THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
On January 20, I was sworn in as the forty-first President of the United States. The next day, I dictated to my diary:
January 21st
The big day came and went. . . . The day was cold, not as pretty as the day before, but as we were riding up to the Hill, the President said, “When I became the Governor of California, just as I placed my hand on the Bible, the sun came through and warmed it.” And sure enough, while we were on the platform, the sun started through. . . .
We were a couple of minutes late taking the Oath, but no one noticed. The speech went about 20 minutes, and it was well received. Congress liked it. We’ve got to find ways to do this compromise, “kinder nation, gentler world.” . . .
The balls—going around to 14 different events, I think 10 hotels or 11 hotels—it was too much. We were just exhausted when we got home. When we got back, I had that almost so tired you couldn’t sleep feeling and I knew that at 8:00 this morning, we had to greet the first group of people who stayed out all night to get to be one of a handful of several thousand people to go through the White House.
I loved that part. Young people and old, so grateful that they had a chance to go through the White House. Even though they had to stay out all night, they get to do it. It’s interesting in that regard how people view their country—it’s wonderful indeed. . . .
I feel comfortable in the job. I’m not quite used to being called, “Mr. President.” Beautiful winter day, January 21st—clear, sunny, cold. The People’s House, the Family’s House—it is great.
Then it was down to business. One of my first and biggest challenges was the huge federal deficit ($170 billion when I took office), brought on by years of uncontrolled spending by the government. I was convinced the well-being of our country depended on getting it under control. However, I knew it would not be an easy task, especially since I would have to work closely with the Democrat-controlled Congress. Unfortunately, I had the great honor of being the first President in years to have the opposition party control both houses of Congress during his entire presidency.
January 21, 1989
The Honorable Jim Wright
Speaker of the House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Jim:
Yesterday, in my Inaugural Address, I suggested that together we should begin the process of working to achieve a deficit reduction plan—and that we should do so soon. I had previously stated that I would lead such an effort on behalf of the Executive branch and that I would begin the process promptly upon taking office.
In accord with that commitment and our discussions, I extend to you today an invitation to join me in a meeting at the White House on Tuesday, January 24. At that meeting, I would hope we could discuss how best to proceed toward deficit reduction. I would also like to take the opportunity to follow up on suggestions made by you and your colleagues on ways we can move towards effective bipartisan support for our foreign policy.
In addition, I would like to confirm my request, which you indicated could be honored, for the opportunity to address a joint session of the Congress on Thursday, February 9.
Again, let me say how much I look forward to our working together on these critical issues. I am sure the American people expect that concerns of such national import should be tackled in a spirit of bipartisan cooperation, and am hopeful that we may prove worthy of the confidence they have placed in us.
Sincerely,
George Bush
On February 7 our family grew once again, when Ashley Walker Bush—grandchild number eleven—was born to Neil and Sharon.
Miss Ashley Walker Bush
c/o Mr. and Mrs. Neil M. Bush
Denver, Colorado 80218
Dear Ashley,
On this the first day of your life, your old grandfather sends you his love. Today was the day after my Savings & Loan proposal;1 the day of my visit to Capitol Hill to see a lot of Congress Members; 2 days before my speech to the nation—but on this day of your birth, I’m thinking of you. You have 2 great parents, an older sister who will teach you and a brother who will protect you. You have grandparents who love you a lot already. Welcome, welcome to this big loving family—I am a happy Gampy because you’re here.
Devotedly,
George Bush (formal!!)
On February 9 I did address a joint session of Congress, outlining my plan for the country, “Building a Better America.” Even the President worries about getting the jitters.
February 9th
. . . I wasn’t nervous at all. I could communicate with different people in the audience once I got started. I caught Rosty’s2 eye; I caught the eye of Jesse Helms3 and some of our guys; caught the eyes of Sonny Montgomery;4 and I felt relaxed once I got started. . . .
Interrupted by applause a lot—speech went well. My voice held out,5 although I had to drink some water; but I felt in command and in control, no nervousness—it was almost like coming home. I recognize there’s going to be a lot of criticism of the budget, but that is nothing to be surprised about.
Went home and drank a beer with Marv and Doro. . . .
All left-handed people immediately considered the new left-handed President a friend. After all, we left-handers have to stick together. A writer asked me to jot down a few words that she could include in a musical she had written, called Left Out.
February 13, 1989
Ms. Narcissa Campion
Brookline, Massachusetts 02146
Dear Narcissa,
I’m sorry this quote is probably too late for your play, but maybe you can find a way to use it later.
Being left-handed is no different than being short or tall, young or old, blond or brunette. Things can have more advantages or disadvantages, depending more on your outlook. Left-handed is great if you’re a first baseman. Of course, you’ve got to be careful not to smear things when you write. I don’t think anyone’s ever held it against me to be left-handed, though. Besides, sometimes the seat at the end of the dinner table is a better place to be! . . .
Sincerely,
George Bush
I had nominated Senator John Tower to be secretary of defense. Not only did I think he would do an outstanding job, I also assumed his nomination would glide through the Hill for two good reasons: he was more than qualified for the job, and Congress is usually kind to its own. I could not have been more wrong. He was getting hammered, mainly as a result of rumors about his personal life. I wrote my friend Charley Bartlett:
February 21, 1989
Honorable Charles L. Bartlett
Washington, D. C. 20036
Dear Charley,
Thanks for your most encouraging and supportive letter of February 11. I am going to stand with Tower all the way, and I am confident he will make it. I have never seen such a campaign of innuendo, vicious rumor and gossip in my entire life. . . . I am not considering alternatives.
Warm regards,
George
On February 23, Barbara and I attended the funeral of Emperor Hirohito. It was a controversial decision, especially among veterans’ groups, given the emperor’s role in World War II. But Japan now is one of our strongest allies, and I was convinced it was the right thing to do. I dictated to my diary:
February 24th
A big day at the funeral. It was ice cold. The Chairman of Ghana (Rawlings), sitting a row behind me, gave me his cashmere scarf. I said, “I can’t accept that.” He said, “You must.” It saved my life. People were coughing and drippy. The funeral service was run to perfection—every footprint raked every so often. Great long curtains covering the official mourners; short speeches; endless procession of priests presenting the late Emperor’s worldly goods to the altar, and then taking them all away again. Weird costumes out of history—majestic and somber. The new Empress, dignified—she looked like a black swan. Her neck bent forward; dress reached all the way to the ground, and a long full veil following behind.
My mind raced back to the Pacific. I did think of my fallen comrades . . . here I was, President of the United States, paying respects to the man who was the symbol of everything that we hated. A man whose picture was always shown to keep us all together, fighting hard. Endless pictures of Japanese soldiers cutting off the heads of prisoners or firing the coup de grace against thousands as they were dumped into the graves alive, all in the name of Hirohito. And here we were, paying tribute to him, a gentle man indeed. A man who decided to come see MacArthur and whom MacArthur properly did not try as a war criminal—amazing. . . .
After leaving Japan, we flew to China for an emotional two-day visit. In addition to meeting with the Chinese leaders, Barbara and I saw many old friends and even got a chance to visit our old church. However, we got caught up in a terrible controversy when the American embassy invited one of the leading dissidents in China, Fang Lizhi, to attend a Texas barbecue we were hosting. I dictated to my diary:
February 27th
. . . We had a good Texas barbecue; big Texas flag; the Navy country music gang played; checkered tablecloths; bandannas around the necks of the waiters; White House China for the head table, including the [Woodrow] Wilson plates; and it was a very relaxing, friendly evening. I leaned over and thanked [Premier] Li Peng for his understanding and he said, “We may need your help later on.” I took this to mean that they may get a great deal of flack for attending the same banquet with dissident Fang. The room was crowded, several hundred people. I didn’t ask which one was Fang, because I was sitting next to the Chinese [leaders] and didn’t have any opportunity to do so. All of our people assumed he was at the banquet. It was this morning, Monday, that we find out the Chinese stopped his car; detained him from taking a taxi; kept the buses from picking him up; and all in all, made sure he wasn’t going to be at the banquet. We end up with the worst of worlds out of this. Newspapers are all over the story, “human rights abuse.” They won’t point out that two of the dissidents were there, and that China has come a long way. China overplayed their hand and I expressed my regret to Deputy (Vice) Premier Wu at the airport. And now we’re scurrying around trying to figure out how to handle it with our press. In the long run, it will not obscure the substance of the visit with the Chinese; but it is not a good thing, and the press will have a field day—“don’t know how to handle things,” on top of “being dogged by Tower”—this incident mars the visit.
