiography, quoted by Duggan, La mafia, p. 50. The press of the time describes adoring crowds.

139. Letter to Scelba quoted by Spanò, Faccia a faccia, p. 147.

140. Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, p. 365. But see the episode in the report of the vice prefect quoted by Duggan, La mafia, p. 87.

141. C. Gower Chapman, Milocca, un villaggio siciliano (Milan, 1985), pp. 29–31.

142. Poem reported and published in Naro, La Chiesa di Caltanissetta, vol. 2, pp. 62–63.

143. Report from the inspector dated 9 April 1928 in Spanò, Faccia a faccia, pp. 62–64, indicative as well of disagreements between the police and the Carabinieri.

144. Report of a police informer, 13 April 1931, in ACS, Segreteria, CR, b. 39, personal file of Cucco. For the similar case of the Caltanissetta federale D. Lipani, see G. Barone, “Notabili e partiti a Caltanissetta,” in Various Authors, Economia e società nell’area dello zolfo, pp. 318–20.

145. See my treatment of the history of Sicilian Fascism in “L’utopia totalitaria.”

146. Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, p. 84.

147. See reports and documents in ACS, PS, AAGGRR, G1, 1920–1945, b. 138; and in ACS, Polizia politica, b. 195. A more analytical treatment can be found in my own “L’utopia totalitaria.”

148. See his diary for 23 January 1927 in R. Trevelyan, Principi sotto il vulcano (Milan, 1977), p. 357.

149. Complaint of April 1927, in ACS, Segreteria, p. 2; but see also Spanò, Faccia a faccia, p. 38.

150. Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, pp. 88–89.

151. GDS, 8 September 1928. Another brother, Gaetano, managed estates in the province of Palermo.

152. The letter is in the Di Blasi report, vol. 1, p. 327.

153. Quoted by Di Blasi, “Il reato di associazione per delinquere,” in Giurisprudenza penale, 1930, par t II, col. 228; see also Lo Schiavo, Il reato di associazione, pp. 146–47; both were magistrates working in the field.

154. For the mining Mafia, see GDS, 10 August 1929 and days following; for the Mafia of the latifundium, see the Verdict vs. Alfano + 30 in ASCL, Corte d’Assise, 1931, b. 35. Don Calò was acquitted in both cases.

155. Quoted by Blok, La mafia, p. 163; the text, censored, appeared in GDS, 30 July 1929.

156. Spanò, Faccia a faccia, p. 41.

157. Indro Montanelli, Pantheon minore (Milan, 1958), p. 284; perhaps as a result of this renunciation, the bandit managed to remain a fugitive from the law indefinitely.

158. Report of August 1928, quoted by Duggan, La mafia, p. 203.

159. Letter dated 21 October in ACS, AC, Podestà: Palermo, Gangi.

160. See the accounts of the trial in GDS, 12 March 1928 and days following.

161. See the harsh exchange between Carella, Sr., and Don Cola in GDS, 15 and 16 March 1928.

162. GDS, 31 March 1928.

163. GDS, 26 March 1928.

164. Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, pp. 351ff.

165. What was unrealistic was the ambition to revise the sales contracts, “full-fledged documents of plunder that alone can explain certain ‘sudden’ explosions of wealth”: the property purchased is in any case sacred. S. Sirena, “L’azione della Commissione per le affittanze agrarie,” GDS, 18 February 1928.

166. Banco di Sicilia, Notizie sull’economia siciliana, anno 1928 (Palermo, 1929), pp. 226ff.; Molè, Studio-inchiesta, p. 24.

167. Responsibility should be attributed to Inspector Belfiore, “overwhelmed by the dream of creating the largest association”: closing statement of the lawyer F. Trigona della Foresta in GDS, 25 December 1930. But see also the admissions of the prosecuting attorney, GDS, 27 November 1930. The opinion of the ambassador is found in a report from 1927, collected in Memorandum on Sicily under Italian Rule, in Public Record office, Foreign office, 371/33251. Among the references to torture, see that by Abisso (because it was favorable to Mori), in GDS, 11 January 1929.

