One of the major dates in the history of the first World Flight was 6 November 1923. On that date, General Patrick formally and confidently requested authority from the War Department to send a flight of four Army Air Service airplanes around the world in the spring and summer of 1924. “This matter has been under consideration for several months,” he wrote, “and sufficient data is now available to indicate the entire feasibility of such a project and to allow an estimate of the cost to be made.”
The purposes of the flight were to “gain for the Air Service added experience in long-distance flying, and particularly in the supply problems connected therewith, to complete an airplane flight around the world in the shortest practicable time, to demonstrate the feasibility of establishing an airway around the globe, and incidentally to secure for the United States, the birthplace of aeronautics, the honor of being the first country to encircle the world entirely by air travel.”
In further rationalization for the flight, the letter added, “the Air Service has endeavored during the last few years to foster the development of aviation in spite of the limited funds available, and though we still lag behind the world powers in the size of our air force and in the commercial use of aircraft, the Army Air Service has brought to this country many aeronautical records of importance and has done much to place America in the lead in airplane performance and development. The successful completion of the proposed flight will further stimulate interest in commercial aviation and will likewise demonstrate the importance of aircraft in national defense. Several unsuccessful attempts have been made by foreign countries to make such a flight. This feat can now be accomplished by the Army Air Service, though heretofore it has scarcely been practicable, because in spite of their other achievements, the aircraft industry had, until recently, failed to develop an all-American airplane believed to be suitable for such a flight.”1
The flight was approved by the Army Chief of Staff and the Secretary of War. When it was announced to the public, there were critics who held strong reservations about the success of such an undertaking. The airplanes selected for this endurance flight were open-cockpit biplanes untested in the weather extremes expected. They were constructed of wood, fabric, and wire and the engines were surplus World War I Liberties that rarely could be run for more than fifty to seventy-five hours before failure or needing replacement. There were only three cockpit instruments for navigation in addition to the compass: altimeter, bank-and-turn indicator, and airspeed indicator. The gist of the argument against the flight was that the United States would be risking its national reputation on a hazardous undertaking.
To counter these criticisms, an announcement was handed out to the press that rationalized the attempt and explained the route of flight, the selection of personnel, and the training they had undergone. To alleviate concerns that there might not be sufficient information for the crews to make such a flight, it was stated that “the officers and men making this flight will be provided with accurate charts and maps which will eliminate largely the element of uncertainty, but, undoubtedly, these men will encounter many of the trials of the early explorers.… While the round-the-world flight appears to be a stupendous undertaking, from the data that have been compiled the Army Air Service is confident that it will bring to a successful conclusion the greatest aviation achievement yet attempted.”2
A major conference of the World Flight planners was held at the Air Service Engineering Division at McCook Field, Ohio, on 10 November 1923. Enough information had been received from the state department and the pathfinding officers to allow more definitive decisions regarding the westbound route. The flight would pass through at least twenty-two countries and the cost, excluding the aircraft, was estimated at $127,832.71. This amount would include per diem and transportation for the advance officers, gasoline, oil, landing-field preparation, and an allowance for contingent expenses. The four planes and the necessary spares such as wings, pontoons, wheels, propellers, struts, and crating for overseas shipment, plus a fund for unexpected maintenance, were estimated at $230,000.
It had been planned at first there would have be a radio installed in at least one plane, although it was recognized that this would increase the weight, require generators and batteries with increased capacity, and a skillful operator. The radios of that day had a range of only about 150 miles under favorable conditions. This was deemed inadequate for the distances from the receiving stations anticipated on the flight. The difficult decision was made that none of the planes would have radio receivers or transmitters.
There was a question about photography for historic and publicity purposes. A fifth aircraft was suggested for this purpose but was quickly rejected. A follow-up question was whether cameras should be taken by each crew to record the flight’s progress. Again, weight was the deciding factor. In those days the official World War I Army Graflex aerial cameras, film packs, and accessories were too heavy so only small hand-held cameras would be used.