March 13, 1989
His Royal Highness Sadruddin Aga Khan
Chateau de Bellerive
Switzerland
Dear Sadri:
. . . Things have been a little hectic lately with the Tower matter dominating the news coverage,6 but I am very pleased with the overall progress. The problems are enormous but we’ve made some sound proposals; and when we finish our foreign policy and defense reviews, we’ll have some more solid proposals to make. I’ll be darned if Mr. Gorbachev should dominate world public opinion forever.7 His system has failed and it’s democracy that’s on the march. . . .
Sincerely,
George
The Honorable Lee Atwater8
Republican National Committee
Washington D. C.
Dear Lee:
Today your character will be ridiculed. Your taste will be assaulted. Your shortcomings will be exaggerated and laughed at. And your self-respect is going to be violated. And that’s just from your friends! In other words, they will do to you what you did to Governor Dukakis for five months. So don’t count on any help when the Democrats have their turn. They’ve been waiting for this opportunity for a long time.
But, Lee, I’ve known you for a long time too. You know how to take the heat, and you know how to take the humor. So when the comic characterizations get fierce today, don’t get angry, don’t lose your temper—just remember: Kinder, gentler.
Sincerely,
George Bush
We had sent Millie back to her original owner, our good friend Will Farish, to have her bred. We were amazed at the attention paid to the blessed event: the birth of her six puppies.
March 20th
Millie had her puppies, and it was a beautiful moment Friday night. I saw one born, and it was very, very moving. Before all this, Millie looked confused and I kind of felt she was wondering what was happening to her, but then the babies started coming. I saw number four being born. She cleaned them off, tucked them in comfortably next to her, looked over at each one, and now on this Monday, she’s a caring, loving, and experienced Mother. If one goes too far away, she nudges him over; she rolls him over; and cleans him up. She’s feeding them, and the milk has come in, so she’s looking baggier. She looks at us with soulful eyes. When she goes out to run, she does just like the old Millie—though not quite as fast—but then gets restless and wants to be back next to her puppies. . . .
March 22nd
. . . I just want to get progress on the budget, Savings and Loan, the ethics bill, the education bill, and the re-evaluation so we can move out in front of Gorbachev.9 We cannot let him continue to erode our standing in Europe. Eastern Europe offers an opportunity and it’s all a tremendous challenge and I’m loving every minute of it.
Newt Gingrich10 is elected Whip. The question is—will he be confrontational; will he raise hell with the establishment; and will he be difficult for me to work with? I don’t think so. I called him and congratulated him. He’s going to have to get along to some degree, and moderate his flamboyance. He will be a tough competitor for the Democrats, but I’m convinced I can work with him and I want to work with him. He’s a very bright guy, an idea a minute, but he hasn’t been elected President and I have. . . .
March 27, 1989
The Honorable William F. Buckley
National Review
New York, New York 10016
Dear Bill:
Now that the dust has settled, I want to thank you for all you did over the last month or so in behalf of my nomination of John Tower to be Secretary of Defense. I am convinced we did the right thing by standing behind this nomination. We were fighting to protect a President’s right to have his own team, and we were fighting for the honor of a decent man and a friend of all of ours.
Although I am disappointed about the Senate’s vote on John Tower, I am thrilled about our new Secretary of Defense, Dick Cheney.
Again, thank you for your diligent efforts. It’s nice to know you were there when we needed your support. I look forward to working with you in the future.
Sincerely,
George Bush
March 28, 1989
Mrs. Sarah Brady11
Washington, D. C. 20005
Dear Sarah,
Thanks so much for filling me in on your future plans regarding the prevention of gun violence in America. I respect your dedication and hard work in this area. I know the difficult road you, Jim, and your family have had to travel, and your courage has been truly inspiring.
I can certainly understand your feelings about assault weapons. Our problem has been that, while fully automatic AK47s are banned in this country, semiautomatic ones present another whole set of issues. As you know, I asked Bill Bennett12 to take a look at this matter to see how we might resolve it. At his suggestion, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms has decided to ban temporarily the importation of more than 110,000 semiautomatic rifles, pending a ruling on whether such guns are suited to sporting purposes.
Although my commitment to the rights of sportsmen and others who own guns legitimately remains firm, I’m eager to do anything within reason to keep these weapons out of the hands of criminals.
Barbara and I enjoyed having you both at the residence the night of Millie’s big event. We remember you in our prayers with the hope that each day brings you happiness and success. May God bless and keep you. Our warm regards to you and Jim.
Sincerely,
George Bush
One of the most difficult issues I dealt with as President was abortion. It is personal, it is divisive, and unfortunately, the debate is often ugly. George Pfau, a good friend from Yale days, wrote and asked me to meet with Planned Parenthood.
Mr. George Harold Pfau, Jr.
San Francisco, California 94111
Dear George:
I have received your letter of March 21 and I have read the telegram initiated by Planned Parenthood and signed by some of my closest friends and strong supporters.
If there was an issue in the campaign that was clear, it was the abortion question. As you know, my opponent strongly supported the “choice” position, and I strongly supported the “life” position. I am not “imposing” my views, because, you see, I clearly stated them in running for office, and I am not about to change.
I strongly support family planning and have always favored disseminating information on birth control. I do not favor advocating abortion in any way, shape, or form.
Planned Parenthood, to my regret, has chosen to be in the forefront of the pro-choice or pro-abortion position. The lines are so clear that I do not see that any useful purpose could come from the meeting. I will say Mr. Hamilton of Planned Parenthood did a wonderful job of identifying close friends of mine. They all remain close friends, though we do differ on the abortion question.
I will continue to welcome your views on this important subject, but the meeting Mr. Hamilton seeks is not possible at this time.
I will welcome any suggestion you care to send on how we might do a better job of education on family planning, but my mind is made up on the abortion question.
Thanks, old friend.
Sincerely,
George
March 30th
. . . The days are long and full. Today, Thursday, we had a budget meeting up in the office with a handful of our top people—Darman13 conducting a good briefing. His message: we can get by this year and perhaps get a deal with no revenue increase, but after that, we’re going to have to raise revenues—there’s no way to get around it given the sharp cut in the Gramm-Rudman.14 I tell him that I can’t raise taxes this go round, and it will be very hard in the future, but I want to see the options, and I’m not going to be held up by campaign rhetoric15 . . . If the facts change, I hope I’m smart enough to change, too. If we can get by this first one, then I’ll take a hard look; but I’ll be damned if I’m going to let the muscle be cut from our defenses. It really would be great to make a deal on social security, taxes, spending cuts and strength for defense. . . .
On December 21, 1988, terrorists had blown up Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, killing all 259 on board and 11 people on the ground. We had received thousands of letters from the families and the general public wanting us to do more to bring the perpetrators to justice. One widow especially wrote me a bitter letter, accusing me of not caring. After I met with some of the families, I wrote her back:
April 3, 1989
Mrs. Wendy Giebler
Hasbrouck Heights, NJ 07604
Dear Wendy,
Now that we have met and now that I have seen your letter of March 18th let me try to reply.
First, I truly understood your frustration and the agony that comes from feeling no one cares. I hope today’s visit will help change things; so that others will not be needlessly hurt—will not have insensitivity by government add to their hurt.
On a more personal side I really ached for you in your loss. You see long ago we lost a child. She was almost four and we watched her fight a losing battle to leukemia. True, I had Barbara, but maybe there is some common ground. At least I want to understand. I remember crying ‘til my body literally ached—
. . . Now can I give you a word from the heart of this 64 year old husband. Time and faith heal. Be strong. Have faith in God for he does work in mysterious ways. Someday the happy memories of your loving husband will crowd out the grief and that terrible agony of his loss.
Maybe it’s of a little comfort to know that your letter (I’ve still seen only the 3-18 one) and your visit might help spare others some of the hurt that’s been yours. I’ll try hard to do my part. When a sparrow falls, or a hostage is held, or a beautiful girl from Hasbrouck Heights loses part of her soul and has her heart broken, we must care.
Most sincerely,
George Bush
P. S. Please let me know now or in the months ahead how you’re doing. Just write Walker16 on the envelope corner—the zip 20500.