168. Testimony of C. Soldano, whose father had been murdered, in GDS, 7 August 1930.

169. Member of Parliament Grisafi in GDS, 2 August 1929.

170. Summation of the lawyer, Hon. Ungaro, in GDS, 20 August 1929.

171. Naro, La Chiesa, pp. 66–67.

172. Quoted from report in Spanò, Faccia a faccia, p. 63.

173. Testimony by Petrusa in GDS, 23 August 1930.

174. Di Giorgio to Mussolini, letter dated 19 March 1928, p. 47 (see note 135 on page 302).

175. Again, see Lupo, “L’utopia totalitaria.”

176. Appeal of 19 October 1927 in ACS, PS, G1, b. 141; in the same collection, see b. 33 (Ribera), 56 (Sommatino), 107 (Mistretta); regarding Corleone, see Duggan, La mafia, p. 96.

177. Letter from G. Guarino-Amella to Mori quoted by Duggan, La mafia, pp. 202–3.

178. Statement by I. Messina, preliminary investigator for the trials against the Mafia families of Bisacquino and Corleone, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, p. 367.

179. Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, pp. 313–14.

180. Summation of the lawyer G. Russo Perez in GDS, 8 June 1930.

181. G. M. Puglia, “Il mafioso non è un associato per delinquere,” La scuola positiva: Rivista di criminologia e diritto criminale, 1930, 1, p. 156.

182. Quoted by Mori, Con la mafia ai ferri corti, pp. 15ff.

183. GDS, 6 May and 7 June 1929. Similar dynamics were seen in the proceedings against the associations of Roccella and Porta Nuova.

184. GDS, 13 January 1928. The law is no. 1254, dated 15 July 1926.

185. GDS, 23 November 1928.

186. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, pp. 14–15 and passim.

187. In the immediate aftermath of both the First World War and the Second World War, there was a sudden rise in crime that ended with the end of the postwar situation; that was a national trend, not merely a regional trend.

188. It is unclear what this belief is based on, given Mori’s pro-property position. It is true, however, that the regime did not like to see outlying figures consolidating power. In any case, the prefect remained in power for five years, a much longer period of time than was common.

189. I do not explore the varying impact of the form of repression (prison and/or internal exile) from case to case, which affected the further development of the careers of mafiosi.

190. These were, respectively, among the defendants of the trials against the Mafia in Mazzarino, Partinico, Termini, Corleone, Bagheria, and Monreale.

191. Bonanno, Uomo d’onore, p. 70. The statistics are from an official American source: President’s Commission on Organized Crime, Report to the President, vol. 1, The Impact (Washington, DC, 1986), p. 52.

192. In the literature references in R. Candida, Questa mafia (Caltanissetta, 1966); Spanò, Faccia a faccia, pp. 72–73. Extensive documentation is instead in ACS, PS, FM; references are from b. 138 and 85, respectively.

193. The account of Pantaleone, Mafia e politica, pp. 48ff., is reproduced in a countless number of passages of works published about the Mafia.

194. This is the version of Luciano accepted by G. Gellért, Maffia (Soveria Mannelli, 1987), p. 78. E. Kefauver, Il gangsterismo in America (Turin, 1953), instead described a more straightforward quid pro quo.

195. Also in Gellért, maffia, p. 80.

196. Even as skeptical a scholar as Block, East Side, West Side, p. 8, believes that this may be the turning point.

197. The Problem of Mafia in Sicily, 29 October 1943, a report by the American captain W. E. Scotten, published by R. Mangiameli in “Annali” del Dipartimento di scienze storiche della Facoltà di scienze politiche (Catania, 1980), p. 629.

198. For which I am indebted to R. Mangiameli, “La regione in guerra (1943–50),” in Various Authors, La Sicilia, pp. 485–600.

199. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, p. 46.

200. Note written by the detective in Spanò, Faccia a faccia, p. 89.

201. Concerning the deterioration of relations between landowners and the regime in the late 1930s, see Lupo, “L’utopia totalitaria,” pp. 457ff.

202. S. Gentile, Mafia e gabellotti in Sicilia; il PCI dai decreti Gullo al lodo De Gasperi, in ASSO, 1973, pp. 491–508. We need to go back to “Tesi sul lavoro contadino nel Mezzogiorno” by R. Grieco (1926), in Grieco, Introduzione alla riforma agraria (Turin, 1946); and E. Sereni, La questione agraria nella rinascita nazionale (Turin, 1975 [but written in 1943]), pp. 239ff.

203. This is the reconstruction of the separatist view quoted by Mangiameli, “La regione,” pp. 552ff. But see also Pantaleone, Mafia e politica, pp. 89ff., and Lumia, Villalba, vol. 2, pp. 448ff.

