The exact date Katherine and William Hastings were married went unrecorded, but it was sometime before February 1462.1 Katherine’s second husband was a close friend of England’s new king, Edward IV, and the union would almost certainly have been arranged by her brother, Richard Neville, the Earl of Warwick, perhaps in collusion with the king himself. As the new king’s cousin, Warwick was popular with the people, and his support for Edward and his valiant actions in battle to place his cousin on the throne had earned him the name ‘the kingmaker’. England had a new young king, and the king had the support of one of the most respected men in England. What could possibly go wrong?
It is difficult to gauge Katherine’s personality from a modern perspective so it is impossible to know whether she yearned for a new husband. She was still so young, only just into her twenties, so the expectation would have been for her to marry again; perhaps she may even have welcomed the chance to start a new relationship. But she may also have been quite content living in Devon with her young daughter. Either way, she would have been informed at some point that she had been found a new husband, and that the husband that had been chosen for her was a Leicestershire gentleman named, like her first husband, William. It is quite probable that due to Katherine having spent the last few years in the far-off county of Devon, that the pair were strangers to each other at the time of their marriage.
William Hastings was born around 1430, making him around twelve years older than Katherine. He was the eldest son of Leonard Hastings and his wife Alice Camoys. Leonard and Alice also had three other sons and three daughters. By the time of William and Katherine’s marriage, Leonard had been dead some seven years, having died in October 1455. Alice survived her husband, but it is not known when she died so she may or may not have been there to welcome Katherine and Cecily upon their arrival in Leicestershire.2
Hastings’ connection and path to becoming a close friend and confidant of the new king began many years earlier through his connections to Edward’s father, Richard Duke of York. By 1455, when Hastings was twenty-five years old, he was standing as Sheriff of Burton Hastings in Warwickshire and Kirby Muxloe in Leicestershire. Following in the footsteps of his father, Leonard, William was also a retainer of the Duke of York.
Clearly the Duke of York and his family held Hastings in high esteem. In a Deed dated 23rd April 1456, the Duke addressed William as his ‘beloved servant’, granting him an annuity of £10, that he should serve him above all others, except the king (referring at that time of course to Henry VI).3 Hastings’ chance to seal his allegiance to the York family came during the troubled years of the 1460s. Uninvolved in earlier battles between the rival houses, in 1461 he assembled and equipped a force to fight on the Yorkist side. Raising an army of men was an expensive undertaking and this would certainly have challenged him financially. He and his group of men joined Edward on the battlefield at Mortimer’s Cross in February 1461 where they were part of the resounding victory against the Lancastrian army. With Edward’s kingship sealed the following month, after the battle of Towton, the new king was keen to reward those men who had helped him get there. In appreciation of his support to both Edward and his family, Hastings received a knighthood directly after the battle, one of only six gentlemen knighted on the field.4
Although they may have been acquaintances or even friends much earlier than this, from this moment on, William Hastings was to become one of Edward’s closest friends, confidant, and general right-hand man. After the battle, Edward and his supporters returned to London and on Sunday 28th June 1461 Edward received his formal coronation at Westminster Abbey. A month later, on 26th July 1461, Hastings was created Baron Hastings of Ashby-de-la-Zouch. The patent confirming his peerage illustrates how highly he was esteemed by Edward:
Calling to mind the honourable service, probity and valiant deeds of our dearly beloved knight William Hastynges, our chamberlain, we wish to raise him to the rank of baron and peer of our realm, as much for his martial exploits as for his good example and good counsel. We particularly single out how the said William with a large force of his servants, friends and well-wishers did at heavy and burdensome cost and manifold peril expose himself most courageously and shrewdly in our service in campaigns and battles against our arch-enemy the former pretended king of England, ‘Henry the Sixth’, with his accomplices and abettors, notably Jasper Pembroke and James Wiltshire, formerly earls, who together with other traitors and rebels waged war on us. From his early manhood he has never ceased to serve us…5
After much bloodshed on both sides, Edward had achieved what his father had set out to do and had removed the weak and troubled King Henry from the throne. He had been assisted by two men who would come to play a huge part in his life, Warwick and William Hastings – Cecily’s uncle and soon-tobe stepfather. What relationship there was between Warwick and Hastings early on is undocumented, but Warwick clearly thought highly enough of him to marry him to his younger sister. Their union would mean that it was now time for Katherine and Cecily to pack their bags and leave Shute; their destination would have been the Midlands, probably to Kirby Muxloe, William’s family home.
