WASHINGTON
On New Year’s Eve, Barbara and I went to San Antonio to visit some of the injured troops coming back from Panama. It was an emotional day for both of us. This was one of several thank-you notes that I wrote:
Jan. 1, 1990
Brigadier Gen’l William L. Moore, Jr.
Brooke Army Medical Center
Fort Sam Houston, TX 78150-6189
Dear B Gen Moore,
I wiped away a tear or two as we drove back to the plane—a tear of sadness that those young kids are hurting—a tear of joy that your loving care and the care of all involved with our wounded men knows no bounds when it comes to excellence and concern.
I am grateful to you and yours; and I am thankful that your love and your medicine will give our heroic young men the chance to lead normal productive lives. May God Bless you, your family, and your critically important work—
George Bush
FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO: Marvin1
The two boys, squad mates, who were blasted in Panama and are lying there in Brooke Army Medical Center with colostomies are:
PFC Patrick Kilgallen
Bravo Company 3/75th Rangers—21 years old, single—spirits fair. His folks were there and he seemed a little confused and scared about what lies ahead, Mom mentioned your colostomy and Kilgallen’s mother, at bedside, thanked her.
PFC Darron Murphy. Same exact outfit. 20 years old, married w/ daughter—spirits good. They told him when he came out of the operation that the Pres’ son Marv had had the same operation.
The boys are lying there side by side in a room. Their squad leader was killed.
A phone call, like only you can do, would make a difference. We can set it up if you’d like or you can call the hospital, speak to General Moore who showed Mum and me around. Ask him what would be best way to talk to both kids. It will mean an awful lot.
Maureen Dowd of the New York Times wanted to do an article about Marlin Fitzwater. I agreed to jot down some thoughts:
January 7, 1990
Dear Maureen,
Yes I am a note answerer, and a note writer, and a self typer because my handwriting is pretty awful. You ask about Marlin:
He is a serious contender for the coveted Scowcroft Award.2 Marlin, though it is early in 1990, has already demonstrated an amazing ability to fall asleep at the drop of a hat. He needs to improve his record on sleeping in important meetings. The Scowcroft award gives extra points for he/she who totally craters, eyes tightly closed, in the midst of meetings; but in fairness a lot of credit is given for sleeping soundly while all about you are doing their thing. Here Marlin does very well. As I say, it is early in January, but already, Marlin Fitzwater is building on last year’s record. It was on a short hop from Texas to Alabama, early in the A.M. when most were just getting ‘hyped’ up for the day, that Marlin, mouth open, head back, set a new high standard. It is said that 2 people were talking to him when he clonked out—an amazing performance.
Marlin is a hat man. Most men, at least younger men Marlin’s age (younger by my gauge) are careful about hats—not Marlin. Unafraid of what his peers might think, he’ll try any hat. You might think this is trivial. I don’t. I respect him for this—a trait some would consider eccentric.
You ask about tennis—Yes. For awhile when he was carrying excess tonnage the ranking committee3 felt his claims of prowess in Kansas were a bit exaggerated—the committee watched, saw some potential but couldn’t picture the gazelle like qualities he claims he once had. Now, however, Slim Fast having hammered his body into hard rock muscle, those critics can see what he meant about himself when he said “I used to run like a deer and have the finesse, on the court, of a fox-owl combined.” Yes. Tennis. He’s into it.
Humorist you ask? Of Course. For the most part Marlin’s jokes could be told over there at the DAR HQ4—well not all of them but many. He laughs well and others laugh with him. He better though, how could he survive in that briefing room if he couldn’t laugh it up from time to time.
What else?—Let’s see.
He’s a classy guy and I depend on him, not just when we land but when we take off, too. He’s my guy and I am proud to have him at my side.
George Bush
I sent a copy of this letter to our entire family.
January 17, 1990
Mr. George W. Bush
Dallas, Texas 75225
Dear George:
On Friday, January 12th, in Cincinnati, I met with a Mrs. Sandra Rouse. Her son, PFC James Markwell, was a paratrooper and a medic trained, as he said in his own words . . . “to kill and to save.”
Markwell wrote the attached letter on December 18th.5 He was killed on the first day of battle.
At our meeting, Mrs. Rouse was courageous and strong; her faith in God sustaining her. She cried. I put my arm around her shoulder.