204. Mangiameli, “La regione,” p. 554, to which I refer the reader for the references as well (pp. 553 and 555).

205. Concerning this episode, see Antimafia: Bernardinetti Report. Of the specific journalism, I cite only L. Galluzzo, Meglio morto: Storia di Salvatore Giuliano (Palermo, 1985). Among the general works on the subject, some good treatments are found in Gellért, maffia, and in particular Spanò, Faccia a faccia.

206. Lumia, Villalba, vol. 2, p. 447.

207. This plot has been hypothesized more than once by the left and later confirmed by a leading right-wing figure in the separatist movement; see G. di Carcaci, Il movimento per l’indipendenza della Sicilia (Palermo, 1977).

208. When the bandit Labruzzo was mysteriously assassinated, Luca emphasized that the “hardworking populace” “were praying for a similar fate to befall the bandit Lombardo”: report dated 1 February 1950, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. I, p. 75.

209. S. Gatto, La Sicilia tra autonomia e sviluppo (1948), later republished in Gatto, Lo Stato brigante (Palermo, 1978), p. 53.

210. Spanò, Faccia a faccia, p. 113. According to the magistrate G. Bellanca, Rimi was “one of the leading abettors of Giuliano”: testimony in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, p. 508.

211. Quoted in L. Galluzzo, F. Nicastro, and V. Vasile, Obiettivo Falcone: Magistrati e mafia nel palazzo dei veleni (Naples, 1989), pp. 167–68.

212. See his reports in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. I.

213. See chapter 1 and earlier in this chapter in this volume.

214. This, at least, is his account in Various Authors, Chiesa e società a Caltanissetta all’indomani della seconda guerra mondiale (Caltanissetta, 1984), pp. 358–60.

215. See the episode narrated by the magistrate S. Mercadante of the campiere in Enna, who had in the past rendered services to the police and replaced mafioso “in the immediate aftermath of the liberation,” following the murder of his brother, which was carried out as an example to others; see AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, p. 130.

216. This expression was used by the magistrate A. Di Giovana in relation to the allotment of the estates of the Agrigento baron Cannarella, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. I, p. 524.

217. In this regard, see Antimafia: Singoli mafiosi, pp. 39ff. Concerning the Polizzello estate, see AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, tt. II and III.

218. Indictment against Leggio and others, 13 October 1967, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XVI, p. 87 and passim. The fact that two generations should have been considered mafiosi during three different regimes should rule out Duggan’s thesis of persecution for the major Fascist processone (maxitrial) in Corleone; see Duggan, La mafia, pp. 95ff. The Vignali report is in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XVI, p. 164. Concerning Navarra, see also Antimafia: Singoli mafiosi, pp. 65ff.

219. Anonymous letter received by Li Causi, quoted by Chilanti and Farinella, Rapporto, p. 45.

220. Testimony by Streva in Corte d’Appello di Bari, Verdict vs. Leggio and others, 23 December 1970, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XVI, p. 1135. For the verdict in the Comajanni case, see AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XV.

221. Testimony by C. Terranova in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, p. 1188.

222. Testimony of the deputy questore A. Mangano in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, p. 1147.

223. See Antimafia: Singoli mafiosi; the Giuseppe Greco mentioned there might be the son of Salvatore, born in 1887, head of the family in 1945: see the genealogy in ibid., pp. 135–36, according to which the families have the same name and are linked by ties on the female side, since this Giuseppe Greco of Ciaculli married a Santa Greco, the sister of the “lieutenant.” However, I would not rule out a common family tree, given the recurrence of specific first names on both sides.

224. Because his daughter Maria married Salvatore Greco “il senatore.”

225. Whence originated the future Mafia capo Michele Greco, son of Piddu u tenenti. See the episodes described in Antimafia: Singoli mafiosi, pp. 137ff.; see also the indictment against P. Torretta and others, 31 May 1965, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XVII, pp. 720–21.

226. Chilanti and Farinella, Rapporto, p. 90.

1. Speech in the Italian Senate, 25 June 1949, quoted by O. Barrese, I complici (Soveria Manelli, 1988), p. 7.

2. See chapter 1. But concerning this phase, in particular concerning the magistrature, see G. Di Lello, Giudici (Palermo, 1994).

3. “Ne hai ancora per poco di questa malandrineria,” that is, “this criminal behavior won’t last long”: testimony of the mother of Carnevale from the extract of the verdict in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, pp. 276–78.

4. Report from the questura of Agrigento, 16 April 1947, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. VII. 1, pp. 225–27.