At the time of her mother’s second marriage, Cecily was still only a small child. With the resilience of childhood, it is likely she adjusted to this change of residence without too much issue. Arriving in Leicestershire, Katherine and Cecily would have been greeted by the sight of their new home, a charming stone-built manor house, constructed within a moat. The quadrangular-shaped building that Cecily and Katherine took up residence in, was, like Shute, a simple manor house. The property at Kirby had been owned by the Pakeman family during the fourteenth century and passed through inheritance to the Hastings family.6 Later during his career, William Hastings would go on to renovate several of his Leicestershire properties as his new status allowed; he received permission for these renovations in 1474, but work did not begin on Kirby until the early 1480s so it was in the old building that Cecily would have spent a good proportion of her early childhood.
Hastings’ closeness to the king quickly transformed him into a great magnate in the Midlands, and during his career he was gifted many more estates, often former Lancastrian properties. One of these land grants was at Ashby-de-la-Zouch. The last direct heir to the Zouche inheritance had died in 1399 and following several disputes over its ownership, Ashby was granted in 1462 to Lord Hastings as part of a larger grant of land in the Midlands. Hastings was acquiring immense power and wealth in the service of Edward IV which Cecily would benefit from. It is likely she visited and lived in many of these properties as she grew up.
Hastings’ growing importance also enabled him to build up his household into one fit for his new wife and stepdaughter and any future children that he and Katherine would have together. His own personal retinue was vast, and his servants would travel with him around the country, providing service as well as an escort of well over one hundred men wherever he went. This peripatetic household would have included a steward, treasurer, master of the horse, grooms, kitchen clerks, master of the wardrobe, master of hounds, a carver, cooks, chaplains, and minstrels. Katherine and Cecily would also have had a smaller household that remained with them in whichever property they were residing in.
Once settled in Leicestershire, Cecily and her mother would have probably spent a fair amount of time on their own, although they were of course already accustomed to living in a female-orientated household from their time at Shute after the death of the Bonville men. Hastings, proving himself an essential part of the new Yorkist court, would have been obliged to spend a lot of time away from his Leicestershire base. Early on in Edward’s reign, he was appointed Lord Chamberlain, a post that required an almost constant presence at court. The Lord Chamberlain was in effect the chief of the king’s chamber and the duties were varied and important. He would have taken responsibility for ordering the king’s meals, ensuring fires were lit, waking and dressing the king and running his baths – effectively he was in overall charge of running the king’s chambers. With this role also came the hugely important and influential responsibility of controlling who could gain access to the king. For his service, Edward rewarded Hastings handsomely. On St George’s day, 1462, he was invested as Knight of the Garter at Windsor. The Order of the Garter, created by Edward III, was of huge importance to Edward IV during his reign and it was a concept that he entirely believed in – a set of chivalrous knights, united in their friendship and loyalty. Inspired by the Legends of King Arthur, it originally consisted of 24 knights and was reserved as the highest award for loyalty and military prowess.
To be near to the court, Hastings rented a London home. The house was near Paul’s Wharf (in the parish of St Benets’) which he leased in June 1463 from the Austin Canons of St Bartholomew.7 The building was narrow but large enough for a gentleman of the court. It boasted two solars – private chambers of the Lord and Lady of the house – which were often situated on the upper floor. Here Hastings, and Katherine, if she were in London, perhaps for special occasions when her presence was required, could retire away from the hustle and bustle of the rest of the house. His London residence was within walking distance of the tower and conveniently located by the river Thames, so perfect for a gentleman often required at court.
In 1463, just over a year after their move to Leicestershire, the Neville family came together to honour their father, in a celebration which Katherine and Hastings attended together. The Earl of Salisbury had been hastily buried after his execution in 1460, and this was a chance for the family to give him a proper reburial, pay him their respects and celebrate the man he was. His wife, Countess Alice, who had died in 1461, had been buried at Bisham Priory and in 1463, the family brought her husband’s body to join her there. The ceremony was followed by a great banquet at Cawood Castle. Cecily, only three or four years of age at this time, may have been considered too young to attend this reburial of her grandfather, but may have travelled with her mother and remained in the care of her nurse. Katherine and Hastings were joined in the commemorations by her brother, Warwick and her other siblings. Warwick took on the role of chief mourner.