The Pacific and Atlantic crossings presented the greatest logistic difficulties. Long over-water flights were not considered practical with the equipment then available and preparation of landing sites over the entire route could not be undertaken because of the expense and the time available for the work. It was therefore decided that the portion of the flight from Seattle to Calcutta would be flown in aircraft equipped with pontoons, as would that portion of the flight from Brough near Hull, England, to the United States. The rest of the flight would be flown as land planes with wheels.
The route would be divided into six divisions and officers assigned to each were to oversee the establishment of depots and subdepots at major stops for stocking gas and supplies and routine maintenance. A seventh division was added later and each advance officer assigned was to make the necessary arrangements for refueling, quarters, meals, security, public relations, and maintenance when stops at cities across the country were decided after the flight’s return to the United States.
The advance officers assigned and their divisions were:
| First Division | Lt. Clayton L. Bissell (Seattle to Attu) |
| Second Division | Lt. Clifford C. Nutt (Kashiwabara, Japan, to Kagoshima) |
| Third Division | Lt. Malcolm S. Lawton (Shanghai, China, to Calcutta, India) |
| Fourth Division | Lt. Harry A. Halverson (Calcutta, India, to Constantinople, Turkey) |
| Fifth Division | Maj. Carlyle H. Wash (Constantinople, Turkey, to London, England) |
| Sixth Division | Lt. Clarence E. Crumrine and Lt. LeClair D. Schulze (Brough, England, to Icy Tickle, Labrador) |
A seventh division would be organized for the flight across the United States if it appeared that at least one of the planes would be successful in reaching Labrador.
Each of these officers, all pilots, was charged with making all local arrangements necessary to ensure quick passage of the flight through his division. They were to remain in their respective areas after the flight passed to settle all bills and arrange for the return of government equipment and supplies to the United States.
Letters of introduction from influential Americans and representatives of American companies doing business in countries along the route were furnished to the advance officers and members of the flight. Eighteen supply and repair depots were designated along the route. At seven of these, major overhauls could be given; at the others, minor repairs could be made. The distribution of engines to the depots was made on the basis of replacing each engine on an aircraft after sixty hours of flight.
Spare parts would be packed in boxes made from spruce, ash, and plywood that could be used to make structural parts when needed. Gasoline would be procured from the Vacuum Oil Company (Mobil Oil) in five-gallon cans. The cans had to be lifted by hand from the ground or bobbing boats and the gasoline strained through a chamois skin before being poured into the tanks. This proved to be a back-breaking job and often required hours of effort.
Engines for the World Cruisers were selected from government stocks and, after overhaul, sent to the Douglas plant and the designated depots along the flight route. Two types of propellers were made at McCook: oak for use with pontoons, walnut when the planes were on wheels.
It was recommended by the group that the crew members selected should be sent to McCook Field for an intensified course of instruction involving the use of the earth inductor compass and the sextant and as much transition time as possible in the prototype aircraft. Maj. William R. Blair, an Army Signal Corps meteorology officer, would be assigned to study the weather in all the areas to be flown and provide instruction on weather reporting. Bradley Jones, a civilian employee and an outstanding navigator, would prepare a course on aerial navigation. Following these courses, the crews would be sent to Langley Field, Virginia, for navigation practice and operation of the aircraft on pontoons.3 It was decided later, however, that all ground instruction for the crews would be given at Langley.
Approval of the plan was granted by Secretary of War John W. Weeks on 16 November 1923 and formally relayed to the Air Service by the Army Adjutant General on 3 December 1923.