[Ten years later, in April 1999, Libyan leader Muammar el-Qaddafi finally turned over the two suspects in the bombing. At this writing, trial is pending in the Netherlands.]
April 18th
. . . When we came back from the building trades meeting, the puppies were in a pen in the front yard, and there were lines of people inside by the family theater waiting to go on a tour. I walked in and took a little girl in the front of the line, and said, “You’re going to come out and see the puppies, and then come back and report to everybody in the line.” Out she came, and the next thing I knew, her mother was there with her two brothers and a sister. The kids leaned down and played with the puppies, and the mother couldn’t believe it. They were a family from Maine. They went back in when I had to go back to the Oval Office, and I asked them to report on the puppies. We also had the puppies in a pen on the first floor of the main State Floor of the White House. I told the building trade people that they could see the puppies, and we planned to have them outdoors but a terrible storm came along, so there they were—in a pen right near where the Marine band plays—and the labor guys loved it. Millie didn’t seem too nervous. She came in dripping wet, and I think a lot of the guys were saying, “You know, this reminds me of our house: wet dog, puppies, etc.”
. . . Interesting meeting with Burt Lee17 on the succession of the Presidency. It is not easy. We’re trying to get the procedures down so if something happens to me in some kind of accident, the doctor—seeing that I’m incapacitated—will get a hold of John Sununu who will immediately contact Quayle. On the more difficult case, when I go gaga, or get some horrible degenerating disease, we’ll work on some procedures for that, too. It is no fun talking about it, and nobody likes to discuss it, but I said, “Now we’ve got to be very frank.” I had fun, as we discussed this. Barbara was in the Oval Office with Susan Porter Rose,18 Sununu, Burt Lee, and Dan Quayle. I started twitching, and then acted like a flasher as they were talking about abnormality. Susan Porter Rose, who I like very much, seemed a little uncomfortable with the flashing shot. It wasn’t a real one, but just the thought of it. In any event, one has to prepare for even the worse contingencies, even though nobody likes talking about those things. . . .
April 24th
. . . I get home at night very tired. I try to work in my office, as much as I did in the V. P. office, but at times, I’m overwhelmed with the reading, and yet, it’s essential I keep up. I’m still plugging away on finishing Teddy Roosevelt’s memoirs, which I’ve enjoyed immensely, but it takes forever, because when I get into bed at 10:00 p.m. to read, I fall sound asleep. Camp David is good, but I end up with a lot of work up here.
For example, on Saturday, the 22nd, we had the economists up there . . . a very fascinating discussion. I listened carefully to see how these supply-siders would go on taxes, and the bold positioners wanted me to handle entitlements, revenues, and spending freezes all on one bold sweep. . . . I think some of these [proposals] could mean a one term Presidency, but it’s that important for the country. But I listened to the discussions and learned. . . .
On April 19th an explosion in the USS Iowa’s gun turret killed forty-seven sailors while the ship was participating in naval exercises near Puerto Rico. Barbara and I flew down to the Navy base in Norfolk, Virginia, to attend memorial services. I dictated to my diary:
April 26th
. . . I kept rehearsing and reading my speech aloud. I did pray for strength, because I cry too easily, so I read it over and over again. I tried not to personalize it when I gave it. I tried not to focus on a grieving parent or a grieving spouse; I tried to comfort individually in the speech; but then I got to the end, I choked and had to stop. I then turned, and in somewhat of a fumbling fashion away from the podium, I shook hands with one of the chaplains, and went back to my seat. But going through three lines to see relatives, it was easier than I thought, though tough. I put my arm around some of them, and Barbara was magnificent at this. The tough ones were when they said, “Here’s a picture of my son,” or “Look at this picture of my husband”—fine looking young men, oh so young kids living their lives in service. It was extraordinarily moving . . .
April 26, 1989
Admiral Carlisle A. H. Trost, USN
Chief of Naval Operations
Washington, D. C. 20350-2000
Dear Carl:
Since leaving Norfolk on Monday, I have been thinking a lot about the Iowa, about her lost crewmen, their families, and about the Navy.
I am writing to you with the express desire that you convey the following thoughts to all involved in Monday’s Memorial.
First, the Chaplains—thank you all for your loving attention to the concerns of the families, and to the concerns of the surviving crewmen.
Second, to all involved in notifying the next of kin, my thanks to you for the caring way in which you handled the most difficult assignment.
Third, my thanks to all at Norfolk involved in Monday’s fitting tribute to those 47 who gave their lives.
And fourth, will you please express my high regards to Captain Moosally, and to the officers and men of U.S.S. Iowa. It hurts to lose a shipmate—it hurts a lot. But even as you showed your concern about your lost shipmates, you have held your heads high and conveyed to the nation a wonderful pride in the Navy, and a pride in serving this country of ours. You have my gratitude and respect.
Sincerely,
George Bush
May 1, 1989
Reverend Robert M. Howes19
Kennebunkport, Maine 04046
Dear Bob,
I have a special request.
Would it be possible to have an early service on Sunday May 21. We will have the President of France at Walkers Point and we must leave the Point at 9:45 on Sunday to go to Boston.20
Though the French President would not attend church there will be many many people up there. I was thinking of a special service at 8 or 8:15 to finish before your regular 9 AM service starts? A 30 minute prayer and hymn service perhaps.
I know this is a horrible imposition on you, but I am trying hard not to miss Sunday service as President.
Warm regards,
George
May 1st
The puppies are about to fly the nest. Yesterday when we got back from New York, we had them out on the lawn rolling and playing just like old times in Texas with no cameras and no people, but then there were people outside of the White House fence yelling, “Barbara, George—bring the puppies over.” Marvin had three friends there who were playing fantastic tennis; and then we went to the horseshoe pit, Don [Rhodes] and I, and Marvin and his friend whipped us each round. Barbara was in the swimming pool. First she had to flush out two ducks—a Mallard hen and a Mallard drake—and then when she was swimming, a rat got in there somehow and was swimming along the edge of the pool. She jumped out in horror, and we had to get the damn thing, drown it, and it was terrible. . . .
Several ugly, gossipy articles appeared during the first few months of my presidency saying there was a rift between President Reagan and me. Nothing could be further from the truth. I wrote my friend and mentor this note:
May 9, 1989
Dear Ron—
I got your message . . . many thanks—There is much mischief in the air. . . . The main thing is let’s us vow not to let it come between us.
There was a horrible George Will piece recently which said I called Carter but not you upon my return from Japan. Marlin read Will the phone logs,21 but no retraction from the little _____. Anyhow I am determined that none of these mischief makers will diminish a friendship that is so important to me.
Sincerely,
George
Joke: Beautiful girl with fantastic figure toweling off after a bath. Knock on the door—She: “Who’s there?” He: “Blind man”! “Oh well,” she says, “Come on in.” He: “My you have a beautiful body—where do you want me to put the blinds?”
A meeting of the NATO nations at the end of May in Brussels was my first major test in foreign policy. There was major disagreement within the alliance on where to go on arms control negotiations. I will spare you the details, but we went to Brussels uncertain that we could get everyone to sign on to our plan, which I felt called Gorbachev’s bluff on arms control. While the heads of state tried to eat dinner, our emissaries were arguing behind closed doors. I dictated to my diary:
. . . The Chiefs of State Dinner was a little tense. Margaret Thatcher kept telling me not to negotiate . . . “We must not give on this, and you’re not going to give, are you?” she asked me plaintively over and over again. Why does she have any doubt that we feel this way on this issue? . . .
During the dinner, Manfred Woerner22 kept reporting that they’re making some progress, so when I got home—Barbara didn’t get in until 11:30 p.m.—I was chomping around at the bit because I didn’t know if the foreign ministers, then meeting, were going to get a deal . . . and if they were going to get a deal, whether it would be one that Margaret Thatcher could buy. About midnight, Jim Baker called with a formulation.23 . . . I wasn’t sure if Margaret would buy this, but Jim predicted she would. I asked him to check with Brent Scowcroft24 and he did. He called back and said that Brent was for it, and I said, “Well, let’s go forward with it and be enthusiastic and hope they sell it to the Brits.” I’ve got to admit, ex post facto, that I didn’t think Margaret would go along—that she would rather stand alone—but the next morning, Jim told me that they were on board. When we got to the Hall, Margaret waved very enthusiastically. She did not want to be separated from the United States, and her own people were telling her that the language was okay.
