1. Detlef Mittag, Kriegskinder ’45. Zehn Überlebensgeschichten (Berlin, 1995); Sabine Bode, Die vergessene Generation. Die Kriegskinder brechen ihr Schweigen (Stuttgart, 2004); and Hermann Schulz, Hartmut Radebold, and Jürgen Reulecke, Söhne ohne Väter. Erfahrungen einer Kriegsgeneration (Berlin, 2004), 7–13.
2. Niklas Frank, a journalist, wrote In the Shadow of the Reich (New York, 1991) in the form of a scathing letter to his father, while Bernward Vesper, a 1968 radical, wrote a psychedelic fragment, titled Die Reise (Jossa, 1977), which was a journey into his own tortured psyche.
3. Harald Welzer, “Opa war kein Nazi.” Nationalsozialismus und Holocaust im Familiengedächtnis (Frankfurt, 2002); Peter Longerich, “Davon haben wir nichts gewußt!” Die Deutschen und die Judenverfolgung, 1933–1945 (Munich, 2006).
4. Wibke Bruhns, My Father’s Country: The Story of a German Family (New York, 2008).
5. Bruno Jarausch, “Erinnerungen in einer schlesisch-märkischen Familie” (MS Berlin, written during the 1960s). For further material see the papers of Magdalene von Tiling in the Landeskirchenarchiv Hannover and Jarausch’s personnel file in the Landeshauptarchiv Sachsen-Anhalt, MD, Rep. C 23 Dom and Klostergymnasium Magdeburg, no. 93.
6. The following account is based on the “Familiennachricht,” 9–13, 38–44, on the short CV in his dissertation as well as on his personnel file.
7. “Familiennachricht,” 46–50. Tuition was 70 Marks per semester.
8. Ibid., 50–54.
9. Friedrich-Werdersches Gymnasium zu Berlin, “Zeugnis der Reife,” October 20, 1917; “Familiennachricht,” 60–66 and “Lebenslauf” in his dissertation. Another friend was the future author Bogislaw von Selchow, who wrote the well-known book Der Glaube in der deutschen Ichzeit (Leipzig, 1933).
10. Enthused by Felix Dahn, he “decided to obtain as student as vivid a picture as possible of the Germanic era and then did especially study German prehistory and the Nordic languages, in order to be able to read the ancient Icelandic literature in the original.” Konrad Jarausch to Hans-Lothar Dietze, March 13, 1940. Cf. “Entwurf Abgangszeugnis” of June 24, 1924, archive of the Humboldt-Universität.
11. Konrad Jarausch, “Der Volksglaube der Isländersagas. Inaugural-dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde genehmigt von der philosophischen Fakultät der Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin,” MS (Berlin, 1925), 1ff., 414ff.; Wissenschaftliches Prüfungsamt, “Prüfungs-Zeugnis,” November 3, 1925 and “Zeugnis über eine Erweiterungsprüfung für das Lehramt an höheren Schulen,” January 17, 1927; and “Familiennachricht,” 68–70.
12. “Familiennachricht,” 68–70. According to an article on the theologian Karl Heim, the DCSV was an association “aiming at a personal decision for Christ, a willingness to follow in Jesus’s footsteps, and an active engagement for spreading the kingdom of God,” Tagesspiegel, January 20, 1974.
13. Letter of March 1, 1940, in the second set of excerpts by Oskar Ziegner, already mimeographed during the war. Cf. Peter Loewenberg, “The Psychohistorical Origins of the Nazi Youth Cohort,” American Historical Review 76 (1971): 1457–502.
14. Staatliches Pädagogisches Prüfungsamt, “Zeugnis über die pädagogische Prüfung für das Lehramt an höheren Schulen,” March 14, 1928; “Urkunde über die Ernennung zum Studienassessor,” April 1, 1928; and “Familiennachricht,” 70–71, 79–80; Konrad Jarausch to Lotte Petri, January 16, 1929, and May 13, 1931.