Secretary of the Navy Edwin Denby heard about the Air Service plans and graciously offered the U.S. Navy’s help to Secretary of War Weeks if it “does not involve too large operations or too much expense on our part.… You will understand of course that I do not mean I think for a moment of copartnership or reflected glory. I merely want to be of use to you if possible.”4
Weeks responded and noted that the U.S. Navy had already rendered valuable help and advice during the initial planning and that he would probably call for assistance from naval vessels during the Pacific and Atlantic crossings. He said that the Atlantic portion of the route “is particularly hazardous because of weather conditions, long flights over water, and flights over uninhabited areas. In view of the fact that facilities for communication in this region do not exist, it may be necessary to call upon you for assistance in those waters.”5
The next requirement was to choose the personnel for the flight. Word had been passed to Air Service units that application letters would be accepted through channels from pilots and mechanics. The general feeling was that those pilots who had already participated in record-making flights stood little chance of being selected. Commanders of Air Service bases in the United States were asked to forward to General Patrick for consideration their nominees from among the volunteers. One hundred and ten flying officers applied: fourteen majors, two captains, and the rest lieutenants. The total was whittled to fifty, then twenty-five, then fifteen. After carefully reviewing their service and flying records and recommendations from their superiors, General Patrick chose five lieutenants, three to pilot the World Cruisers and two alternate pilots in case one of the others fell ill. He felt that, in addition, an experienced pilot of higher rank should command the flight and chose Maj. Frederick L. Martin. The lieutenants selected were Lts. Lowell H. Smith, Leigh Wade, and Erik H. Nelson. The two alternate pilots were Lts. Leslie P. Arnold and LeClaire D. Schulze. The mechanics for the flight would be chosen by each pilot from among eight who had been nominated after observing their work on the prototype plane at Langley Field.
Martin, 41, was a 1908 graduate of Purdue University with a bachelor’s degree in mechanical engineering. He received a regular commission as a second lieutenant in the Coast Artillery that year and served in Washington, D.C., and in France with the Army of Occupation, American Expeditionary Forces (AEF), before transferring to the Army Air Service in 1920. He entered flying training, completed advanced training as a bombardment pilot, and received his wings at Kelly Field, San Antonio, on 4 August 1921. He became commanding officer of the Air Service Technical School at Chanute Field, Illinois, in 1922. He had approximately 700 hours flying time, of which about 300 hours were flying cross-country. He also was the only married officer in the group.
First Lt. Lowell H. Smith, 32, learned to fly in Mexico in 1915 while maintaining Pancho Villa’s fleet of five aircraft. He enlisted as a private in the Aviation Section of the Signal Corps in April 1917 and completed flying training the following October at Rockwell Field, San Diego, where he was retained as a flying instructor. Smith, described as “sensitive and quiet, quick to think, but slow to speak” was commissioned a first lieutenant, then a temporary captain, and received heavy bombardment training in England during 1918 but did not get into combat. He decided to remain in uniform after the war and was given the permanent rank of first lieutenant; he was assigned to Rockwell Field as an engineering officer and later pioneered basic techniques for fighting forest fires with aircraft in the Pacific Northwest for four years. This experience gave him valuable seasoning in cross-country flying. He earned the Mackay Trophy for his part in the 1919 Transcontinental Reliability and Endurance Contest from San Francisco to New York and return in fifty-four hours. He finished third flying one of the U.S. Army’s planes in the Liberty Engine Builders’ Race at St. Louis in 1923.
In June 1923 Smith and Lt. John P. Richter conceived the idea of refueling an airplane in midair. They made the world’s first complete pipeline refueling between two aircraft in flight. The following August the duo set an endurance record of more than thirty-seven hours with aerial refueling and established sixteen world records for distance, speed, and duration. The two gained more fame on a nonstop, twelve-hour “dawn-to-dusk” flight from Sumas on the Canadian-Washington border to the Mexican border at Tijuana with two aerial refuelings during the 1,280-mile flight. By the time of his selection for the World Flight he had 1,700 hours flying time of which nearly 1,000 hours were cross country.
First Lt. Leigh Wade, 27, enlisted in the Michigan National Guard in 1916. He served on the Mexican border during the search for Pancho Villa, volunteered for the Air Service, and took training as a pilot with the Royal Flying Corps at Toronto in 1917. He went to England that year and to France in 1918 where he was assigned to test the planes being purchased from the French and British for the Americans. He was eventually made commanding officer of the 120th Aero Squadron which gave advanced combat training to new pilots arriving from the United States. When the war ended, he was assigned to the Technical Information Service in Paris and was responsible for evaluating captured enemy aircraft. Upon return to the States, he was assigned to McCook Field as a test pilot flying all types of American and foreign planes. He made many high altitude flights and set an altitude record of 27,120 feet in a multiengine plane. (This record was soon broken by other McCook pilots.) Typically, as with most test pilots then, he had a number of mishaps caused by engine and propeller failures. He had extensive experience in photographic expeditions, the most noteworthy being high-altitude aerial photography of the White Mountains in New Hampshire and Vermont during 1921. He participated in the bombing maneuvers that resulted in the sinking of captured German ships off the Virginia coast in 1921 and had 1,500 total flying hours, 800 of them on cross-country flights.