Salisbury’s cortege was escorted to the priory on Monday 14th February, where his body was received by another Neville son, Bishop George Neville. His hearse, draped in black, was carried into the choir and placed near the Countess’s white covered catafalque, which was attended by the Neville women and many other gentlewomen. King Edward did not attend but he was represented by his brother George, Duke of Clarence and his sister, the Duchess of Suffolk, Salisbury’s nephew and niece. The following morning, Tuesday 15th February, the mourners attended mass. After this, Warwick was formerly presented with his father’s coat of arms, shield, sword helmet and crest. Hastings also took part in these formalities, presenting Warwick with the sword.8 For Katherine and her family this must have been an occasion full of mixed emotions, mourning their father but finally being able to give him the burial they felt he deserved.
In September of the same year, Hastings and Katherine attended another Neville family celebration together, when her brother George was enthroned as Archbishop of York. The ceremony was held in York Minster, and like most medieval merriments was also followed by a great feast. A guest list of over two thousand people were served an enormous menu of oxen, sheep, pigs, deer, pike, partridges, chickens and pigeons as well as fare less familiar to us today such as swans, curlews, herons, peacocks, porpoises and seals. There were sweet dishes too in the shape of jellies, tarts and custards and the attendees also consumed three hundred tuns of ale and one hundred tun of wine. Warwick acted as steward and Hastings took the position of controller. Once again, Cecily may have been considered too young to attend. Due to the huge number of guests, several rooms were needed to accommodate all the diners, with the principal guests eating in the great hall, and in three other chambers, with the less important guests seated in the lower hall and gallery. Katherine was placed at the first table in the second chamber.9
With a new king on the throne, who was young, strong, and capable – an almost polar opposite of the Lancastrian Henry VI – the people of England could now hope for more peaceful and stable times ahead. For the first few years of his reign Edward concentrated on establishing himself firmly on the throne with the support of his family and friends. He was already proving himself a hugely popular king with a common touch. According to Thomas More ‘he was a godly personage, and very princely to behold; of heart courageous, politic in counsel; in adversity nothing abashed, in prosperity rather joyful than proud; in peace just and merciful, in war sharp and fierce; in the field bold and hardy, and nevertheless no farther than wisdom would adventurous’.10
But a successful king needed a son and heir and it soon became time for the popular king to take a wife, a queen whose role it would be to provide sons to carry on the York dynasty. Having played an integral part in Edward’s journey to the throne, Warwick’s advice was that to secure his place there, a foreign bride would be in his best interests, bringing with her a substantial dowry and an alliance with a foreign power. To this end, Warwick was looking to France and had begun discussions for the hand of Bona of Savoy, sister of the French Queen. But in 1464 Edward made a secret marriage, to an English woman and widow named Elizabeth Woodville. Legend tells us that the wedding took place near Elizabeth’s family home in Grafton Regis, on 1st May 1464, with only her mother in attendance. The marriage was kept secret for several months, until September 1464 when Edward decided to reveal the news at a meeting of the council in Reading. Warwick, seemingly unaware of this secret betrothal, was furious.
Clearly Warwick had been excluded from Edward’s decision regarding his choice of bride, but it is highly probable that William Hastings was taken into Edward’s confidence. Writers of historical fiction often have Hastings caught up in his master’s plans, aiding his liaison with Elizabeth by accompanying him on ‘hunting trips’, when in truth he was making secret visits to Elizabeth’s home. Although fiction, this may not be that far from what actually happened. For security reasons it would not be easy for a king to disappear off in secret without someone knowing his whereabouts, and it is highly likely that it was Hastings that assisted Edward in these clandestine meetings. Hastings himself had a connection to Elizabeth Woodville as they had once been neighbours. Her first husband was Sir John Grey of Groby, and after her marriage Elizabeth had lived for a short while with her husband at Groby Hall, just a few miles away from Kirby Muxloe. Although the romantic story of Edward and Elizabeth’s first meeting tells of Elizabeth waiting for the passing king by an oak tree, her two young sons by her side, to request the king’s help with her sons’ inheritance, it is not beyond the realms of possibility that it may even have been Hastings that introduced the king to his future wife.