15. Known for his existential theology, Karl Barth became the mentor of the Confessing Church that opposed many aspects of National Socialism. Rudolf Bultmann instead focused his work on biblical criticism, seeking to demythologize the scriptures. The neo-Lutheran Friedrich Gogarten was initially attracted to the German Christians before distancing himself from the Third Reich.
16. Konrad Jarausch, “Die Behandlung des Markusevangeliums in der Untertertia,” Schule und Evangelium 4 (1929/30): 80–85, 99–106, 123–31, 152–59, 180–86, 210–15, 231–36; idem, “Was versteht man heute unter evangelischer Pädagogik?” undated lecture manuscript in Nachlass of Magdalene von Tiling, Landeskirchenarchiv Hannover (LKAH), no. 17. He was drawn to Gogarten because of his criticism of modernity, rejection of the Weimar parties, frustration with nominal Protestantism, and faith in a theology of creation. Cf. Friedrich Wilhelm Graf, “Friedrich Gogartens Deutung der Moderne. Ein theologiegeschichtlicher Rückblick,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 100 (1989): 169–230.
17. Konrad Jarausch to Lotte Petri, July 14, 1929 (“I am, as you know, working on Gogarten and trying to draw out the implications for the school”), September 5, 1930, and undated [from late 1930]. Cf. Gury Schneider-Ludorff, Magdalene von Tiling. Odnungstheologie und Geschlechterbeziehungen (Göttingen, 2001), and Claudia Koonz, The Nazi Conscience (Cambridge, MA, 2003).
18. Konrad Jarausch to Franz Petri, October 12, 1930; idem, “Schuld und Aufgabe der evangelischen Christenheit,” Schule und Evangelium 4 (1929/30): 133–38; idem, “Volksnot,” ibid. 5 (1930/31): 244; idem, “Literatur zur Schulgestaltung,” ibid. 6 (1931/32): 51–53; idem, “Staat und Mensch. Ein Bericht,” ibid. 7 (1932/33): 140–50ff.; and idem, “Moderne Pädagogik und Disziplin,” Philologenblatt 39 (1931): 356–58.
19. Konrad Jarausch, “Was versteht man heute unter evangelischer Pädagogik?” and “Thesen für die Arbeitsgemeinschaft christlicher Philologen in Berlin am 1. Februar 1931,” LKAH, Nachlass Tiling, no. 11; and idem to Lotte Petri, July 14, 1929 as well as late 1930. (“You well know, that in my identity I am rather more a Prussian than a German.”)
20. Curriculum vitae of Elisabeth Charlotte Jarausch in “Familiennachricht,” 81–82; as well as idem, “Über den Einfluss des Pietismus auf das Sozialleben in Deutschland” (MS Marburg, 1929). Konrad Jarausch to Lotte Petri, December 23, 1928; undated [May 1930], May 24 (“How nice it would be, if you were to succeed in carrying some French fire into our barbaric East”), June 6, and September 18, 1930.
21. Konrad Jarausch to Lotte Petri, March 19, 1931, and Lotte’s answer of March 20, 1931. Initially they did not make their engagement public.
22. Konrad Jarausch to Lotte Petri, August 4, 1931; Dr. Sergel, “Heiratsschein,” December 30, 1933. See also “Familiennachricht,” 82.
23. Konrad Jarausch to Lotte Petri, December 3, 1930; May 30, and June 5, 1931. He claimed that he was “morally expelled” from the School Association because he “belonged to the enemy camp.” Idem, “Die Tagung der Evangelischen Schulvereinigung und der ihr angeschlossenen Verbände in Bethel am 2. und 3. Oktober,” Schule und Evangelium 5 (1930/31): 210–14.
24. Konrad Jarausch to Lotte Petri, August 10, 25, 28; September 11, 15, 1931; November 3, 1932; and idem to Franz Petri, October 12, 1930. Cf. Konrad H. Jarausch, “Die Not der geistigen Arbeiter. Akademiker in der Berufskrise, 1918–1933,” in Die Weimarer Republik als Wohlfahrtsstaat, ed. Werner Abelshauser (Wiesbaden, 1987), 280–99.