I thought—I sent her son into this battle and here she is telling me with love about her son and what he stood for. She said, “You did the right thing.”
PFC Markwell died, I’m told, as he attended to a wounded man. Yes, he was taught to kill and to save.
Markwell’s letter will give you a glimpse into the thinking of a special, courageous, patriotic young man.
But there are others like him. Bar and I saw this in the wards of two San Antonio military hospitals.
On my desk, as I write, is a flag given to me by a Ranger severely wounded in Panama. One leg had been amputated. He is paralyzed. He handed me a little American flag and said he wished he were back there, in Panama, with his unit.
Each member of the Joint Chiefs and our able Chairman, Colin Powell, says these are the finest, best trained kids we ever had. They have all volunteered.
Back to Markwell. His mom told me he had a chance to go to West Point, a chance to go to college, but he wanted to be a Ranger. He desperately wanted to serve his country.
I just wanted to share all this with family. Please do not let this get out of your own hands.
When I mourn our dead and wounded, when I think of their families and loved ones, I also think of the courage of our troops.
I expect I’ll remember PFC James W. Markwell as long as I live. I’ll remember a loving mother’s grief but also her pride in one young, courageous, and patriotic soldier.
Devotedly,
Dad
I had gotten to know the president of Finland, Mauno Koivisto, quite well during the vice presidency. He was especially helpful on giving us insight into Soviet affairs.
His Excellency Mauno Koivisto
President of Finland
Helsinki
Dear Mr. President:
I have read and re-read your good letter of January 9. First, let me thank you so much for sending it along. As you know by now, I truly value your advice, your insights, and your judgment.
I, too, have a feeling of “uneasiness.” Recent events inside the Soviet Union have been very difficult for Mr. Gorbachev. In my view, he is handling things well, but the recent use of force will, undoubtedly, cause ongoing problems. I don’t know what he could have done differently, however, given the tremendous ethnic violence.6
At Malta I was amazed at how little Gorbachev really knows about Free Market economics. The Soviets have enormous economic problems, far greater than most of the world realizes. . . .
Yes, we will push forward on arms control talks. I think Gorbachev wants to see both START and CFE7 treaties signed at our summit which comes up this summer. We may have a chance to get even further reductions in both Soviet and U.S. forces deployed in Europe.
I am not sure I agree with you that “the West must be prepared to give more and quicker assistance.” I think some more serious reforms are needed before financial assistance will really help. I do think we can do much more in helping with suggested basic reforms in the Soviet Union, just as we are trying to do with Poland. Shevardnadze, himself, said, “we don’t want to be bailed out” (a paraphrase).
I was interested in your thoughts on the Soviet Union “turning inwards.” There is evidence of this—particularly when one considers recent comments by Gorbachev about Lithuania. Who would have dreamed there would be even talk about autonomy or independence of the Baltic States, without drawing Soviet threats of force.8
I will continue to signal to Gorbachev that we want to see him succeed. I really have great respect for what he has done—great understanding for the enormous problems he faces. Yeltsin is now giving him some grief and those old guard types like Ligachev still fire a few salvos, but Gorbachev keeps on trying to keep perestroika moving and to keep glasnost alive.
Thanks again for that fine letter.
Most sincerely,
George Bush
I wrote this note to Mexican president Carlos Salinas:
Feb. 3, 1990
Sat. A cold rainy day
My Dear Friend,
. . . I’m told that there was a recent TV Program here that offended many in Mexico.9 I have not seen it. As for me, I will continue to say that Mexico, under President Salinas, is giving us great cooperation in the anti-drug fight.
I realize that Panama has caused some heartburn in Mexico. I hope that has lessened now; and I hope you personally know that I had to protect American life. I am gratified that the Panamanian people supported our action by over 92% at one point. I’m also pleased that Democracy has a chance now—a real chance there in Panama. In any event I do understand Mexico’s predictable response just as I hope you understand I have not lost my determination to work closely with you and other democratic leaders to our South.