5. E. Kefauver, Il gangsterismo in America (Turin, 1953).

6. Piero Calamandrei, preface to E. Reid, La mafia (Florence, 1956), p. xi.

7. F. Renda, Un libro sulla mafia negli USA (1956), now in Renda, La Sicilia degli anni ’50 (Naples, 1987), p. 403.

8. Vittorio Nisticò, Preface to Chilanti and Farinella, Rapporto, p. 23. See also Nisticò’s testimony in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, pp. 751ff., and the dossier reported in that context.

9. Danilo Dolci’s most interesting works are Banditi a Partinico (Bari, 1955) and Spreco (Turin, 1960).

10. Gatto’s articles from 1948–1976 are gathered in the volume Lo stato brigante (Palermo, 1978). Michele Pantaleone, one of the contributors to L’Ora, published Mafia e politica 1943–1962 in Turin in 1962.

11. L. Sciascia, Il giorno della civetta (Turin, 1968) (1st ed. 1961), p. 99 (English edition: The Day of the Owl [Manchester, 1984], p. 101).

12. Istruttoria maxiprocesso (preliminary investigation of the Maxitrial), pp. 344ff., and therein the statements of the Honorable C. Mannino. See also G. Giarrizzo, “Sicilia oggi,” in Various Authors, La Sicilia, ed. M. Aymard and G. Giarrizzo (Turin, 1987), pp. 633ff.

13. Examination of Calderone quoted in the document Mafia e politica dell’AntiMafia, in a supplement to La Repubblica, 10 April 1993, p. 13; see also Testimony by Calderone, pp. 223–24. Concerning the functionality between regional politics and the “reconstitution of the humus of the Mafia,” see Catanzaro’s fine summary, Il delitto come impresa: Storia sociale della Mafia (Padua, 1988), pp. 179ff.

14. That is the title of Pantaleone’s book, Antimafia occasione mancata (Turin, 1969). Concerning the Anti-Mafia, see also Barrese, I complici, and now an anthology of the reports, edited and with an introduction by N. Tranfaglia, Mafia, politica e affari (Rome, 1992).

15. Pantaleone, AntiMafia, p. 18.

16. U. Santino and G. La Fiura, L’impresa mafiosa (Milan, 1990), p. 133.

17. For which I refer the reader to Tranfaglia, La mafia come metodo (Rome, 1991), pp. 48ff., which rightly emphasizes the contradictions in which Carraro found himself, not only with his Relazioni di minoranza (minority reports), but also with Zuccalà’s report, which, “sectorial” though it was, appears to be the one best focused on an analysis of the fundamental lines of the problem.

18. See also the evaluation offered by La Torre himself in the introduction to the edition of the minority report, published under the title Mafia e potere politico (Rome, 1976).

19. Formulations that already appeared in the Bernardinetti Report and that reappear in the Cattanei Report (for instance, on p. 101) and in the La Torre Report. The Commissione was not helped much by its consultants. Note that the opening of Brancato, “La mafia nell’opinione pubblica e nelle inchieste dall’Unità al fascismo” in AntiMafia: Relazione sui lavori svolti … al termine della v. legislatura, p. 163, states that, now that everything was known about the Mafia, all that mattered was to identify its influence on public opinion!

20. Rel. La Torre, pp. 569ff.

21. AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 1, p. 94.

22. Pantaleone, Mafia e politica.

23. Chilanti, “La Mafia ‘prefettizia,’” L’Ora, 19 April 1963.

24. As emphasized as well for the previous period by R. Mangiameli, Le allegorie del buon governo: sui rapporti tra mafia e americani in Sicilia nel 1943 (dissertation, University of Catania, 1981).

25. Discussed later in this chapter.

26. Albini, “L’America deve la mafia alla Sicilia?” in Various Authors, Mafia e potere, ed. S. Di Bella (Soveria Mannelli, 1983), vol. 1, p. 189.

27. A. Blok, La mafia di un villagio siciliano, 1860–1960 (Turin, 1986) (1st ed. 1974), p. 207.

28. Arlacchi, La mafia imprenditrice: L’etica mafiosi e lo spirito del capitalismo (Bologna, 1983), p. 12.

29. In AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 1, pp. 765, 767, and 753.

30. Malausa Report, in Antimafia: Relazione sulle risultanze acquisite al Comune di Palermo, p. 47. The continuity of the Vitale family of Altarello is suggested by the recurrence of first names that were not particularly common. In 1930, the trial for criminal conspiracy for the Porta Nuova–Altarello association involved Francesco Paolo Vitale, son of Giovanni Battista; Francesco Paolo, son of Filippo; Leonardo, son of Francesco Paolo; Giovanni Battista, son of Filippo; and so on. See GDS, 19 April 1930.