25. Gerda Mielke, “Tagung der Ortsgruppenleiterinnen des Verbandes für evangelischen Religionsunterricht und Pädagogik in Potsdam am 7. und 8. 10. 1933,” Schule und Evangelium 8 (1933/34): 204–5; Konrad Jarausch to Magdalene von Tiling, September 6, 1933, LKAH, Nachlass von Tiling, no. 17. Although he was a member of the Teachers League, the NS Welfare Organization, and the Reich Air-Defense League, he did not join the Nazi Party. “Politische Betätigung,” addendum to his personnel file, August 25, 1937, LHASA, MD, Rep. 23, no. 93.
26. Konrad Jarausch in idem and Magdalene von Tiling, eds., Grundfragen pädagogischen Handelns. Beiträge zur neuen Erziehung (Stuttgart, 1934), 1–21, 149–75, 198–227. Cf. idem, “Volk und Volksschule,” Schule und Evangelium 8 (1933/34): 33–37; idem, “Die Umgestaltung des Oberprimajahres,” ibid., 161–65; and the message of the editorial board, “Am Ende des achten Jahrgangs. An unsere Leser,” ibid., 281–82.
27. For the situation of teachers at the beginning of the Third Reich see Konrad H. Jarausch, The Unfree Professions: German Lawyers, Teachers, and Engineers, 1900–1950 (New York, 1990), 115ff. As a result of misogyny, the Nazis reacted to academic overcrowding by firing married women teachers if their husbands were already publicly employed.
28. Alfred Laeger, Vereinigtes Dom- und Klostergymnasium Magdeburg, 1675–1950. Gedenkschrift (Frankfurt, 1967). For the activities of the Home for Protestant Teacher Trainees at the Monastery of our Dear Lady during 1932–36, cf. the Landeshauptarchiv Sachsen-Anhalt, Rep. A 4f., Anhang nos. 6 und 9.
29. Konrad Jarausch to Lotte Petri, undated postcard and letter, stamped on May 14, 1935, as well as letter of June 26, 1935; idem, “Bericht über das Referendarheim am K.U.L.F. in Magdeburg,” LHASA, MD, Rep. A 4f., Anhang, no. 10. Cf. “Gutachten über den Studienassessor Dr. Jarausch,” September 14, 1936, LHASA, MD, Rep. C 23, no. 93: “Jarausch endorses the National Socialist state just as resolutely as he is convinced of the eternal truth of the Gospel.” And “Ernennungsurkunde zum Studienrat,” January 26, 1937.
30. Gury Schneider-Ludorff, “Arbeitsbund für wissenschaftliche Pädagogik auf reformatorischer Grundlage,” in Metzlers Lexikon christlicher Denker, ed. Markus Vinzent (Stuttgart, 2000), col. 52–53, and “Verband für evangelischen Religionsunterricht und Pädagogik,” ibid., col. 2166.
31. Konrad Jarausch to Magdalene von Tiling, January 19, 1937, undated (end of 1938), undated (early 1939), and July 6, 1939, KLAH, Nachlass von Tiling, no. 17 und 11.
32. Konrad Jarausch, “Die germanische Religion als Gegenstand des Religionsunterrichts,” Schule und Evangelium 9 (1934/35): 25–37; idem, “Die Kirche im Volk,” ibid., 186–89; idem, “Richtlinien für die Behandlung der germanischen Religion,” ibid. 10 (1935/36): 109–11.
33. “Familiennachricht,” 83; K. Cramer, I. Feußner, K. Jarausch, and M. Walther, eds., Evangelischer Religionsunterricht in der Gegenwart (Stuttgart, 1937). After subtracting the depression cuts, he had 485,98 Marks left as pay. Oberpräsidium der Provinz Sachsen to Studienrat Konrad Jarausch, February 6, 1937, LHASA, MD, Rep. C 33, no. 93.