Part of the shock of Edward’s choice of new bride was the fact that Elizabeth Woodville was a widow. After the death of her first husband, who had been killed in the second battle of St Albans fighting on the Lancastrian side, Elizabeth had fallen into difficulties. From her marriage to Sir John Grey, she had borne two sons – Thomas and Richard Grey – who would have been around the ages of six and three when their father died. Elizabeth’s mother-in-law, Lady Ferrers, had refused to part with what Elizabeth considered was her sons’ rightful inheritance. Relations had soured to such a degree that Elizabeth had left her marital home and returned to her home at Grafton Regis. Exactly why she turned to Hastings for help is unknown, but if they knew each other as neighbours, he may have been the most powerful person she knew at the time who she felt could and would give her assistance. As it turned out, Hastings did agree to help, but it came at a price. Elizabeth had to agree to a future marriage between her son Thomas and any daughter of Hastings that was born or, if he did not father any daughters, one of his nieces. Furthermore, until Thomas was twelve years old, Hastings would have a share in any monies they could get from Lady Ferrers.11 Elizabeth agreed and an indenture was drawn up for a marriage between Thomas Grey and any daughter born to Hastings or his brother Ralph in the next five years.
Eight months after the revelation of her marriage, Elizabeth Woodville was crowned queen. Already the mother of two sons, she had proven her fertility and the king and queen’s first child together, a daughter whom they named Elizabeth, was born in 1466. Thomas and Richard Grey lived with their mother at court, and by the end of the 1460s had been joined by two more half-siblings – Mary and Cecily.
All seemed to be going well for the new royal family, but underneath the surface, trouble was brewing. Warwick had not forgiven Edward for going behind his back and it was his secret marriage to Elizabeth that many believe to have been the catalyst in the deterioration of their relationship. The Earl had created a king, but soon found he had no control over him.
As the 1460s progressed, the Earl of Warwick took against his former protégé and began ‘kingmaking’ once more. This time he set his sights on one of Edward’s brothers – George Duke of Clarence. George was the middle brother and although seemingly handsome and charismatic, he was also selfish and indulged. Whereas their younger brother, Richard Duke of Gloucester, was as loyal to his brother as they came, George had begun to resent Edward’s power. Easily led, he was quick to fall under Warwick’s influence, causing a rift to form between the two brothers. In 1467, Warwick had broached the idea of a marriage between George and his eldest daughter, Isabel Neville. Perhaps sensing trouble even at this stage, Edward flatly refused to even consider the notion. But in July 1469, in direct defiance of Edward’s ruling, George and Isabel travelled to Calais and were married, in a small but hugely significant ceremony.
Having gone directly against the king’s wishes it was now clear that Warwick and Clarence, alongside Archbishop George Neville, were willing to openly rebel. They wrote to the king accusing members of the queen’s family as well as others around the king of allowing the realm to ‘fall in great poverty of misery … Only intending to their own promotion and enriching’.12 As Clarence and Warwick returned from France, the peace that the country had enjoyed for the last few years looked to be in a fragile state.
This unpredicted turn of events must have been of some concern for Katherine Neville. Once united behind the king, she now had her brother and husband on opposing sides of a growing conflict. Hastings and Katherine by this time also had an expanding family; Cecily had been joined by a stepbrother, Edward, (most likely named after the king) who was born at Kirby Muxloe in 1465, and a further two brothers followed in the next few years, William and Richard, although their exact birth dates are unknown.13 In 1469, Cecily would have been nine years old and able to pick up on the tension that her mother must have been feeling, if not completely understand it. As was the lot of many women during the Wars of the Roses, Katherine found herself in an impossible situation. On the one hand she had to remain loyal to her husband, whose own loyalty to his king and friend never wavered. Then on the other hand she had two of her elder brothers, Warwick and Archbishop George, now openly taking a stance against the king.