First Lt. Erik H. Nelson, 36, was born in Stockholm, Sweden. He served five years on several merchant vessels and made two voyages around the world before coming to the United States in 1909 to work as a racing yacht captain. Nelson started a small automobile shop with a cousin but it failed, and he became a mechanic for an exhibition pilot who went broke and did not pay him his final month’s wages. He wandered around New York City seeking various jobs as an actor in an opera, a Swedish massager, and a swimming instructor in a men’s club. He became a mechanic for two automobile companies and then was hired as an aircraft mechanic by Curtiss Aeroplane Company. He tried to enlist in the Lafayette Escadrille of the French Air Service but was turned down. He finally managed to enlist as a mechanic in the U.S. Army Signal Corps—which then included the air arm—in October 1917. He applied for flight training and completed it in April 1918 but did not go overseas. He garnered extensive cross-country flying experience. His most notable flights were the Gulf to the Pacific flight of 1919; the Air Service flight from Mitchel Field, New York, to Nome, Alaska, and return in 1920; and the San Antonio to Puerto Rico flight of 1923. The year before, he had won the Detroit News Aerial Mail Trophy Race in a Martin MB-2 bomber. With a firm reputation established as an excellent mechanic as well as a pilot, he was stationed at McCook Field with his primary duty as maintenance liaison officer for all Air Service activities in the United States. He was very enthusiastic about the World Flight and when he became involved in selecting the aircraft, he requested that he be allowed to participate. He had 1,600 hours flying time with 800 hours flying cross country.
First Lt. Leslie P. Arnold, 30, was chosen as one of two alternate pilots but replaced Sgt. Arthur H. Turner as a mechanic when the latter became ill at Seattle before the flight departed. A native of New Haven, Connecticut, Arnold once toured New England as an actor in summer stock and later sold pianos to farmers’ wives. He enlisted in the Signal Corps in 1917 and was graduated from the Military School of Aeronautics at Princeton University where he had studied aeromechanics, aerodynamics, and gunnery. Qualified as a mechanic, he was accepted for pilot training and after graduation was sent to Issoudun, France, where he served as a flying instructor until sent to the front with the 1st Observation Squadron in the Zone of the Advance just as the Armistice was signed. He remained in France until July 1919 ferrying and salvaging aircraft. Upon his return to the States, he ferried Martin bombers and participated in the 1921 bombing tests organized by Gen. Billy Mitchell to prove that airplanes could sink battleships. He participated in air shows, took special training in aerial photography, and was graduated from the Air Service Photographic School in 1922. By 1924 he had over one thousand hours of cross-country flying.
Lt. LeClair D. Schulze, 32, the other alternate pilot, held a bachelor of arts degree from the University of California and a doctor of jurisprudence degree from Stanford University before enlisting as a private in the Aviation Section of the Army Signal Corps in 1917. He received initial flying training in Tours, France, and qualified as a pilot in 1918 before proceeding to Furbara, Italy, for monoplane pursuit training. He then transferred to Issoudun, France, as an instructor, test pilot, and engineering officer. He left the service briefly after coming home from France but returned to duty as a test pilot and participated in several air races, including the Pulitzer races in 1922. Designated as an alternate pilot for the world flight, he later served as an assistant advance man for the leg across the North Atlantic, by which time he had more than 850 flying hours.
A few days before Christmas 1923, Martin, Wade, Smith, and Nelson received orders to report for six weeks of training at Langley Field during the first week of January 1924. This instruction consisted of a concentrated course in aerial navigation, meteorology, and first aid. The mornings were dedicated to these subjects while the afternoons were spent going over the maps and the pilot books containing information that Lts. St. Claire Streett and Robert J. Brown Jr. had collected. Major William H. Blair, the Signal Corps meteorologist; Bradley Jones, civilian employee from McCook Field; and Major Herbert C. Neblett, Medical Corps, were also sent to Langley on temporary duty to lecture respectively on world weather conditions, navigation, and emergency medicine. Navy Lt. Logan C. Ramsey at the Naval Air Station, Hampton Roads, Virginia, volunteered to provide instruction on operation of pontoon-equipped aircraft carrying various loads. Instruction was provided by the Navy in operating the World Cruiser prototype on floats. Two twin-engine Curtiss F-5L seaplanes were made available to give the pilots dead reckoning practice over the Atlantic Ocean out of sight of land.