The agreement was announced, and there was almost a euphoric atmosphere . . . The press, who had been cynical and skeptical, were just wondering how we pulled it off without their knowing about it. How could we have made the deal without having it leaked?
June 2, 1989
enroute to K’port
Dear Brent—
. . . As we fly home I’m looking over my shoulder, not just to NATO and the US key role there; but back further to Jan 20th.
You told me what we needed to do. I agreed. Then you did it. And a few arrows did come our way. But I have never questioned your advice. Oh, I might disagree when you take a cheap shot at Domingo’s25 coffee—but on other important matters like missiles and Nato and Kohl and Margaret you’ve steadily showed me the way.
After the euphoria of this trip wears off—and it will as the Monday morning quarterbacks start second guessing the plays—I will remember the sound advice you have given me. . . .
Thanks for your key role. Thanks for being at my side. Thanks for being my trusted friend. Get some rest now—a lot of battles lie ahead.
Most sincerely,
George
June 2, 1989
Dear Jim—
As I fly home I just want to tell you, my close and trusted friend, how grateful I am for your absolutely key role in what transpired on this trip. That midnight phone call which followed your hours of painful negotiation was the key; and, once again your advice was sound.
There is something very reassuring to me (comforting—if that’s not too wimpish) to have you running our Foreign Policy—
Neil Mallon gave us a little welcome mat many years ago. “What would we do without friends?” it said. I don’t believe I could do this job without trusted close friends nearby. That’s you. I’m glad; grateful too.
George
June 15th
On Thursday morning, I had a long phone call from Helmut Kohl—very personal, very friendly—and a debriefing on Gorbachev. “Gorbachev has respect for you intellectually; Gorbachev wants better relations; and Raisa said wonderful things about Barbara.” Kohl made clear that Gorbachev could not split him away from the West, and away from the United States. Gorbachev said he doesn’t want to do this, so, all in all, he was upbeat.
On a personal side, Helmut mentioned a special sausage he was going to send me three or four different times, so I’ve got to talk to the Secret Service about getting it. They will be uncomfortable, but here’s one where we need to bend the rules a little simply because it means so much to Kohl, and, besides that, I like wurst.
That spring, the desire for democracy spread from Eastern Europe all the way to China. In April, thousands of Chinese students poured into Tiananmen Square, demanding more freedom. Despite the government’s attempts to break up the demonstrations, the crowds kept getting larger and more defiant. Finally, on June 3, tanks and troops put an end to the protest, resulting in much bloodshed. Publicly, we immediately condemned China for its action and called for sanctions. Privately, I wrote this anguished letter to an old friend:
June 20, 1989
His Excellency Deng Xiaoping
People’s Republic of China
Beijing
Dear Chairman Deng:
I write this letter to you with a heavy heart. I wish there was a way to discuss this matter in person, but regrettably that is not the case. First, I write in a spirit of genuine friendship, this letter coming as I’m sure you know from one who believes with a passion that good relations between the United States and China are in the fundamental interests of both countries. I have felt that way for many years. I feel more strongly that way today, in spite of the difficult circumstances.
Secondly, I write as one who has great respect for what you personally have done for the people of China and to help your great country move forward. There is enormous irony in the fact that you who yourself has suffered several reversals in your quest to bring reform and openness to China are now facing a situation fraught with so much danger and so much anxiety.
I recall your telling me the last time we met that you were in essence phasing out of the day-to-day management of your great country. But I also recall your unforgettable words about the need for good relations with the West, your concerns about “encirclement” and those who had done great harm to China, and your commitment to keeping China moving forward. By writing you I am not trying to bypass any individual leader of China. I am simply writing as a friend, a genuine “lao pengyou”.
It is with this in mind that I write you asking for your help in preserving this relationship that we both think is very important. I have tried very hard not to inject myself into China’s internal affairs. I have tried very hard not to appear to be dictating in any way to China about how it should manage its internal crisis. I am respectful of the differences in our two societies and in our two systems.
I have great reverence for Chinese history, culture and tradition. You have given much to the development of world civilization. But I ask you as well to remember the principles on which my young country was founded. Those principles are democracy and freedom—freedom of speech, freedom of assemblage, freedom from arbitrary authority. It is reverence for those principles which inevitably affects the way Americans view and react to events in other countries. It is not a reaction of arrogance or of a desire to force others to our beliefs but of a simple faith in the enduring value of those principles and their universal applicability.
And that leads directly to the fundamental problem. The early days of the student demonstrations, and indeed, the early treatment of the students by the Chinese Army, captured the imagination of the entire world. The wonder of TV brought the details of the events in Tiananmen Square into the homes of people not just in “Western” countries but world-wide. The early tolerance that was shown, the restraint and the generous handling of the demonstrations won worldwide respect for China’s leadership. Thoughtful people all over the world tried to understand and sympathize with the enormous problems being faced by those required to keep order; and, indeed, they saw with admiration the manifestation of policy which reflected the leaders’ words: “The Army loves the people.” The world cheered when the Chinese leaders were seen patiently meeting with students, even though there were “sit-ins” and even though disorder did interfere with normal functions.
I will leave what followed to the history books, but again, with their own eyes the people of the world saw the turmoil and the bloodshed with which the demonstrations were ended. Various countries reacted in various ways. Based on the principles I described above, the actions that I took as President of the United States could not be avoided. As you know, the clamor for stronger action remains intense. I have resisted that clamor, making clear that I did not want to see destroyed this relationship that you and I have worked hard to build. I explained to the American people that I did not want to unfairly burden the Chinese people through economic sanctions.
There is also the matter of Fang Lizhi.26 The minute I heard Fang was in our Embassy, I knew there would be a high profiled wedge driven between us. Fang was not encouraged to come to our Embassy, but under our widely accepted interpretation of international law we could not refuse him admittance.
In today’s climate I know this matter is of grave importance to you and I know it presents you with an enormous problem; a problem that adversely affects my determination and, hopefully, yours to get our relationship back on track.
We cannot now put Fang out of the Embassy without some assurance that he will not be in physical danger. Similar cases elsewhere in the world have been resolved over long periods of time or through the government quietly permitting departure or through expulsion. I simply want to assure you that we want this difficult matter resolved in a way which is both satisfactory to you and does not violate our commitment to our basic principles. When there are difficulties between friends, as now, we must find a way to talk them out.
Your able Ambassador here represents your country firmly and faithfully. I feel that Jim Lilley does the same for us; but if there is some special channel that you would favor, please let me know.
I have thought of asking you to receive a special emissary who could speak with total candor to you representing my heartfelt convictions on these matters. If you feel such an emissary could be helpful, please let me know and we will work cooperatively to see that his mission is kept in total confidence. I have insisted that all departments of the U.S. Government be guided in their statements and actions from my guidance in the White House. Sometimes in an open system such as ours it is impossible to control all leaks, but on this particular letter there are no copies, not one, outside of my own personal file. . . .
I send you this letter with great respect and deep concern. We must not let this important relationship suffer further. Please help me to keep it strong. Any statement that could be made from China that drew upon the earlier statements about peacefully resolving further disputes with protesters would be very well received here. Any clemency that could be shown the student demonstrators would be applauded worldwide. We must not let the aftermath of the tragic recent events undermine a vital relationship patiently built up over the past seventeen years. I would, of course, welcome a personal reply to this letter. This matter is too important to be left to our bureaucracies.
As I said above, I write with a heavy heart; but I also write with a frankness reserved for respected friends.
Sincerely,
George Bush
[Within twenty-four hours I had a personal reply from Deng, who accepted my idea of a personal emissary. I sent Brent Scowcroft, who asked Larry Eagleburger to go with him. Their mission was so secret that their plane was almost shot down when it entered Chinese airspace unannounced. Their trip was successful in that it conveyed to the Chinese how serious the divide was between us but also how much we respected our friendship. It kept the door open.]
On June 26 Barbara and I decided to go see the Marine Parade held every Sunday evening at the Marine Barracks. The Marines were famous for their precision and for not making mistakes. Of course the one night we were in attendance, one of the Marines dropped his rifle. I was hoping a note from his commander in chief might help:
6-27-89
CPL Cullen Plousha
Marine Barracks
Washington, D. C. 20390-5000
Dear Cpl. Plousha,
Last night’s drill was very special. I want to thank you and the others in the platoon for a super performance.
Col. Pace told me that you were the guy selected by his peers for that key inspection role—quite an honor, well deserved.