31. See, however, the similar warning that his elderly mafioso uncle offered to Calderone prior to his induction, in Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, p. 41. The minutes of Vitale’s interrogations are reproduced in large extracts by L. Galluzzo, F. Nicastro, and V. Vasile, Obiettivo Falcone: magistrati e mafia nel palazzo dei veleni (Naples, 1989), pp. 95ff. The citations are on pp. 107, 99, 101, and 109.

32. H. Hess, Mafia (Rome, 1991), p. 116; others ignore the question.

33. The text of the confession is in L’Ora; but see also the case of the affiliation of the Palermitan doctor, revealed in 1937, in D. Gambetta, La mafia siciliana: Un’industria della protezione privata (Turin, 1992), p. 367.

34. Respectively, text by G. Servadio in Various Authors, Mafia e potere, ed. S. Di Bella (Soveria Mannelli, 1983), vol. 1, p. 118; Ciuni, “Un secolo di Mafia,” in Various Authors, Storia della Sicilia (Palermo, 1978), p. 394.

35. Interview in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 1, p. 730. Here too I emphasize my conceptual disagreement with the idea of ad hoc, unstable groups that social scientists focused on during these same years.

36. Tribunal of Palermo, Order of Indictment against L. Leggio +115, 14 August 1965, in Antimafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XVI, pp. 208–9.

37. Tribunal of Palermo, Order of Indictment against A. La Barbera +42, 23 June 1964, Antimafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XVII, pp. 506ff.

38. Tribunal of Palermo, Order of Indictment against P. Torretta +120, 8 May 1965 (Justice Terranova), in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XVII, p. 627.

39. Cited in AntiMafia. Rel. Carraro, p. 169.

40. GDS, 6 June 1929.

41. Testimony by Buscetta, Dibattimento (trial hearing), vol. 1, p. 104.

42. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, p. 148.

43. Malausa Report, p. 40 (as cited in note 30, above).

44. Respectively, Testimony in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, p. 1053; Verdict vs. La Barbera and others, p. 543.

45. Malausa Report, p. 42.

46. Tribunal of Palermo, Finding of the preliminary investigation vs. Spatola + 119 (preliminary magistrate G. Falcone), pp. 493ff.

47. Istruttoria maxiprocesso (Preliminary Investigation of the Maxitrial), p. 86.

49. One immediately thinks of E. and G. La Loggia from Agrigento, Alessi from Caltanissetta, and Milazzo from Caltagirone.

50. Testimony by Buscetta, Dibattimento, vol. 1, p. 37.

51. Chilanti and Farinella, Rapporto, pp. 47–49.

52. Vignali Report, p. 163.

53. For all this, see the summation by the public prosecutor G. Pizzillo vs. Vitale and others, 4 December 1974, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 1, pp. 809–36; but see also the Istruttoria Maxiprocesso, pp. 6ff.

54. Verdict vs. Torretta and others, pp. 724ff.; Malausa Report, pp. 43–44; petition of the Palermo Federation of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), attached to the Rel. La Torre, p. 850.

55. Antimafia: Singoli mafiosi, p. 163.

56. Corte di Assise (Court of Assizes) of Catanzaro, verdict vs. A. La Barbera + 114, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XVII, p. 992, and, ibid., also the mentioned verdict of indictment; concerning the La Barberas, see also Chilanti and Farinella, Rapporto, pp. 125ff.

57. “Per l’esportazione agrumaria,” Sicilia Nuova, 19 March 1926; see also the account of the confiscation of 100 kilograms of morphine about to be shipped from Palermo to New York in GDS, 24 July 1926.

58. Tribunal of Palermo, Verdict vs. F. Garofalo and others, 31 January 1966, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XIV.

59. AntiMafia: Rel. Zuccalà, pp. 353 and 343.

60. Testimony of the American police officer C. Siragusa, quoted in ibid., p. 343.

61. Report of the Comando Generale of the Guardia di Finanza (financial police), 1955–1963, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XIV, part 1, p. 185.