Each of the pilots also made practice flights in the Douglas prototype with heavy loads up to 8,300 pounds with several types of pontoons and propellers to determine the best types for the heavy-duty work expected. Nelson, now officially designated as engineering officer for the flight, reported the results of the changes he wanted on the four production aircraft to McCook and the Douglas Company.
General Patrick had determined earlier that the pilots could select their own mechanics on the flight. Eight enlisted mechanics were chosen to proceed to Langley Field on 28 January 1924 to work on the prototype plane and assist in making any modifications that Nelson wanted, plus practice changing the landing gear from wheels to pontoons and performing routine maintenance. Of those eight, Martin selected as his mechanic Staff Sgt. Alva L. Harvey, 23, a tall Texan who had enlisted in the Air Service in May 1919 and completed the Mechanics’ School at Kelly Field, San Antonio. He transferred to Chanute Field, Rantoul, Illinois, in 1921 and made a number of flights with Major Martin, then the mechanics’ school commander, who was impressed with Harvey’s initiative and willingness to work long hours to accomplish the necessary tasks. Harvey had taken up parachute jumping and made a number of exhibition jumps throughout the country at air fairs in 1922 and 1923.
Smith selected Tech. Sgt. Arthur H. Turner, 26, who had worked and flown with him on the Pacific Coast. Turner was stationed with the 91st Observation Squadron at Crissy Field, San Francisco, and had been recommended highly by his commanding officer. Smith had been impressed with his mechanical knowledge during the forest patrol operations and his efficiency at getting difficult tasks completed.
Wade selected Staff Sgt. Henry H. Ogden, 23, youngest of the World Fliers, who had enlisted in 1919 and had experience as a mechanic and instructor at Air Service repair depots in Alabama, Texas, Michigan, and Illinois. Shy, modest, and studious, his specialty was trouble-shooting and he spent his leisure time experimenting with aircraft engines and performing plane-to-plane transfers in midair at county affairs. After he passed a stiff oral examination by Lts. Smith and Nelson, he was recommended to Wade.6
Patrick authorized the selection of one officer with experience as a mechanic and Nelson selected Lt. John T. Harding, 27, a talented son of an inventor and chemical engineer. He had prior experience as a locksmith, road tester for automobiles at the Chalmers and Dodge auto factories, and auto mechanic. He had completed a course in mechanical engineering at Vanderbilt University and another at the University of Tennessee before enlisting as a private in the Aviation Section of the Signal Corps in August 1917. His mechanical skills quickly became well-known when he repaired the officers’ personal and staff cars; as a result, he was sent to the Aviation Mechanics Training School in St. Paul, Minnesota. He transferred as a sergeant to Wilbur Wright Field, Dayton, and earned ratings as a Master Signal Electrician and Aviation Mechanician. He was selected as the main mechanic on a Martin bomber that made a flight around the rim of the United States in 1919, the first time the nation had been circumnavigated by air. When his enlistment was up in 1921, he remained with the Air Service as a civilian mechanic at McCook Field and accepted a reserve commission as a second lieutenant. Nelson had worked with him at McCook and selected him “on account of his exceptional qualifications as an engineer officer and to give representation to the Officers’ Reserve Corps.”7 A gregarious individual, Harding had a singular physical distinction: one brown eye and the other blue, which people apparently found fascinating. He also wore a perpetual smile for which he was nicknamed “Smiling Jack.”
Many decisions about the flight were being made as the requirements became clearer while the crews were at Langley. It was at this time that the decision was made to omit radios being installed in any of the planes. Other decisions included specifications for batteries, instruments, special tools and wrenches, spare parts, sea anchors, tail skid assemblies, geared hand pumps, winter flying suits and sleeping bags, all to be procured and delivered to Santa Monica by March 1 or to Seattle before April 1, and to designated depots around the world.