Please thank all involved in the drill—
Sincerely,
George Bush
P. S. Don’t worry about anything—you did A-OK.
Mrs. Antonin Scalia
Chamber of Justice Scalia
Washington, D. C. 20543
Dear Maureen,
As we shook hands last night, in frankness and in jest, you made a comment, a passing nice comment, about the flag decision. When I got upstairs, I got to thinking about that in the light of the Court decision.27
I’ll bet a lot of agony goes into “calling ‘em as they see ‘em”; but the point of this note is to say—my respect for your Judge’s scholarship, integrity, and honor knows no bounds. Don’t show this to Nino, but just tuck it away in your heart because it comes from mine.
George Bush
In July we headed to Paris for the annual G-7 Economic Summit meeting, which included the United States, Canada, Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan. En route, we stopped in Poland and Hungary, where democracy was “busting out all over.” Our visit to Poland was emotional and came at a crucial time as Solidarity had just won a huge victory in the National Assembly elections. I dictated to my diary:
July 11
[Our security] has warned us about surveillance and electronics, and yet typically there is no evidence of such; but what I have to say, I would like for them to hear anyway, so I don’t worry about that.
I have an upbeat feeling about the politicians coming together,28 but I have a down feeling on the economic reform, and on the magnitude of the problems facing Poland. Their agriculture is chopped into small blocks; they’re inefficient; and yet, their agriculture contingent is very powerful. What I really felt the most about was the warmth of all the interlocutors, be they from Solidarity or from the government, and about the way the government and solidarity were talking to each other—dramatic progress. . . .
There’s no way to properly describe the excitement at Gdansk.29 There were thousands of people lining the street going into town, and then estimates of up to 250,000 people in the square in front of the shipyard. It was an emotional moment with grown men and women crying. There were all kinds of signs of affection for the United States all along the way, and there were flags; handwritten signs welcoming me; and friendship between the United States and Poland . . .
July 21, 1989
His Excellency Mikhail Gorbachev
Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Moscow
Dear Mr. Chairman:
I am writing this letter to you on my way back from Europe to the United States. My mind is full of the fascinating conversations that I had with people in Hungary and Poland and with the many world leaders gathered in Paris for France’s bicentennial.
Let me get quickly to the point of this letter. I would like very much to sit down soon and talk to you, if you are agreeable to the idea. I want to do it without thousands of assistants hovering over our shoulders, without the ever-present briefing papers and certainly without the press yelling at us every 5 minutes about “who’s winning,” “what agreements have been reached,” or “has our meeting succeeded or failed.”
Up until now I have felt that a meeting would have to produce major agreements so as not to disappoint the watching world. Now my thinking is changing.
Perhaps it was my visit to Poland and Hungary or perhaps it is what I heard about your recent visits to France and Germany—whatever the cause—I just want to reduce the chances there could be misunderstandings between us. I want to get our relationship on a more personal basis. If you agree that an unstructured meeting would be productive, I would make the following suggestion.
My suggestion is that you decide, on your own, to come to speak at the U.N. early in the General Assembly session—perhaps around the end of September (the 27th and 28th of September would be perfect for me, but so would other dates). Immediately following your public announcement that you were coming to the United Nations, I would invite you to come to meet with me for an informal, “no agenda” visit. In my view, it would be preferable to avoid the word “summit” which is, at best, overworked and, at worst, a word whose connotation is one of a momentous happening.
I would propose inviting you to visit me for a day or two of private chats.
There are two alternative ways I would suggest to do this. One way would be for you to fly from New York to Washington where I would meet you at Andrews Air Force Base. We could then go by helicopter to Camp David. There, in a relaxed setting with neckties off, we could talk about any and all subjects. The very nature of the invitation would guard against the danger of “overpromise.” I would propose no more than a handful of advisers on each side. I would visualize long chats between you and me alone and, also, good discussions with my Secretary of State, NSC Adviser, and Chief of Staff present, along with their counterparts, of course.
Another option would be for you to visit Barbara and me at our seaside house in Maine. Late September can be very nice there. You could fly to Pease Air Force Base in New Hampshire, about 40 minutes from New York and helicopter another 15 minutes to our home, for the same kind of talks.
Camp David perhaps would offer the most privacy, but Maine would offer you a glimpse of our Atlantic seacoast. It would also give me a chance to take you for a ride in my speed boat and maybe catch a fish.
Perhaps there is some entirely different way more convenient for you, and I would welcome a suggestion. The General Assembly seems to me to provide the ideal cover needed for a “spontaneous” invitation to an unstructured, informal meeting. I do not intend in any way to put you in an awkward position and I will understand completely if, for whatever reason, you do not feel you can respond positively to my suggestion.
General Brent Scowcroft and Secretary Jim Baker, plus my Chief of Staff John Sununu, are the only ones who know of this letter, which I have personally written. I hope I can demonstrate to you that some things need not “leak.”
My respects and sincere regards,
Sincerely,
George Bush
[Gorbachev agreed to meet, but we had great trouble settling on a time or place. Eventually we would meet at Malta, off the coast of Italy, in December.]
Obviously I was in the mood on July 21 to write world leaders:
His Excellency Deng Xiaoping
People’s Republic of China
Beijing
Dear Chairman Deng, Dear Friend:
I use this unique form of salutation because General Scowcroft told me that if I would continue to treat you as a friend, you would welcome that—no matter the outcome of the difficulties now between us.
Of course, I, too, want it to be that way.
First, let me thank you and Li Peng for receiving General Scowcroft and Larry Eagleburger. The minute General Scowcroft returned to the USA, he came to Maine to brief me on your talks.
I have waited to send you this letter. I wanted first to go to Eastern Europe and the Economic Summit Conference at Paris, because I wanted to listen carefully to their views on their relations with China.
Also, in waiting, I was hoping against hope that some new development would take place that would enable us both to move towards improved relations. Unfortunately, no such development has occurred.
The G-7 Communiqué in Paris made reference to events in China. I can tell you in total confidence that the U.S. and the Japanese removed some rather inflammatory language from the Communiqué. It was still a Communiqué which I’m sure you’d rather not have had at all, but in the final form it did not urge new action affecting China.
Brent Scowcroft told me of your reference to the Chinese proverb: “It is up to the person who tied the knot to untie the knot.”
Herein lies our major dilemma. You feel we “tied the knot” by our actions, especially regarding military sales.30
We feel that those actions taken against peacefully demonstrating (non-violent) students and the nationwide crackdown against those simply speaking for reform “tied the knot.”
Please understand, my friend, that when I use the word “we” in the preceding sentence, I am not simply referring to the United States. Rather, I am referring to many, many countries from North and South, East and West.
Let me emphasize, if there is anyone on the World Stage who understands how China views interference in its internal affairs, it is I. Likewise, I could indeed identify with the problems China’s government faced when, as Li Peng told General Scowcroft, it felt that Zhongnanhai itself might be invaded or overrun. Li Peng pointedly asked General Scowcroft how we would feel if the White House were threatened by a mob out of control.
But here’s the big problem. Given the all-penetrating (but not comprehensive) nature of television, people all around the world first saw massive but peaceful demonstrations, peacefully contained. With approval and respect, they saw Chinese leaders meeting with the students. They heard authoritative voices saying, “The Army loves the People;” and they saw soldiers showing amazing restraint. And people around the world saluted China and its leaders.
It is what happened next that we believe “tied the knot.” You and Li Peng frankly described what you thought happened to the character of the demonstrations and what you felt you had to do. But people all around the world, with their own eyes, saw other happenings, too; and China, which had been praised for restraint, was widely criticized.
I have great respect for China’s long-standing position about non-intervention in its internal affairs.
Because of that, I also understand that I risk straining our friendship when I make suggestions as to what might be done now. But the U.S.-China relationship, which we have both worked so hard to strengthen, demands the candor with which only a friend can speak.
If some way can be found to close the chapter on the students whose actions were those of peaceful demonstrators, that would help enormously.
General Scowcroft reported to me that many of those arrested were common criminals, repeat offenders. I am not talking about these people.
If forgiveness could be granted to the students and, yes, to their teachers, this would go a long way to restoring worldwide confidence. Such a move could well lead to improved relations with many countries. For example, it would give me the opportunity to make a statement supporting your decision. Also, if it would be helpful to China, I could then publicly dispatch a high-level emissary to Beijing thus signaling to the world that our country was prepared to work our way back towards more normal relations.