Back in England, Warwick then took what would turn out to be a doomed attempt at taking Edward prisoner. Capturing the king at Olney, near Buckingham, he took him to his home at Warwick Castle where the king remained for several weeks. Without their king, the country descended into chaos and unable to raise support for his plans to place Clarence on the throne, he embarrassingly had to let Edward go. Edward returned to London at the end of 1469 and in perhaps a naïve and foolish move, he forgave his wayward brother and cousin. But the game was not over and in March 1470 the men chose to openly rebel again. Warwick travelled to France, where he met with Henry VI’s queen, Margaret of Anjou. Once bitter enemies, the pair reached an agreement that he would help restore her husband to the throne, on the condition that she agreed to a marriage between her son Edward and Warwick’s youngest daughter Anne Neville. This new deal bypassed Clarence and Isabel but ensured that his second daughter would become the next queen of England. Margaret and Prince Edward had fled to France many months before where they had remained in exile, whilst old king Henry VI had been captured early on in Edward’s reign and was locked up in the tower. Warwick then began preparations to sail to England with an army of men, ready to overthrow the man he had helped become king.
In the meantime, Clarence was becoming disillusioned as it became clear to him that his importance in these schemes was now waning. He was also under pressure from his family to remain loyal, particularly from his two sisters: Margaret in Burgundy and Anne back in England. Whilst still appearing to support Warwick on the surface, the Duke was ‘quietly reconciled to the king by the mediation of [their] sisters, the Duchesses of Burgundy and Exeter’. The former, from outside the kingdom, had been encouraging the king, and the latter, from within, the Duke, to make peace.14
When Warwick landed back on England’s shores, Edward was in the north of the country. Caught unawares, he found himself trapped and surrounded by rebels and unable to do anything about Warwick’s army marching up from the south. The king found himself with little choice than to flee abroad himself accompanied by a small band of his most loyal men, which included his youngest brother, Richard, Duke of Gloucester and William Hastings. The group made a hasty but vital departure from England’s shores in a small ship. Before they left Hastings instructed all who remained behind to make peace with Warwick for their own safety but stay loyal to Edward.15
The speed at which Edward’s first reign was bought to an end was fast and unforeseen. Warwick arrived in London, freed Henry from the tower and for the next six months, the House of Lancaster was back in charge of the country. In a period known as the re-adaption of Henry VI, with Edward out of England, Warwick now had another chance to take the Crown under his control. Queen Elizabeth, on hearing the news and heavily pregnant, had fled into the confines of sanctuary at Westminster Abbey, taking her mother and three young daughters with her.
For the next six months, Edward, Hastings, Gloucester and their small band of supporters remained in exile. During this time, Hastings loyalty to Edward never wavered, even though he was married to the Earl of Warwick’s sister. Katherine and Cecily along with her younger siblings, were left to fend for themselves in Leicestershire, undoubtedly confused and worried. Certainly, Katherine would not have felt in any danger. Her brother, Warwick, was unlikely to do her any harm, but it must still have been a stressful time, particularly if she had become close to her husband during their marriage. She must have been hugely concerned as to whether she would see him again and what would happen to him at her brother’s hands if/when he did return to England. Whether Katherine had any contact with either her husband or her brother at all during these six months is unknown. It is tempting to imagine letters being sent back and forth between husband and wife, ensuring each other of their safety. Or of a distressed Katherine writing to her elder brother, demanding to know what he thought he was doing.
The exiled men were not idle during their time abroad; much of it was spent raising money and support to return. This they were able to do and six months later they sailed again for England, with Edward determined to win back his throne. Landing in the north of England, several cities not wanting trouble refused to admit him. Without an army, Edward knew he was not yet a match for his enemies and so declared himself loyal to Henry VI, and claimed he was only back in England to reclaim the York title that was rightfully his after the death of his father and brother. He began a slow march down the country, collecting men in support along the way. Hastings, meanwhile, had ridden ahead to his homelands in the Midlands and by the time Edward had reached Leicester, Hastings had gathered an army of over three thousand ‘stirred by his [Hastings] messages sent unto them, and by his servants, friends and lovers, such as were in the country’.16 We can only imagine the reunion that would have taken place when he returned to his home, his wife rejoicing in his safe return. For the twelve-year-old Cecily, Hastings was the only father she had known, so she too must also have felt relief at seeing him back safely.
Arriving back in London with an army of supporters, Edward had bypassed Warwick on his way down the country. London admitted him without question and he immediately took Henry VI back into custody before heading to Westminster sanctuary for a joyful reunion with the queen, who had given birth to a son during her time in sanctuary, naming him after his absent father. Edward now had an heir and was ready to ensure he and his family were secure on the throne once and for all.