Propellers on the prototype World Cruiser proved to be unsatisfactory during tests at Langley and the solution was to provide two types, one like those on the Martin bombers for use when a Cruiser was used as a land plane and the other for operations from water where more takeoff power was needed. All were manufactured at McCook Field and shipped to Santa Monica and the various world stops.
The pontoons were especially vulnerable to damage with the many water landings anticipated. The crews and advance officers were cautioned about the handling of the planes after they landed. “Great stress must be laid upon the fact that the material from which the pontoons are constructed is very fragile,” Maj. Oscar Westover wrote to General Patrick, enclosing photographs of the correct and dangerous positions for boats to approach the planes on the water. “No boats of any kind, or of any size, should come so near that they could by any chance touch any part of the plane,” Westover said. “It must be impressed upon all boatmen … that they will not approach the boat near enough even to cast a line until the mechanic is in position to receive it. After the line has been received by the mechanic, they will ‘weigh off’ or hold the boat in such position as to keep the line fairly well extended.”8
After the training was completed at Langley, all of the maps for the entire route were then studied and the lines of flight connecting the intended landing points marked on them. The distances and compass courses were filled in, along with notes on harbor facilities and emergency landing fields. These were sent to Washington to be supplemented with any new information, shipped to the main supply bases of each division, and given to the crews upon arrival at the various stops.
On 15 February 1924, the flight crews, including the two alternate pilots, Arnold and Schulze, reported to General Patrick in Washington for final instructions. While there they met Secretary of War John W. Weeks and President Coolidge. They waited for more than an hour in the White House while the president greeted a group of farmers, then some American Indians who had been promised a chance to meet the president. When the flight crews entered the Oval Office, it was obvious from the mountain of papers piled on his desk that the president had much work to do. He stood by the door, shook hands with each flier and his body language suggested that they should leave immediately. When someone suggested that the president should have his picture taken in the rose garden with the men who were going to show the American flag around the world, Coolidge hesitated, then followed, saying “Hurry up! Hurry up!” The fliers were disappointed at this reaction but Wade shrugged it off, saying the president, not known to have any real interest in aviation, at least smiled for the picture.
The eight fliers and two alternates also met with Maj. Gen. John L. Hines, Army Deputy Chief of Staff, and General Hatsutaro Haraguchi, Japanese military attaché at the Japanese embassy, to discuss their planned route through Japanese territory. They then departed for Santa Monica; each was given a few days’ delay en route to visit their families before reporting to the factory on 25 February. None of the planes was as yet completed upon their arrival so they familiarized themselves with the installation of instruments and general shop practices at the Douglas factory.
By this time the flight was gaining considerable publicity and the crew members received numerous invitations from civic organizations in the Los Angeles area for luncheons and dinners where Martin was called upon to give short talks. “In this way a great amount of interest was developed in our undertaking among the citizens of Los Angeles, and through the newspapers the people of the United States were becoming familiar with the purpose, the detailed preparations, and the type of equipment used in making the flight,” according to Martin.9
They also visited the movie studios where producers, stars, and especially starlets took full advantage of their presence to have photographs taken with the fliers to publicize themselves and their films. Free lodging was provided at the Hotel Hollywood in the famous movie city, and they were loaned two Wills–Sinclaire touring cars and a Rickenbacker limousine for local transportation.
The crews held frequent conferences at the factory to discuss details of the flight. At one such meeting it was agreed that Very pistols were to be fired when a plane had to make a forced landing. A green flare would indicate that the trouble could be easily corrected and the plane would follow soon. A red flare would mean that more time was required to correct the trouble and help was not needed. A white rocket would indicate that the plane was in distress and prompt assistance was needed. It was further agreed that the other planes would circle over the one forced down and only one of them would land to render assistance if conditions were favorable. Otherwise, aid was to be summoned from the nearest possible source.
At another conference, it was decided that as the planes were completed and test-flown, they would be assigned to the pilots in accordance with their rank and date of rank in the case of the first lieutenants. On 29 February, Number One was completed and Nelson flew it on a local test flight from the factory at Santa Monica to nearby Clover Field. He found that it was extremely tail-heavy, even with the stabilizer full forward. After test flights by the other pilots, the fittings were all changed to give the stabilizers two degrees more of incidence. This solved the problem.