34. Konrad Jarausch, “Luthers Weg zur Reformation in der Kirche im kirchengeschichtlichen Unterricht,” Schule und Evangelium 11 (1936/37): 181–90; the editors, “Ein Wort an unsere Leser,” ibid. 12 (1937/38): 1–2; and Konrad Jarausch, “Vorwort,” Evangelischer Religionsunterricht 7–8. Cf. idem, “Entwurf eines Planes für die theoretische Arbeit und das Gemeinschaftsleben im Konvikt unser Lieben Frauen,” LHASA, MD, Rep. A 4f., Anhang, no. 10.
35. Konrad Jarausch, “Wie ist Christus heute zu verkündigen?” manuscript of a lecture in Dünne on October 12, 1938, LKAH, Nachlass von Tiling, no. 11. Cf. idem, “ ‘Ich glaube, daß Christus’ sei ‘wahrhaftiger Gott,’ ” Schule und Evangelium 13 (1938/39): 64–76, 88–98.
36. Konrad Jarausch, notes for a lecture to Protestant religion teachers, dated August 8/9, 1939 with a marginal comment of Magdalene von Tiling, and idem, “Evangelischer Religionsunterricht heute,” undated page proof, LKAH, Nachlass von Tiling, no. 11. Cf. idem, “Die Kirche im neutestamentlichen Unterricht,” Evangelischer Religionsunterricht, 127–57; idem, “Der Epheserbrief im Unterricht,” Schule und Evangelium 12 (1937/38): 73–85; idem, “Nerthus und Balder, ein Lehrbeispiel.” ibid., 198–202.
37. Letter of condolence by I. H. and further characterizations in the second group of excerpts by Oskar Ziegner. Konrad Jarausch, “Wie steht es heute mit der Methode in unserm Unterricht?” Schule und Evangelium 13 (1938/39): 48–55. Statements in a letter and phone call from two former students several years ago.
38. Franz Petri to Konrad Jarausch, March 21, 1938; Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, April 3, 11 (“Have you listened to the Führer’s speech on Saturday? It was hardly edifying”), and further letters until May 2, 1938 (a fellow patient who was a teacher from Baden “has been done in by the party”).
39. Konrad’s vacation letters to Lotte Jarausch, July 14 until August 1, 1939, partly in original form, partly in the “Familiennachricht,” 87–95.
40. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 4, 1939, alluding to Die Kriegserlebnisse des Grenadiers Rudolf Koch (Leipzig, 1934). Most of the subsequent quotations are from letters included in this edition. But in some cases, there are also references to letters or fragments not printed.
41. Martin Humburg, “Feldpostbriefe aus dem Zweiten Weltkrieg—Werkstattbericht zu einer Inhaltsanalyse,” at http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/beitrag/essays/feld.htm, and Jörg Echterkamp, Hg., Kriegsschauplatz Deutschland 1945. Leben in Angst—Hoffnung auf Frieden. Feldpost aus der Heimat und von der Front (Paderborn, 2006), 111ff.
42. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 9, 1939; idem to Magdalene Caspar, January 11, 1942. He explicitly wished for some letters to be sent on to his brother and mother, but when he was describing controversial things like the POW camp in Kochanowo, he asked that they not be seen by anyone else.
43. Konrad Jarausch to Konrad Korth, November 1/2, 1941; idem to Joachim Müller, November 12, 1939; idem to Lotte Jarausch, January 8, 1940. Cf. Thomas Kühne, “Zwischen Männerbund und Volksgemeinschaft. Hitlers Soldaten und der Mythos der Kameradschaft,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 38 (1998): 165–89.
44. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 22, 1939; October 14, 1940.
45. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, January 9, 1940, February 11, March 10, 1940, etc.
46. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, February 8, April 26, July 5, 1940; June 18, July 1, October 7, 1941.
47. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 7, 1939; April 18, June 24, 1940; November 14, 1941; January 11, 1942.
48. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, July 20, 1939; April 19 and 26, and August 4, 1940.
49. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 5, 1941.
50. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 10 and 27, November 3, December 3, 1939. Cf. Thomas Pegelow, The Language of Nazi Genocide: Linguistic Violence and the Struggle of Germans of Jewish Ancestry (New York, 2009).
51. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, December 15, 1940; June 26, September 5, November 21, December 10, 1941. Cf. the manuscript fragment on “Humanistische Bildung heute,” which pleaded for maintaining classical secondary schools, so “that the leaders of the people retain an understanding of the human condition.” KLAH, Nachlass von Tiling, no. 17.
52. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 21, November 15, 1939; June 25 and 16, 1941; and idem to Ruth Schneider, January 5, 1942.
53. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 17, October 2, November 8/9, 1939; March 29, April 2, 1940.
54. Konrad Jarausch to Franz Petri, January 14, 1940; idem to Lotte Jarausch, April 14, May 13, 1940 and September 15, 1941. Cf. Władisław Stanisław Reymont, Die polnischen Bauern (Jena, 1912).
55. Undated letter, probably from the fall of 1939, in the fragments mimeographed by Oskar Ziegner; Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, June 29, 1940; and idem to Magdalene Caspar, January 11, 1942.
56. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, July 31, August 2, October 23, 1940; Magdalene von Tiling to Konrad Jarausch, October 6, and idem to Magdalene von Tiling, October 8, 1940, LKAH, Nachlass von Tiling, no. 17. Cf. idem, “Johannes der Täufer,” Unterweisung und Glaube 15 (1940/41): 60–66, 72–77, 83–88. But he could no longer realize his plan to write a book on “Religious Pedagogy.”
57. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 4, November 15, 1939; May 1, July 23 and 27, August 19, 1940; idem to Karl Korth, November 1/2, 1941; idem to Magdalene von Tiling, June 16, 1941, LKAH, Nachlass von Tiling, no. 17; and “Mitteilung des Verlags und der Herausgeber,” Unterweisung und Glaube 16 (1941/42): 26.
58. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, November 5 and 26/27, December 26, 1939; April 7, October 15, 1940. In Russia he was no longer able to get to any religious services.
59. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, November 22, 1939; February 4, July 20, 1940.
60. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, July 20, 1940; August 26, 1941; idem to Hans-Lothar Dietze, July 30, 1940; and idem to Siegfried, September 21, 1941.
61. Konrad Jarausch, “Aufgaben des Friedens,” Unterweisung und Glaube 15 (1940/41): 36–40; idem to Lotte Jarausch, April 14, 1940; December 29, 1941.
62. Konrad Jarausch to Hans-Lothar Dietze, July 30, 1940; idem to Magdalene Caspar, January 5, 1942. For his position between the fronts of the Confessing Church and the German Christians, see his letter to Magdalene von Tiling, January 13, 1941, LKAH, Nachlass von Tiling, no. 127. Cf. Doris Bergen, Twisted Cross: The German Christian Movement in the Third Reich (Chapel Hill, 1996).
63. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 5, October 22, 1939; and January 17, 1940; and idem to Franz Petri, January 14, 1940.
64. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, November 8/9, 1939; and April 28, 1940. Cf. idem to Franz Petri, February 16, 1941: “I would be more at peace if this task could be limited to the area of Central Europe.” Yet he was fascinated by the fact “that today a single man risks the entire force of his people to clear the path either to world dominion or to perdition.” Letter of March 1, 1940 in the second set of excerpts by Oskar Ziegner.
65. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 14 and 16, December 24, 1939.
66. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 30, October 22, December 22, 1939; and idem to Johannes Müller, November 22, 1939.
67. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, August 15, 1941; essays on “Russian Women,” “Churches in Minsk,” and “The Kochanowo Camp” of August 1941.
68. See the letters in the previous three notes.
69. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 22, November 12, 1939. At the same time he emphasized German responsibility for Poland and for the subsequent peace. Letters of January 23 and February 11, 1940, in the second set of excerpts by Oskar Ziegner.
70. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, June 22 and 27, 1940; June 22 and December 10, 1941. Cf. Karl Fuchs, Your Loyal and Loving Son: The Letters of Tank Gunner Karl Fuchs, 1937–1941, ed. and trans. Horst Fuchs Richardson (Washington, DC, 2003), 47ff., 110ff.
71. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 14, and essay on “Voyage to the East,” after September 22, 1939.
72. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 22 and November 10, 1939. In contrast to other descriptions, the sporadic references to Jews in the letters seem somewhat opaque, which may be the result of a bad conscience.
73. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, September 16, 1941.
74. Konrad Jarausch to Konrad Korth, November 1/2, 1941; idem to Lotte Jarausch, November 14, 1941 and numerous other descriptions. Cf. Christian Hartmann, “Massensterben oder Massenvernichtung? Sowjetische Kriegsgefangene im Unternehmen ‘Barbarossa.’ Aus dem Tagebuch eines deutschen Lagerkommandanten,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 48 (2001): 98ff.
75. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 25 and November 1, 1941; idem to Siegfried, November 25, 1941.
76. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 23, 1941; January 8, 1942; idem to Werner Haß, November 25, 1941 (“They expire by the thousands”); and idem to little mother, January 10, 1942. This dedication aroused the respect of comrades who sought moral orientation from him.
77. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 28 and November 9, 1941; idem to Magdalene von Tiling, November 6, 1941; idem to Bruno Jarausch, November 7, 1941; idem to Lene Petri, November 20, 1941. Konrad Jarausch was aware of the attempts of POWs to get into his good graces in order to obtain a piece of bread. But he considered these encounters as genuine. Cf. the undated scrap of paper by “Alexander,” who regrets the illness of “Konrad Hugovitsch.”
78. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 23, December 25, 1941; idem to Werner Haß, January 4, 1942.
79. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, January 13, 1942; staff doctor Starck to Lotte Jarausch, January 28, 1942. Without penicillin typhoid fever was generally deadly for people over forty years of age, especially if they had a weak heart. The body was buried under a simple birch cross in a small German military cemetery at Roslawl.
80. Major von Stietencron to Charlotte Jarausch, January 28, 1942; Hermann Lohrisch, “Gedenkworte an Konrad Jarausch,” Magdeburg without a date; quotes from sixteen letters of condolence in the second set of excerpts by Oskar Ziegner, 7–10; Lotte Jarausch to Bruno Jarausch, February 24 and March 6, 1942, as well as “Familiennachricht,” 134–37.
81. Brother Bruno did have Konrad’s name added to the grave of his own father and later also mother in the Plötzensee cemetery in Berlin, but that somehow did not seem as “real” as a normal burial plot. Cf. Klaus Naumann, ed., Nachkrieg in Deutschland (Hamburg, 2001); and James Franklin Williamson, “Whom to Mourn and How? The Protestant Church and the Recasting of Memory, 1945–1962,” master’s thesis, University of North Carolina, 2008.
82. “Familiennachricht,” 153ff. Cf. Elisabeth Heineman, What Difference Does a Husband Make? Women and Marital Status in Nazi and Postwar Germany (Berkeley, 1999), and Lilly Kemmler, Julia Ermecke, and Oliver Wältermann, “Kriegerwitwen,” report psychologie 29 (2004): 234–44.
83. Karl Ditt, “Die Kulturraumforschung zwischen Wissenschaft und Politik. Das Beispiel Franz Petri (1903–1993),” Westfälische Forschungen 46 (1996): S. 73–176, and Peter Schöttler, “Die historische Westforschung zwischen ‘Abwehrkampf’ und territorialer Offensive,” in idem, ed., Geschichtswissenschaft als Legitimationswissenschaft, 1918–1945 (Frankfurt, 1999), 204–63.
84. Pastor Nast to Lotte Jarausch, January 8, 1954; editorial marks of my mother on first half of the letters, and typewritten transcript of about half of the correspondence in the author’s possession.
85. “Familiennachricht,” 156ff. and surviving fragments of my mother’s correspondence. Another method to retain memory was occasional travel to Magdeburg where there were still some acquaintances, but the bombing of the city had obliterated our previous apartment.