You see, rightly or wrongly, it was the students who captured the imagination of so many people around the world. They are young and, like students everywhere, they are idealistic.
In our country, as Li Peng pointed out, there was, not long ago, much student unrest. There was some force used to quell the unrest and much criticism came our way. Many countries criticized us. Perhaps China did. But the unrest disappeared in time and the students here were leniently treated, even though some of our laws were deliberately broken. We never doubted that the students, even in dissent, truly loved our country.
Perhaps the differences in our systems are so great that you will find the above analogy irrelevant. I hope not. But of this I feel certain: the Chinese students who have spoken out truly love China. . . .
Please understand that this letter has been personally written, and is coming to you from one who wants to see us go forward together.
Please do not be angry with me if I have crossed the invisible threshold lying between constructive suggestion and “internal interference.”
When we last met, you told me you had turned more day-to-day matters over to others; but I turn to you now out of respect, a feeling of closeness and, yes, friendship.
You have seen it all—you’ve been up and down. Now I ask you to look with me into the future. This future is one of dramatic change. The U. S. and China each has much to contribute to this exciting future. We can both do more for world peace and for the welfare of our own people if we can get our relationship back on track. I have given you my unsolicited advice. Now I earnestly solicit your advice. If there is to be a period of darkness, so be it; but let us try to light some candles.
Respectfully,
George Bush
[Deng’s reply was respectful, but he held steadfastly to their position that this was their internal affair. Eventually, our relationship and friendship would recover, but it took a while to work through these problems.]
On July 31 we received word that Marine colonel Robert Higgins, who was being held hostage in Lebanon, had been murdered because of Israel’s refusal to release prisoners being held for terrorist activities. Higgins had been kidnapped a year earlier, ironically while serving as part of a UN peacekeeping force.
July 31st
We were in Chicago when we heard that Higgins had been executed, murdered, and I made the decision to turn around and come home back to Washington . . . They released a videotape showing his execution, and all in all, it’s a sick situation. On the way back to Washington, I called De Cuellar31 at the U.N., and he told me he doesn’t want to believe that this is real. They’re liars, he said, they’d done this thing before. I told him that we felt that they should make a demand that the body be returned . . .
This is cowardly, horrible terrorism. A very complicated and difficult situation right now, but we will get our best intelligence; get our best involvement with everyone; and see what we can do. . . .
August 1, 1989
Mr. Merle Haggard
Palo Cedro, California 96073
Dear Merle,
“Me and Crippled Soldiers”32 said a lot.
I read that a comrade in the U. N. Peacekeeping Force told Col. Higgins that if he removed the stars and stripes patch the radicals would not bother him. He was a great Marine and, of course, he said “No”.
He’s dead now. He sure gave a damn. And he loved the flag.
I am going to keep on about our flag. Your song was great. Good luck,
George Bush
August 7th
The Congress has gone home—thank God! We had a relatively quiet day. I went to salute the Department of War’s 200th anniversary, and I addressed the end of my remarks to Colonel Higgins. My voice cracked, because I feel so emotionally involved in this matter. The FBI came out today and said that Higgins was most likely killed earlier, and I think of his courageous little wife, who later in the day, I called.33 It is so brutal and so cruel what’s going on. The diplomacy is still going forward. . . .
Bar went back to Maine, and the house, though bright, cheery and museum-like, is lonely. But I’m tired and I’ll go to bed real early. . . .
The approval ratings stay high, and yet, I feel like we’re on a kind of uneasy precarious perch. We’re not getting the legislation through to support me on clean air, on anti-drugs, education, or any of these things—it’s in the Congress. We were attacked tonight on our political appointees, and that irks me, too. The end of a grumpy Monday, August 7th.
For years my cousin Betty Holden and I, as the only two members of our exclusive Poetry Club, have exchanged poetry with each other.
August 12, 1989
Dear Beldy Girl:
. . . I strongly oppose expanding the Club. . . . I just don’t want to see our standards lowered. Incidentally, I thought your recent offerings held high our standards. “Monsieur Curley, Un peu surley”—a genuine classic—and then the classic rhyme that brought life to truly new height “jog, fog”—oh yes—and the truly memorable one “horse shoe-leaner, demeanor—” No, let us not lower our standards just cause there is clamor for outsiders wanting to be insiders. Why risk excellence when it is so hard to come by.
Of course within the next 12 months I shall serve up another contribution or 2. I may well make my next offering a poetic insight into world leaders—or should I stay with family, or a domestic policy theme? The joy of figuring out how best to contribute is upon me.
On Wednesday next I head to K’port for a rest. Bar is there now—only 9 grandchildren on the point, but worry not, the other 2 soon arrive. Rest? Oh well.
Love to all,
GB
[I will not be brave and share any of my poetry. But I will share one of the above mentioned poems from Betty:
they say it makes the secret service unduly nervous
trying to jog in Maine fog
to locate their president
and not confuse him with another resident.]
September 4th
. . . I feel comfortable in the job—not overwhelmed—and confident that I can hold my own for the United States in the international forum. But on the domestic side—it troubles me the most. I worry long run about the 1991 budget and how to get it in shape. Sununu is doing a very good job, and got some good press over the summer. He’s doing a superb job. . . .
Dog note: Ranger is now almost part of our family—a big lovable guy who bounds in. Both dogs sleep on our bed—Ranger and Millie—and they get along fine, although every once in awhile, Millie has to discipline her son. It’s a joy watching them, particularly running through the woods at Camp David sniffing and sniffing, and turning, and dramatically running after a deer here and there. I really love them. . . .34
September 10th
The question came up whether to see Boris Yeltsin.35 The Ambassador recommends that he be received in the White House, but not necessarily by me. I think it’s a good thing to do. Yeltsin is over here and seems to be blasting Gorbachev . . . State is goosey about my seeing him, but I don’t quite see why we shouldn’t see him. . . . The Soviets receive all kinds of people running for President who are against me and trying to get my job, so they’ve got to be understanding about our willingness to see their people, especially those who want to see perestroika succeed. It’s not like we’re seeing some curmudgeon who was trying to throw Gorbachev totally out of office. . . .
Although Dan Rostenkowski and I were on opposite sides of the political aisle, I had enormous respect for this powerful congressman from Illinois and chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. I knew he always had the country’s best interests in mind. An article came out in the Wall Street Journal saying that our friendship sometimes clouded the issues, to Dan’s detriment. I wrote him this note:
Sept. 19th Spokane to D. C.
Dear Dan,
Sometimes Washington D. C. can be pretty mean and ugly—People write vicious stuff. Small minded politicos and gossipy pundits want winners and losers.
I saw an ugly piece in the WSJ today: and I hated it. My heart hurt.
Dan, you got your views on taxes and I’ve got mine. You’ve got your big job to do and I’ve got mine; but for me—more important than this issue is a friendship.
I do not want the battle up there to affect a friendship that means a lot to me. Don’t let’s let the carpers on either side diminish something that matters—at least to me.
That my friendship with you now appears to some to be a burden to you troubles the hell out of me.
I called you Friday but given today’s WSJ piece I felt it better to scribble this personal note. Long after the dust has settled on tax bills, reconciliations, amendments and all the rest—Long after all of this, we will be friends.
Right now I am sorry if our closeness has hurt my pal, but there’s tomorrow out there. I care, Barbara too—
Call me, come see me, or leave me be; but I’m your friend. I hope you know that—
George
October 7, 1989
FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO: Brent.
Reading this, I am convinced more than ever that we should try to extricate Noriega.36 Let’s go back to the drawing board now.
I think recent events make a grab of Noriega more acceptable certainly at home, maybe abroad. If he carries out the threats contained in the [intelligence] reports the climate both at home and internationally will be even better.