62. AntiMafia: Rel. Zuccalà, p. 367. Concerning Mancino, see also Antimafia: Singoli mafiosi, 309pp. 203ff.

63. Report of the Guardia di Finanza, 1958, p. 232.

64. A. Block, East Side, West Side: Organizing Crime in New York (Cardiff, 1980), p. 129.

65. Report of the Guardia di Finanza, p. 184.

66. Ibid., pp. 248–49.

67. Report of the Guardia di Finanza, 1963, pp. 287–88.

68. Letter from M. Bergez, dated from Tangiers, 16 April 1960, in Report of the Guardia di Finanza, pp. 266–67.

69. Testimony by Buscetta, Dibattimento, vol. 1, p. 41.

71. President’s Commission on Organized Crime: Report to the President, vol. 1, The Impact (Washington, DC, 1986), p. 52.

72. Gambetta, La mafia siciliana, p. 319.

73. Report dated 5 April 1971, in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 4, t. XIV, p. 993.

74. P. Reuter, Disorganized Crime (Cambridge, MA, 1983); see in particular the case histories on pp. 160ff.

75. Letter in Verdict vs. F. Garofalo and others, p. 644.

76. Similarly, Frank Coppola, while preserving close ties in Partinico, took up residence in Pomezia.

77. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, p. 27.

78. Verdict vs. Garofalo and others, p. 908. Sorge, often traveling back and forth between Italy and America, seems like a typical figure out of the enterprise syndicate: Valachi and the other American informer (pentiti) were unable to place him in a family, even though they knew him as a powerful individual: ibid., pp. 898–99.

79. Verdict vs. Garofalo and others, p. 625; the previously cited report, President’s Commission on Organized Crime, pp. 52–53, also mentions the presence of Badalamenti and Buscetta, however.

80. Who claims for himself the role of interlocutor with Bonanno: E. Biagi, Il boss è solo (Milan, 1986), pp. 147ff.; and the testimony given to the DEA, cited by C. Sterling, Cosa non solo nostra: La rete mondiale della mafia siciliana (Milan, 1990), pp. 82–83.

81. L. Galluzzo, Tommaso Buscetta, l’uomo che tradì se stesso (Aosta, 1984), p. 30.

82. Verdict vs. Torretta and others, pp. 659 and 627.

83. J. Bonanno, Uomo d’onore: L’autobiografia di J. B. (Milan, 1985), p. 172.

84. Verdict of the Court of Catanzaro, pp. 975–76.

85. Verdict vs. L. Vitale and others, p. 834. This was the period when the Commissione had been dissolved and power was held by a triumvirate consisting of Riina himself, Badalamenti, and Stefano Bontate.

86. Istruttoria maxiprocesso, pp. 79–80.

87. Verdict vs. Spatola and others, pp. 599 and 787; in Catania as well, the collection of debts was a major activity of Mafia groups.

88. AntiMafia: Rel. sui mercati all’ingrosso, report of the questore, pp. 48ff.

89. Ibid., pp. 12–13.

90. Gambetta, “La mafia elimina la concorrenza: Ma la concorrenza può eliminare la Mafia?” Meridiana, 1989–1990, 7–8, pp. 319–36; the thesis is very much understated in Gambetta, La Mafia siciliana, pp. 291ff.

91. Testimony by Buscetta, pp. 102ff.; Testimony by Calderone, p. 81.

92. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, p. 72.

93. Testimony by Calderone, pp. 52ff.

94. Testimony given to the AntiMafia, XI legislature, 4 December 1992, p. 513. In the events of Sommatino in 1925 (see chapter 3), one of the most important characters was a certain Leonardo Messina of San Cataldo. Concerning the use of the term Cosa Nostra with reference to the distant past, I refer the reader to what is stated in chapter 4. For that matter, the pentito himself, referring to his own family tradition, emphatically states: “This is not the first time that Cosa Nostra has changed name and skin … it has done it in the past as well,” Testimony given to the AntiMafia, XI legislature, 4 December 1992, p. 520.

95. Testimony given to the AntiMafia, XI legislature, 4 December 1992, p. 519.

96. Istruttoria maxiprocesso, pp. 266ff.; in general, G. Martorana and S. Negrelli, Così ho tradito Cosa Nostra (Quart, 1993), pp. 61ff. This Madonia should not be confused with the family in Palermo with the same surname.

97. R. Catanzaro, Il delitto come impresa: Storia sociale della mafia (Padua, 1988), pp. 184ff.

98. Here I am utilizing Calderone’s testimony, integrating it with information from other sources.

99. As early as 1957, for instance, G. B. Ercolano, another member of the cosca, was arrested in Pozzillo with Badalamenti: Report of the Guardia di Finanza, p. 224.