To do this, he needed to be rid of his one-time most ardent supporter, the Earl of Warwick. A few days after arriving in London, Edward headed with his army to Barnet, ten miles outside the city where, on Easter Sunday, the two opposing armies clashed in battle. This time Hastings had a commanding role – he was on the left flank, Edward took the centre and Richard, Duke of Gloucester the right. The result was a resounding victory for the Yorkists, and in what must have been a bittersweet victory for the king, the Earl of Warwick was killed on the battlefield. Once again Katherine was to receive news of the death of one of her family members. But before Edward could finally rest safe on his throne, he had one more major battle to fight, against the Lancastrian Queen Margaret, who had landed back on the shores of England the very same day that the Battle of Barnet had been raging. With her son, Edward, by her side she was determined to defeat the Yorkist army and restore her husband, Henry VI, back to the throne of England. Upon hearing the news of her arrival, the king hurriedly raised another army and headed west from London, meeting up with the Lancastrian army at Tewkesbury where on 4th May 1471, Edward, with Hastings and Gloucester once again by his side, finally secured his throne, crushing the Lancastrians, and capturing Margaret who was brought back to London defeated and broken at the death of her son, who had been killed in the fighting. She would remain in captivity for the next four years. Shortly after, Henry VI was found dead in his rooms in the tower. It was declared he had died of natural causes, but he was most likely murdered – he was too dangerous to be kept alive, a permanent magnet for any remaining Lancastrian supporters.
The sad news of her brother’s death would have filtered back to Katherine in Leicestershire. That sadness may also have been tinged with a relief that the troubles of the past few years may now finally be over and that her husband was safe and well. Throughout Hastings’ prolonged absence in exile, Katherine and Cecily likely remained at Kirby or another of their Leicestershire properties, where life would have continued much as before, albeit with news of events arriving as and when it could. From this distance of time, we can never know whether Katherine’s allegiances during these years lay with her brother or her husband. Most likely she would have felt herself torn between the two. But the death of her brother ensured peace would return to England and like all other women who lost relatives during these wars, she would have had to look forward and move on with her life.
Since moving to Leicestershire with Katherine at the age of two, Cecily would have been growing up in a similar vein to many young women in those times. Along with Edward, William, and Richard, Cecily was later joined by a further stepbrother, George, and two stepsisters Anne and Elizabeth, perhaps illustrating that there was a fondness or even a love between William and Katherine.17 Cecily’s early life would have revolved around the home, and she would have been fairly sheltered from external events. For young children, weaning would have been done any time between birth and the age of three and the young Cecily would have had been introduced to a week beer or ale when she was only a couple of years old. Children would also regularly drink milk, which could also be mixed with grain or flour or bread to make a gruel or porridge. Infancy ended at the age of seven, after which a child could be married or charged with a crime. From this age, boys and some girls would also have begun receiving an education. Time ruled daily life, particularly for the poor, who would get up in the light and go to bed before dark. For wealthier families who could afford candles, the setting of the sun did not affect their lives as greatly. Lives were also governed by the cyclical rotation of the year, with Saints days and festivals celebrating the turning of the seasons. Diet was also regulated to a certain extent, with the eating of meat forbidden on Fridays and around certain festivals.
Young girls like Cecily would learn much of what they needed to know from their mothers, watching and helping them with chores, such as drawing water and sweeping floors, and learning how to run a household. From the age of seven years onwards, they would learn additional tasks, such as cooking or laundry. Girls from all classes would learn sewing, spinning and weaving. Cecily may have also been taught to read by her mother, or by a tutor. In poorer households, older children would be sent out to work and as a member of a richer household, Cecily would likely have been used to young children acting as servants or pages in their house. Girls from more affluent families would work at home until they married and took charge of their own household.18 All she learnt from her mother during these early years, would stand her in good stead when she grew up and had to manage her inherited estates and raise her own family.
Like the rest of her siblings, Cecily would have become accustomed to her stepfather’s absence and perhaps she and her younger brothers and sisters would have waited in anticipation when they knew he was due home, excitedly listening for the sound of hooves heralding his return. As well as his extended exile abroad, from the 1470s onwards, his absence from home may have been for even longer periods of time, for as well as his court duties, he now had to spend time in France.