86. Madgalene von Tiling, Der Mensch vor Gott (Berlin, 1950), 5: “Konrad Jarausch zum 14. 8. 1950 in dankbarer Erinnerung an seinen Vater von der Verfasserin.” Cf. Gerhard Ritter, The German Resistance: Carl Goerdeler’s Struggle against Tyranny (New York, 1959).
87. Dr. Teipel, Städtisches Arndt-Gymnasium, “Zeugnis der OIa,” 30. 11. 1959; Konrad H. Jarausch, “Der Wilde Westen ist zivilisiert” and “Krefelder erlebt USA Wahlfieber,” Rheinische Post, July 26 and November 8, 1960; idem to Franz Petri, February 22, 1962 and 1963. Cf. Konrad H. Jarausch, “Some Thoughts on Becoming a U.S. Citizen: Countries Cannot be Made to Order,” Rundschau: An American-German Review 4 (May 1974): 17.
88. Helmut Schelsky, Die skeptische Generation. Eine Soziologie der deutschen Jugend (Düsseldorf, 1963). Cf. Ulrich Herbert, ed., Wandlungsprozesse in Westdeutschland. Belastung, Integration, Liberalisierung, 1945–1980 (Göttingen, 2002); and Konrad H. Jarausch, After Hitler: Recivilizing Germans, 1945–1995 (New York, 2006).
89. For a similar mellowing from a Jewish émigré perspective see Fritz Stern, Five Germanys I Have Known (New York, 2006). Cf. also Philipp Gassert and Alan Steinweis, eds., Coping with the Nazi Past: West German Debates on Nazism and Generational Conflict, 1955–1975 (New York, 2006).
90. Franz Petri to Anna Jarausch, May 4, 1942; Konrad Jarausch to Konrad Korth, November 1/2, 1941; and idem to Lene Petri, November 20, 1941. For a long time he sought to quiet his conscience: “The future break-up of the Bolshevik system justifies the sacrifices, at least if a tolerable new order succeeds.”
91. Konrad Jarausch, “Aufgaben des Friedens,” 39. Cf. the reflections of his student Arnold Nüßle on the alienation of soldiers from the church, “Der Soldat und das Christentum,” Unterweisung und Glaube 15 (1940/41): 109–13.
92. Longerich, “Davon haben wir nichts gewußt,” versus Omer Bartov, The Eastern Front, 1941–1945: German Troops and the Barbarization of Warfare (New York, 2001). Cf. Christian Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde. Die deutsche Wirtschafts- und Vernichtungspolitik in Weißrußland, 1941–1944 (Hamburg, 1999) versus Christian Hartmann, Wehrmacht im Ostkrieg: Front und militärisches Hinterland 1941/42 (Munich, 2009), 789–806.
93. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 12 and November 2, 1941; idem to Magdalene von Tiling, November 6, 1941. Cf. Fuchs, Your Loyal and Loving Son, 110ff.
94. Letters of October 1939 and March 1, 1940 in the second set of excerpts by Oskar Ziegner and additional fragments. He also found the “SS spirit” repulsive, which forbade a humane treatment of prisoners, citing a typical prejudice: “That someone in a German uniform stands up for a Pole, I do not tolerate.” Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, December 24, 1939; March 31, 1940.
95. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, October 9, November 23, 1939; April 7, 1940; and idem to Ruth Schneider, January 5, 1942. Cf. Theodore S. Hamerow, On the Road to the Wolf’s Lair: German Resistance to Hitler (Cambridge, MA, 1997).
96. Konrad to Bruno Jarausch, September 13, 1941; idem to Lotte Jarausch, October 28, 1941; and idem to an unidentified privy councilor, November 9, 1941. For a similar soul searching about his war experience see the composer Gerhard Krapf’s “Recollections” (MS, written in the 1990s in Calgary, Canada), 7 vols.
97. Konrad to Lotte Jarausch, December 24, 1941.
98. Jürgen Reulecke, “Vaterlose Söhne in einer ‘vaterlosen Gesellschaft,’ ” Söhne ohne Väter, 144–59.