100. M. Caciagli, Democrazia cristiana e potere nel Mezzogiorno (Rimini, 1977); Giarrizzo, Catania (Rome, 1986); C. Fava, La mafia comanda a Catania (Rome, 1992).

101. The statistics come from Falcone’s estimate, in an interview with G. Fiume, “La Mafia tra criminalità e cultura,” Meridiana, 1989, 5, p. 202.

102. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, pp. 225–26.

103. AntiMafia, XI legislature, testimony by T. Buscetta, 16 November 1992, p. 355.

104. Concerning the complex intersection between local society and rackets in one of these areas, however, see S. Costantino, A viso aperto: La resistenza antimafiosa a Capo d’Orlando (Palermo, 1993).

105. Testimony by Calderone, p. 5.

106. AntiMafia, testimony by Messina, p. 531.

107. Istruttoria maxiprocesso, p. 69.

108. AntiMafia, XI legislature, 9 February 1993, testimony by Mutolo, p. 1231.

109. Testimony by Calderone, p. 41.

110. Sterling, Cosa non solo nostra, pp. 127–42.

111. Testimony by Buscetta, p. 50.

112. Statements at the time of arrest (1986) in S. Lodato, Dieci anni di mafia (Milan, 1992), p. 194. In reality Michele, who had the same surname as the Grecos of Ciaculli, was a cousin of chicchiteddu. Concerning the charges against Don Piddu, see Testimony by Calderone, pp. 8–9.

113. Testimony by Buscetta, p. 12.

114. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, p. 27.

115. Testimony by Calderone, p. 51.

116. Testimony by Calderone and Arlacchi, p. 94.

117. Testimony by Calderone, p. 248.

118. Quoted in Istruttoria maxiprocesso, p. 351. Documents concerning the funds intended by the Salvos for use in payments to politicians, ibid., pp. 352–54.

119. Istruttoria maxiprocesso, p. 340.

121. Verdict vs. La Barbera and others, p. 523.

122. Istruttoria maxiprocesso, p. 8.

124. I quote from an extract from the verdict published in Città d’utopia, 1 January 1992, p. 29, and for other references, pp. 27 and 26.

125. Verdict vs. La Barbera and others, p. 25.

126. Testimony by Buscetta, p. 84; but also Testimony by Calderone, p. 116.

127. Biagi, Il boss è solo, p. 125.

128. Quoted in S. Turone, Partiti e mafia, dalla P2 alla droga (Rome, 1985), p. 78; but see also Sterling, Cosa non solo nostra, passim.

129. President’s Commission, p. 51. Concerning the relationships between the Mafia and narcotics trafficking, see A. Becchi and M. Turvani, Proibito? Il mercato mondiale della droga (Rome, 1993), pp. 138ff.

130. As Sterling believes, Cosa non solo nostra.

131. Verdict vs. Spatola and others, pp. 480, 506, and 488.

132. Gambetta, La mafia, p. 339.

133. AntiMafia, Testimony by Buscetta.

134. Verdict vs. Spatola and others, p. 510.

135. G. Falcone and M. Padovani, Cose di Cosa nostra (Milan, 1991), p. 28.

136. Testimony by Buscetta, p. 1231.

137. Testimony by Buscetta, Dibattimento (trial hearing), p. 28.

138. Testimony by Buscetta, p. 268.

139. Testimony by Buscetta, Dibattimento, p. 28.

140. Ibid., pp. 218, 243, 89, 178–79.

141. Testimony by Buscetta, p. 299.

142. This is also Sterling’s opinion in Cosa non solo nostra.

143. Testimony by Buscetta, p. 60.

144. Istruttoria maxiprocesso, pp. 324–25.

145. Testimony by Buscetta, pp. 1272–74. For the wiretap on Badalamenti’s phone conversation, see Sterling, Cosa non solo nostra, p. 96.

146. A use of which the general seems to have been well aware, as shown by passages from his diary, quoted in Istruttoria maxiprocesso, pp. 228–30. But see also the book by his son, N. Dalla Chiesa, Delitto imperfetto (Milan, 1984).