Hastings had well and truly proved his loyalty to his king throughout the six long months abroad and in the ensuing battles upon their return at Barnet and Tewkesbury and for that loyalty, he was once again handsomely rewarded. As well as being made constable of Nottingham castle, he was also awarded the position of Lieutenant of Calais – his official title being ‘Guard-General, Superintendent, Governor, and Lieutenant of the king at Calais at the castle and town’. This was a hugely important post. Whoever held the role of Lieutenant (or Captain) of Calais was in effect the king’s deputy. He ruled over all inhabitants and visitors to the town and was required to maintain law and order in the garrison and keep the town and its residents safe. A deputy was also in post who would resume command in the absence of the Lieutenant. This new position would have kept him away from Katherine and the children for lengthy periods of time and for the next few years he would have to become accustomed to spending considerable amounts of time on horseback or aboard a ship as he journeyed between Leicestershire, the court and the continent.
Since Henry VI had lost all the remaining French lands that his father had won back, the pale of Calais was now the last English outpost in France. Calais was the medieval equivalent of English Gibraltar as it is today, an English outpost situated on the tip of the Spanish mainland. Hastings already owned property there as in1465 he had received an inn called Nettelbedd with two tenements in St Nicholas as a gift from his uncle Lord Camoys.20 Therefore, arriving in Calais in his role of Lieutenant, he may already have been familiar with the town.
What Hastings was like as a stepfather, or even as a husband we can only guess at. Were Katherine and Cecily happy to have him home on the occasions he could return to them or did they fare just as well in his absence? Hastings certainly had a reputation as a notorious philanderer, as did his king, and he had plenty of opportunity spending so much time away. But he also had the reputation of being an honourable and likeable man. Described by Thomas More as ‘[an] honourable man, a good knight and a gentle, of good authority with his prince’. More tells us he possessed ‘a good heart and courage … a loving man and passing well beloved; very faithful, and trusty enough, trusting too much’. If he was genuinely as kind and loving to his family as he was to his king, then he most likely proved himself a good stepfather to Cecily.
That their relationship was a close one is perhaps illustrated by the fact that when Cecily was around thirteen years of age, she went to visit her stepfather in Calais, in what must have been an exciting trip for the young teenager. This occasion, which took place around April 1473, was reported in a letter from John Paston who wrote from Dover on 16th April 1473 that Hastings had sent for his stepdaughter along with a daughter of Sir Thomas Hungerford and his young neighbour from the Midlands, Lord Zouche, describing them as three great jewels. John Paston pre-empted that the trip would be enjoyable to them, reporting that ‘Calais is a merry town’.21
Item, my Lorde Chamberleyn sendyth now at thys tyme to Caleys the yonge Lorde Sowche and Sir Thomas Hongreffords dowtre and heyr and some seye the yonge Lady Haryngton, thes be iij. grett jowelles, Caleys is a mery town, they shall dwell ther I wott not whylghe [how long].
How long they did remain went unrecorded, but it must have been with huge excitement and trepidation that Cecily waited on the English coast, ready to board the ship for France. This was very possibly her first trip abroad. The ‘merry town’ of Calais was filled with merchants and soldiers as these were the main trades of the town – the garrison served to protect the merchants of the town. The pale of Calais, which covered an area of roughly twenty square miles, was divided into the high country on the west and the low country on the east. The higher parts were comprised of tiny villages nestling in small valleys whilst the lower parts consisted of marshier ground, necessitating the upkeep of ditches and banks. In the main town there were several churches as well as the Staple Hall and the Town Hall, the Castle and the main Square of St Nicholas. Criss-crossing their way across the town was no less than forty-one streets, with recognisably English names such as Cow Lane, Rigging Street and Duke Street.22
Back home in England, Hastings was further rewarded for his service and loyalty in April 1474, when King Edward granted him licence to make improvements to some of his properties, which included permission to crenellate. Crenellating the house meant the owner had permission to add battlements. As this then fortified the property, permission had to be sought first from the Crown. At the same time, he also received a licence to enclose off land around his properties for hunting. At Ashby, he turned 3000 acres of land and wood into parkland, 2000 more at Kirby and another 2000 acres at two other properties he owned in Bagwell and Thornton. He was also given permission to erect fortified houses of lime and stone in these manors. Up until then, Kirby Muxloe had always been their primary residence, but from the mid-1470s, it seems that Hastings’ plans perhaps involved turning the manor at Ashby into the family’s main home. The first reference to work there is in the manorial roll for 1472–3, which refers to ‘diverse great works within the manor and the wages of carpenters, tillers, masons, plumbers and other artificers and their servants’ and reveals that work was begun before he received his licence to crenellate.23