Please discuss.
gb
By that fall, democracy and freedom were no longer marching through Eastern Europe—they were racing. Hungary had opened its Austrian borders earlier in the year, and a flood of “vacationing” East Germans were using this as an exit to the West. As a result, even East Germany—the jewel in the crown of the Soviet’s Warsaw Pact—was teetering on the verge of collapse. It all came crashing down on November 9 when the Berlin Wall was opened. It was the beginning of the end for not only East Germany, but the entire Warsaw Pact. However, despite the euphoria, it was still a fragile and even frightening time. The Soviet Union still had troops and tanks stationed in East Germany, and we knew it was not entirely impossible for Gorbachev to clamp down. We were all haunted by the crushing of the uprisings in Hungary in 1956 and in Prague in 1968. We did not want to provoke a similar disaster. I dictated to my diary:
November 8th
I keep hearing the critics saying we’re not doing enough on Eastern Europe; here the changes are dramatically coming our way and, if any one event—Poland, Hungary or East Germany—had taken place, people would say, “This is great.” But it’s all moving fast—moving our way—and you’ve got a bunch of critics jumping around saying we ought to be doing more. What they mean is, double spending. It doesn’t matter what, just send money; I think it’s crazy. And if we mishandle this and get way out [in front] looking like [the rebellions are] an American project—you would invite crackdown, and invite negative reaction that could result in bloodshed. The longer I’m in this job, the more I think prudence is a value and experience matters. . . .
November 10th
We get a message from Gorbachev yesterday urging that we not overreact. He worries about demonstrators in Germany that might get out of control, and he asked for understanding. I think Kohl and the other leaders know we’re being restrained, but Kohl’s only suggestion is that we get the IMF37 to move before the end of November to help Poland. He thinks the Polish leaders are naïve. They are good people, and they really want to succeed. Moscow warns me in the same letter about letting this talk of reunification get out of hand. It causes them real problems, but what I’ve been saying is, this is a matter for self-determination, and a matter for the German people, and I don’t think he could object to that.38
November 13th
Lech Walesa came to town, and we had a very moving ceremony.39 . . . We presented him with the “empty chair,” symbolic of the honorary degrees that he once could not receive at various universities but where they placed an empty chair on the stage to honor him. So we did the same thing.
The labor group is in town for the AFL-CIO convention; and from Lane Kirkland on down the heads of all the unions were there. We surprised Lane Kirkland with the Citizens Medal40—just a notch below the Medal of Freedom—and he was totally surprised and very, very moved. In the receiving line, the labor union leaders one after another told me how nice it was. They were deeply moved and deeply touched by this.
. . . Now I’m under fire from George Mitchell41 saying I ought to go to Berlin, and the posturers are all over the place. Mary McGrory hits me on lack of emotion, but I think it’s coming out just about right.
Meanwhile, with all this whirling around, one of my best friends died, C. Fred Chambers. I attended the funeral but could not bring myself to speak. I asked Marvin to deliver my eulogy instead. I wrote Marion Chambers:
Nov. 16th, 1989
Dear Marion,
I hope I haven’t let you down by not speaking in tribute to C. Fred. We’ve got a good pinch hitter lined up—my boy Marv. It’s the same because all of us Bushes loved Fred. Oh, I loved him the most—I laughed with him and played and giggled like best friends are supposed to do; but the point is Bar and the kids—all of us loved your man.
There are so many funny wonderful things that will lift me up if I ever get down.
Remember when we caught the red-fish, Fred & I. We brought ‘em over to Bar to clean & cook (unfair I know but Fred & I just had to go off for some steam.) Anyway we had the steam [bath] and a beer or two—came back and the whole house smelled. Regrettably, I said to Bar “You don’t expect me to eat this s—t, do you?” She cried—Fred & I laughed. I’ll bet she never forgives us. I blamed Fred, but that’s what friends are for. There was the golf, business together—bar b que together.
And the politics—I’d lose but he was at my side to pick me up and dust me off. He made me understand that defeat is not the end—there’s a tomorrow and sure enough he was right—tomorrow is today—and I still feel his arm around my shoulder.
God Bless you and Yours. I’ll never ever forget C. Fred. I will always love him—my true, ever true, best friend—
George Bush
Preparations were under way for my meeting with Gorbachev on Malta in early December. I had told Gorbachev we should have a “no agenda” meeting, but of course I already had a long list of things I wanted to discuss with him. I decided maybe I should give him a heads-up. This is my first handwritten draft of the letter I eventually sent him:
Nov. 22, 1989
Dear Mr. President,
After talking with Anatoly Dobrynin42 yesterday it occurred to me that even though we have a “no agenda” meeting, you might be interested in some of the topics I would like to discuss—
Here is a non-inclusive list:
A. Eastern Europe
B. Regional Differences
Central America
Angola
Afghanistan
Middle East
Asia (Cambodia)
C. The Defense Spending of both our Countries and how changing times will affect these numbers.
D. Your vision and mine of the world at the start of the next Century (2000)
E. Human Rights
F. Arms control—philosophy & objectives in a broad, general sense
Of course, you will have your own priorities—
I want the meeting to be seen as a success.
Success does not mean deals signed in my view. It means that you & I are frank enough with each other, in a confidential setting, so that our two great countries will not have tensions that arise simply because we don’t know each others innermost thinking.
I will be working with our top people for the next week to flesh out our side’s thinking. I will not try to bring off a “December surprise” but if there is some proposal not covered by the list above I will feel free to make it.
I am writing this on the eve of our special Thanksgiving Day—a Day in which all Americans thank God for our blessings.
I will give thanks for the fact that we are living in times of enormous promise—that our 11 grandchildren might have a real chance to grow up in a less scary more peaceful world.
I will give thanks that you are pressing forward with glasnost-perestroika,43 for you see, the fate of my own precious grandkids and yours is dependent on perestroika’s success—
With respect,
George Bush
My brother Bucky wrote and said that Carol Walker, married to our first cousin Bert, was concerned because her name had shown up in the newspaper as being pro-choice.
Nov. 28, 1989
Dear Buck,
Yes, I knew that Carol was to be put down as ‘doubtful’ on my abortion position; but so is the rest of the garden club, the social register, and, ironically, most of my close friends. If Carol seems concerned please tell her “no problem”!
People do feel strongly over this very divisive issue; and she will cause me no concern at all, even if she beats on the White House gate—I really mean that. My problem is the longer I think about this very difficult issue the more strongly I feel about the human life side of the question. When I have real doubts, and I do, I look at Marshall.44 I wish the whole bloody issue would go away. It won’t so family members should all do their own thing without fear of embarrassing me. They should know that because they are related they’ll get ‘ink’ that otherwise they wouldn’t get; but that is life. As they say in Malta “gracek erg talket, sodak!”
Your concerned brother,
George
This is a personal letter not to be shared with Planned Parenthood or Save the Whales.
December 1st
Friday night aboard the USS Belknap, the flagship of the Sixth Fleet anchored off Malta. Ahead of us is the Slava, the Soviet cruiser that is bigger and more resplendent, though not nearly as effective of a fighting vessel as this one. It’s been some day.
We left last night, and I was awakened in the middle of the night on Air Force One, having taken a Halcyon sleeping pill, by John Sununu telling me that things were tough in the Philippines, and that Aquino had requested our help—no troops, but the use of our air force to keep the rebel forces from coming into the air and bombing the palace, etc. I gave permission, and Dan Quayle, Bob Gates45 are working the problem on the U.S. end.46 . . .
I dictate this as I go to bed the night before the Summit that has now taken on worldwide proportions. How do I feel? I feel confident. Our brief is good, and we’re going to offer him certain things on the economy. I will convince him that we want to move forward on defense; I will convince him that I can lead the alliance; but I will impress on him that he must stop screwing around with El Salvador47 and Cuba. If he really wants help, and he really wants progress to go forward, then we’ve got to move—not only on the economic front—but on the political side. He’s come a long way. I’m criticized for not doing enough, but things are coming our way, so why do we have to jump up and down, risk those things turning around and going in the wrong direction.
There are some gales out there, apparently, but as I dictate this just before going to sleep, there is a very gentle lull, and I think of my days aboard San Jacinto. I love the Navy, and I felt 31 years old walking around the decks of the Forrestal 48 and the Belknap. I even went out and fished off the fantail. No fish, obviously, but did get one nibble. It must have been some tiny little thing.
December 2nd
It’s the damnedest weather you’ve ever seen. . . . the highest seas that they’ve ever had, and it screwed everything up. In the first place, we could not go to the Slava because Gorbachev did not want to go out to Slava—the seas were plenty rough—so we went to the Maxim Gorky, a great big beautiful cruise liner laying against a berth in the harbor. Getting on the boat was a little bit of a challenge, but nothing like coming back onto the Belknap.49 Anyway, we made it into the Gorky, and the meetings, I’d say, went reasonably well. I tabled a series of proposals. It seemed to disarm him but, sure enough, we did have some progress on arms control; on what we can do for MFN,50 etc.