147. See the testimony by Terranova himself in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 3, t. I, p. 1188.

148. Interview-narrative with/by Falcone in Rapporto sulla mafia degli anni ’80 (Palermo, 1986), p. 27.

149. Falcone and Padovani, Cose di Cosa nostra, p. 157.

150. Interview with Cassarà a few days before his death; see Lodato, Dieci anni, p. 167.

151. Lodato, Dieci anni, p. 172.

152. Concerning which I refer the reader to Galluzzo, Nicastro, and Vasile, Obiettivo Falcone.

153. G. Pansa, Carte false (Milan, 1986); P. Arlacchi and N. Dalla Chiesa, La palude e la città: Si puo sconfiggere la Mafia (Milan, 1987), pp. 78ff.

154. Article published in CS, 26 January 1987, now in L. Sciascia, A futura memoria (Milan, 1989), p. 139.

155. C. Duggan, La mafia durante il fascismo (Soveria Manelli, 1986); the book review in CS, 10 January 1987, now in Sciascia, A futura memoria, pp. 123–30.

156. Of which there is ample evidence in the articles republished in the referenced A futura memoria; I would remind the reader that these were the years of the Tortora case and the “Calogero theorem.”

157. Introduction to Hess, Mafia.

158. AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 1, p. 872. But also see the analysis set forth by Di Lello in the interview given to V. Villa, “Magistratura e maxiprocesso,” in Area metropolitana, January 1986, p. 15.

159. Concerning Vitale, however, see not only Rizzo’s quoted notations, but also those by La Torre and Terranova in AntiMafia: Doc., vol. 1, pp. 716 and 873.

160. Di Lello, “Magistratura,” p. 13.

161. Istruttoria maxiprocesso, pp. 17ff.

162. It is significant that Blok (La mafia), even though he was working on the trial, passed over this defection (pentimento), evidently because it did not fit in with his rigid and schematic approach.

163. Testimony by Buscetta, Dibattimento (trial hearing), vol. 3, pp. 62–63; the objection is from the lawyer Fragalà.

164. Sciascia, Introduction, in L. Jannuzzi, Così parlò Buscetta (Milan, 1986), p. 9.

165. On this point, however, I refer the reader to the opinion of Chief Justice Giordano, according to whom the final verdict was not the product of deductive logic derived from the so-called Buscetta theorem (Lodato, Dieci anni, p. 221); and to Sciascia’s acknowledgment of the fairness of the verdict, in CS, 27 December 1987, and now in A futura memoria, pp. 147–49.

AAGGRR	Affari generali riservati (General affairs, Secret)
AC	Ministero degli Interni, Ammistrazione civile (Ministry of the Interior, Civil Administration)
ACS	Archivio centrale dello Stato (Central State Archives)
AntiMafia: Doc.	Antimafia, Documentazione allegata alla relazione conclusiva (AntiMafia, Documentation attached to the concluding report), ed. Commissione Parlamentare d’inchiesta sul fenomeno della mafia in Sicilia. Rome: Camera dei Deputati.
AntiMafia: Singoli mafiosi	Antimafia, Relazione sull’indagine riguardante singoli mafiosi (AntiMafia, Report on Investigations Concerning Individual Mafiosi), ed. Commissione Parlamentare d’inchiesta sul fenomeno della mafia in Sicilia. Rome: Camera dei Deputati.
APCD	Atti parlamentari della Camera dei deputati (Parliamentary Proceedings of the Chamber of Deputies)
ASAG	Archivio di Stato di Agrigento (IV) (State Archives of Agrigento)
ASCL	Archivio di Stato di Caltanissetta (State Archives of Caltanissetta)
ASPA	Archivio di Stato di Palermo (State Archives of Palermo)
ASSO	Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale
b.	busta (envelope)
BCI	Biblioteca Comunale di Imola (Municipal Library of Imola)
bis	second
CPC	Casellario politico centrale (IV) (Central Political records Office)
CR	Carteggio riservato (Private correspondence of the Secretariat of the Duce)
CS	Corriere della Sera
f.	fascicle
fondo	file or collection
GDS	Giornale di Sicilia
GP	Gabinetto Prefettura (Cabinet of the Prefecture)
GQ	Gabinetto Questura (Cabinet of the Police Administration)
MAP	Miscellanea affari penali (Miscellaneous, Penal affairs)
PG	Ministero degli Interni, Polizia Giudiziaria (Ministry of the Interior, Judicial Police)
PS	Ministero degli Interni, Direzione di pubblica sicurezza (Ministry of the Interior, Head Office of the Police)
QAG	Archivio generale Questura (Police Administration, General Archives)
t., tt.	tome, tomes (Note: There is a distinction in Italian between volume and tome. A volume can be made up of more than one tome.)
ter.	third