By now the Air Service had revealed specifications of the planes that would attempt to reinforce world leadership in aviation for the United States. Press releases stated they were built under the leadership of Donald W. Douglas, whose factory at Santa Monica had turned out long-distance torpedo planes for the U.S. Navy. The challenge for Douglas was to build a plane heavy enough to carry all the fuel necessary for the long legs of the world flight, yet fast enough and with sufficient climbing ability to meet unforeseen emergencies. It also had to be rugged enough to withstand the pounding of heavy seas, ice floes, and hard landings, and take the punishment of the bitter cold of the Arctic, the fiery heat of the deserts, and the dampness of the tropics. And it had to be easily changeable from a land plane to a sea plane—from wheels to pontoons—with a minimum of ground equipment.
The end product was a two-cockpit, dual-controlled, single- engine aircraft that as a land plane weighed 4,380 pounds empty; or as a sea plane, 5,180 pounds empty. Each carried 450 gallons of fuel weighing 2,700 pounds and its maximum load with two crew members, fuel, food, clothing, tools, personal effects, and supplies was an additional 3,000 pounds. The engine was a twelve-cylinder, water-cooled 420 h.p. Liberty. The estimated landing speed with either wheels or pontoons was 53 mph. Top speed was estimated at 103 mph. The cruising speed expected under normal flight conditions was 83 mph. Maximum range was 2,300 miles.
The wing span of a Cruiser was 50 feet; length, 35 feet, 6 inches. The fuselage was made in three detachable sections—engine, midsection, and empennage. The wings could be folded back to save space while storing aircraft and for easier ground handling. As a seaplane, twin wooden pontoons were manufactured by the Douglas Company; the top was a thin veneer and the bottom planking was made of two plies of mahogany. The wings and fuselage were covered with fabric and veneered.
When the first plane was ready, Nelson test-flew it again and suggested some minor changes to increase stability. Changes were promptly made on the other three planes that were then flown to the Rockwell Air Intermediate Depot at San Diego for the purpose of swinging the magnetic compasses and checking the earth inductor compasses. Engines on all the Cruisers, however, developed problems after less than three hours of flight and were hurriedly replaced with reconditioned engines. Two of the planes were put on exhibition at Rockwell Field for the Army Relief on 9 March. Three of the planes were returned to Clover Field on 15 March, while the fourth, Nelson’s plane, remained at Rockwell Field and would follow two days later.
Time was growing short now for a planned 1 April departure. Martin decided that the three planes at Santa Monica, to be piloted by himself, Smith, and Wade, would proceed to Seattle by way of Sacramento and Portland on 17 March and start replacing the landing gear with pontoons. The flight would be a further test of the performance of the Cruisers on long hops. The equipment and supplies for the depots were meantime being assembled and readied for shipment. Seattle was the destination for supplies for the first three divisions. The shipments to Alaskan points were carried by the Alaska Shipping Company, while those to the Orient were shipped on 10 March on the Providence Lines’ President Jackson. Those destined for the Fourth and Fifth Divisions were sent to Europe on 2 March aboard the Cambrai, a U.S. Army transport. Supplies for the Sixth Division were shipped on vessels operating from New York. It was emphasized to the press that all supply shipments for the flight were being made on American ships.
In Washington, the cooperation of the U.S. Navy and Coast Guard was assured at this time by letters from the Secretary of the Navy and the Commandant of the Coast Guard. General Patrick wrote confirming letters of thanks and noted that their assistance was essential for the success of the flight.
The planning thus far had been extensive but there were still many unknowns. Would the supplies for the many stops arrive on time? Would the promised fuel and oil be available? Would the advance officers be able to visit their assigned areas and obtain the required information? Would any of the governments involved, especially those of Japan and possibly Turkey, suddenly refuse permission to land or over-fly portions of their respective domains? Would the weather in areas where advance information was not available prevent the flight’s ultimate success? How reliable were the maps? Would the planes and the men themselves be able to withstand the extremes of temperature to be encountered?
The answers to these questions would all be supplied in time.