Gorbachev looked tired. He wore a dark blue pinstriped suit, a cream colored white shirt (like the ones I like), a red tie (almost like the one out of the London firm with a sword), and he was graying at the temples. The spot is prominent on his head, but you don’t notice it all the time, and a nice smile, though there was something different. He seemed laid back and reserved but, of course he was dead tired; he had gotten in late that night. . . .
I strongly raised Nicaragua and Cuba, but he resisted. . . . He made a strong pitch for me to talk to Castro. I hit him hard on arms to Nicaragua, and I accepted his denial that they weren’t his; but I did point out that [Soviet-made] helicopters were on their way, and this was very damaging. He seemed laid-back, or not as aggressive as I thought he might be, on these points on Cuba and Nicaragua. I explained our position about Noriega, and he did not defend Noriega, but he said that Ortega51 in Nicaragua was not a Marxist, and that he [was allowing] elections. It was a weak defense, but I tried to make the point that this was a real sticking point in our relationship and he ought to do something about clearing it up. He said, “I want to talk to you about Afghanistan; I noticed that you didn’t mention that in the other meeting.” And I said, “Well, that’s true, I didn’t, but I’m prepared to talk to you, and sure enough, we will.”
We had a good meeting . . . about four hours, or four and a half hours, and then we came back to Belknap. But then the weather really broke for the worst. We barely got aboard Belknap with the Admiral’s barge charging up and down, but once we got on, the landing platforms had to be pulled up. The Maltese said this storm was one of the worst they had seen, and they didn’t expect it to clear. There was some talk that it would clear in time for dinner, but I’m dictating this at 10:00 p.m., and the ship is rolling like mad. I’ve got a patch behind my ear—the things really work—but I’m blessed by not getting seasick. I can’t say I don’t feel the ship’s motion.
I walked after a marvelous dinner that was supposed to be for Gorbachev—swordfish, fresh lobster, etc. I walked the deck; spoke to the enlisted men, with the spray and rain driving down way up on the bow; then on the walkway back to the stern; and then through the enlisted men’s mess where they were about to have a movie. It was wonderful. What fine looking kids, and they were all very friendly, taking pictures, my standing with them for the pictures with their own camera, and making it much more fun.
The best laid plans of men: Here we are, the two super power leaders several hundred yards apart, and we can’t talk because of the weather. . . .
Despite the weather the meeting was seen as enormously successful. Gorbachev and I talked about everything and established a good working relationship, which would be important in the days to come. After the meeting was over, I personally briefed our NATO allies and sent Brent to China to brief the leaders there. I did it out of courtesy, and to extend a hand.
December 10th
Congress jumps all over me, and the press is in a frenzy on the China trip. It’s as if we totally normalized relations. It looks like it’s going to be hell but I’m confident we did the right thing. . . .
I like this fight, because I’m convinced it’s the right thing to do, and there’s not a hell of a lot that Congress can do about it. Bob Strauss checks in and says it was a statesman-like thing to do. He said, “You’re strong as President, and you can afford to do this kind of thing.” I was very pleased by that. . . .
A personal cloud was developing over our family that Christmas. Neil was being dragged into the savings and loan mess, only because he was an outside director of a S&L called Silverado. He was one of thousands of Americans who sat on S&L boards, but because his name was Bush, he was being singled out. As President, I could not step in and help him, which killed me. But once again, our good friend Lud Ashley—now out of Congress—offered support.
The Honorable Thomas Ludlow Ashley
Association of Bank Holding Companies
Washington, DC 20005
Dear Lud:
Thank you for your good memo December 8th.
I would appreciate any help you could give Neil. He tells me he never had any insider dealings. He got off the Board early—long before I was elected President. The Denver paper apparently ran a very nice editorial about him on that. He is an outside Director, and thus I guess has liability, but I can’t believe that his name would appear in the paper if it was Jones not Bush. In any event, I know that the guy is totally honest. I saw him in Denver and I think he is worried about the publicity and the “shame.” I tell him not to worry about that but any advice that you can give as this matter unfolds would be greatly appreciated by me. If it turns out there has been some marginal call, or he has done something wrong, needless to say there will be no intervention from his dad. But I’m quite confident that this is not true. . . .
Warm regards,
George
December 16th
Ellie52 walked in about 4:00 a.m.—she was sleeping in Bar’s little office off our bedroom—and I was aware of her presence. I held out the blanket (we didn’t say anything), pulled her in, and then rolled her over into the middle. Millie was already there, so in went Bar, Millie, Ellie and me. I said, “Be quiet, and go to sleep,” but we really never did go back to sleep, but she didn’t say anything. She was a wiggly little thing, but she hugged me and it reminded me exactly of when Robin was sick. It was frightening it was much the same—her little figure standing there, roughly the same age, equally as beautiful, just walking towards my bed, and standing there, just looking at me . . .
December 17th
Last night a young Marine was killed in Panama. Hectored by blockade guards, the Marine and his three companions tried to get away from a road block, but they had gotten lost, and they were shot at. The Panamanians claim that the Marines fired on them, which was bull because none of them had any ammunition or guns.
Shortly after that a Navy lieutenant and his wife were taken in by the same check point people and harassed for 30 minutes. He was kicked and brutalized, kicked in the groin. A day or so before that, the Panamanians declared war on the United States, and they installed Manuel Noriega as the maximum leader. . . .
So this Sunday afternoon, I put into forward motion a major use of force to get Noriega out. It’s a major gamble. We do not want to be an occupying power in Panama. World opinion will be difficult, but I decided to send a cable to the OAS53 states saying that what happened was unacceptable . . . the Soviet reaction will probably be negative . . . Certainly some of the Central Americans will be very wary . . .
Things that are on my mind: Loss of American life; what if we don’t get Noriega and bring him to justice—that he escapes our net. We’ll go after him in every way possible.
December 20th
I’m thinking about the kids . . . those young 19 year olds who will be dropped in tonight . . . The operation has been rehearsed, and I’m thinking about the brutality of Noriega and what he’s apt to do. I’m thinking about what happens if he gets away or flees into some Embassy—hostile or friendly. And I’m wondering if Endara and Ford54 will accept their responsibility to stand up, be declared the democratically elected leaders, be sworn in and govern.55 It is a major decision. . . .
So the tension mounts. They asked whether I would sleep; but there’s no way I will be able to sleep; during an operation of this nature where the lives of American kids are at risk. . . .
Our military performed brilliantly during the nighttime invasion, but 23 Americans were killed and 323 were injured. Noriega did flee and could not be found for a few days, but Endara and his team were sworn in and took over immediately, and the people of Panama were relieved and grateful.
December 24th
The phone rang and it’s Brent saying Noriega has turned himself in to the Vatican Embassy in Panama. . . .
So what are my feelings when I hear that Noriega has given himself up? Great relief, and then my mind starts ticking—what are the complications? Will they try and give him asylum somewhere else? Will they try and arrange for him to be shipped to some third country? What about the indictments? It had been said that we’d pass the word that if he went to a third country on his own, we wouldn’t pursue him . . . but that was before we lost American lives. . . .
It’s got to be good news for Christmas Eve—very good news—because I think that with Noriega coming along into custody, even to the Vatican, that resistance will melt. He has no real following—he’s a thug, crook, witch craft drug dealer, everything evil, and his time is up. This could be a great Christmas Eve . . .56
December 31st
It’s been some year—a fascinating year of change. I end the year with more confidence, and end the year with real gratitude to our team. They’ve pulled together. They had very little individual grandstanding. . . .
I’m certainly not seen as a visionary, but I hope I’m seen as steady and prudent and able.
The tough thing was going down early in my Presidency to speak at the ceremony for the Iowa sailors. I’ve gotten a little better at that at year’s end, but not very good. When something close and personal happens, I break up and I know it. I couldn’t speak at Fred Chamber’s funeral. . . .
Bar’s been sick this year,57 but she’s as strong as she can be, though her eyes bother her. She’s captured the imagination of the country, and it’s wonderful. My worries are about her eyes—they hurt her. They’re changing the medication, etc., but she’ll do fine. I’m sure of that—she’s got to. . . .
One of the greatest highlights was the day after Christmas. I was getting ready to go to the office, and Ellie—beautiful Ellie, who lights up any room she’s in—said, “Gampy, come here,” so I went into the bathroom. She pointed into the toilet, and said, “Did you leave that poo-poo?” Not many people would talk to the President of the United States like that.