The castle at Ashby was on the south side of the town, on elevated ground and surrounded by three great parks: Great Park which was the largest, Preston Park which was brimming with fallow deer and Little Park to the rear of the house full of red deer. The original property Hastings had received at Ashby had once been a Norman manor house, likely constructed of timber. This had been replaced by previous owners by a more substantial stone building sometime in the latter half of the twelfth century. By the mid-fourteenth century the main building was described as ‘a capital messuage worth nothing’ and containing a ‘ruinouse old hall’.24 When Hastings took ownership of the property, it already featured two towers, built of Ashler stone, on the south and south west side. His ambitious plans involved constructing two more so that the end result would have been four great towers set around a perimeter wall. Work began on the existing manor house and Hastings had it extensively remodelled and expanded with a new chapel. The greater of the two existing towers was almost an entire house in itself consisting of large hall, great chambers, bed chambers, a kitchen, a cellar, and numerous other offices. The other tower, known as the kitchen tower, contained an entire kitchen which was one of the largest of its kind. Above this huge kitchen were many more fine rooms.25 If completed, the castle would have been magnificent. As it was, by the time of his death only half of his plans had come to fruition. In years to come the castle at Ashby would find fame for being the temporary prison of Mary Queen of Scots. Hastings’ grand house at Ashby is now in ruins, today in the care of English Heritage, but visitors can still get a sense of the grandeur of the building.
Although Ashby was likely intended to become his primary residence, Hastings did not forget Kirby, although as mentioned previously, work did not begin there until the early 1480s when he was at the pinnacle of his career; his massive wealth by that time is reflected in the building works. His plans at Kirby were for a modern residence, centred around a courtyard and surrounded by a wide moat. The buildings were constructed from the local red brick, with stone used for details such as windows and doors – a combination that in those times was the height of fashion. The castle was to be oblong shaped with angle towers, an enormous gatehouse and ranges of buildings set round an inner courtyard. Four masons were hired to create ‘pictures in the walls’ using darker bricks; in the gatehouse these included the initials WH, the sleeve from Hastings’s coat of arms, a ship and a jug.
When Hastings died in mid-1483, work was in progress at Kirby and the bricklayers, masons and carpenters all stopped work immediately. They resumed construction later in the year but on a much smaller scale and by September 1484 work had stopped completely, with much of the castle remaining unfinished. Once again today the ruins at Kirby are under the care of English Heritage and the gatehouse and one of the corner towers survive within the moated site, offering a glimpse of what Hastings had intended to be one of the most advanced and fashionable manor houses of its time.
The year after Cecily’s visit to Calais, her family began planning for her marriage. Her intended husband was none other than Thomas Grey, son of Queen Elizabeth. After Elizabeth became queen, her agreement with Hastings was broken off and instead a marriage had been arranged between Thomas and Anne Holland, the daughter of Anne of York, Edward IV’s sister. The marriage between Thomas and Anne took place in Greenwich in 1466 when Anne was around five years old and Thomas aged around twelve.
Cecily had also initially been promised to someone else – her cousin, George Neville, son of the Marquis of Montagu, who in a curious set of circumstances had been previously betrothed to Thomas’ new bride, Anne Holland. Cecily’s match with George had never been finalised and when Anne Holland died in 1474, a match was proposed between Thomas and Cecily. Queen Elizabeth agreed to pay Hastings 2500 marks for the marriage and an agreement was reached that the queen would receive income from all of Cecily’s estates until she reached sixteen years of age and controversially that if the couple were childless upon Thomas’ death, her inheritance would go to Richard Grey (Thomas’ brother) and not any of Cecily’s heirs that she may have had from a second marriage. What Cecily would have thought about this we can only imagine, but nevertheless she would have had no choice in the matter. Presumably if she dwelt on it at all, she would have had to put it to the back of her mind and look forward to the next stage of her life, as a married woman and daughter-in-law of the Queen of England. It was now time for a new chapter in Cecily’s life, as a wife, mother and Marchioness.