My respects to your family and with high esteem my warmest, friendliest personal best wishes to you—
George Bush
February 13th
Ranger was up in the middle of the night outside. I heard him barking, and I had to go out and bring him in at 2:00 am with my pajamas on and overcoat, much to the giggling and not consternation but enjoyment of the Secret Service . . . I heard their [radio] message—“Timberwolfe is on the White House lawn; Timberwolfe is out.”10 . . . The agents tell me that he was on the tennis courts, so we go off looking for him. . . . Out of the ivy toward the tennis courts charges Ranger, happy to see me, and wagging his tail. I take him up to the third floor where Marvin is asleep with Marshall in two twin beds, and Margaret is off in another room with Walker.11 Fortunately, I stuck him in with Marvin and said, “He’s your dog.”
What a fantastic dog he is, and what a great lovable dog Millie is. She no longer sleeps on the foot of the bed—say nothing of her in her basket—it’s right up between Bar and me on the head. We have two kinds of round pillows, very hard, and I stick them about half way across the bed as a “barrier”. She has to stay on her side of the “barrier” and now she knows, but her head comes across and she’ll nudge me. She’ll turn over in the middle of the night, and while my hand is reaching over for Bar, I’ll find Millie’s legs in the air and I’ll give her a scratch under her arms, and she falls asleep. . . .
On February 15 I went to Cartagena, Colombia, to attend a drug summit. The drug lords were waging a guerrilla-like war against the Colombian government and there were huge concerns about security at the summit.
February 14th
It’s 9:30 on Wednesday night. I decide to come out to Air Force One and climb on the plane now rather than wake up in the middle of the night [to leave]. We first go out to dinner with George, Marvin, Laura, Margaret and Bar, who’s just had a cancer removed from her lip. She’s obviously worried about her stitches and the way she looks, but we have a wonderful Peking Duck dinner joined by the Burt Lees.
I feel a certain tension about our trip to South America, a certain anxiety, but nobody wants to talk about it. I go into the restaurant, and people clap, and when we walk out, they say, “Go safely, we’re praying for you.” And at the end of the line going out, I found myself choking up. I don’t think it was the martini or the white wine or the Peking Duck—it was the genuine warmth and affection of the people.
. . . I can tell John Simpson12 is nervous, and I wonder, “Why don’t I feel nervous,” and I think maybe it’s because of World War II when every day you got up, you went into combat, saw your friends going into combat, or knowing your assignment was to go into combat. I’m convinced we can hold the line. . . .
We go back to the White House after this marvelous dinner at Peking Duck, and then we hear the helicopter. I can tell Bar is nervous. It worries me a little, but I give her a hug and she worries about my going. I hate to leave her when she needs somebody to have their arms around her and lift her up . . .
In any event, it’s 9:40 PM, the night of the 14th, and in another six hours, they will be pulling this plane out of this great big hangar; and in another seven hours we’ll be on our way to Cartagena [Colombia]. I know it’s the right thing to do, and I’m not afraid; and yet, I worry that some journalist might get zapped or somebody else (not us) might get hit. We’ll get the blame, so then we’ll wonder—why did they do this? . . . And then I think Barco13 is risking his life for the kids in Chicago and Texas every single day, so we’ve got to do it. Sometimes you’ve got to do what you think is right.
They say I live by the polls and want to be popular . . . well, Panama might not have gone down well, and certainly this isn’t the popular decision, and clearly China wasn’t popular, so you’ve got to do what you think is right, take the heat, and that’s what I’m trying to do.
[The summit was successful in that it renewed our determination to cooperate on the drug problem. Everyone got home safe and sound without incident.]
February 24th
. . . The concern about a unified Germany has intensified . . . Thatcher now has much more concern about a unified Germany than about a Soviet threat. We’re in this fascinating time of change and flux. . . .
[Brian] Mulroney14 points out, “You’re the only one to lead this alliance—you must do it.” Kohl, I think, recognizes the key role of the United States, and I think we have a disproportionate role for stability. We’ve got strong willed players—large and small in Europe—but only the United States can do this . . .
I told Jim and Brent yesterday that I don’t want to move to isolation, but I don’t want to see us fettered by a lot of multi-lateral decisions. We’ve got to stand, and sometimes we’ll be together with them; but sometimes we’ll say we differ, and we’ve got to lead, so we should not be just kind of watered down, picking up the bill, and acquiescing in a lot of decisions that might hurt us . . . I’ve got to look after the U.S. interest in all of this without reverting to a kind of isolationistic or stupid peace-nik view on where we stand in the world.
Who’s the enemy? I keep getting asked that. It’s apathy; it’s the inability to predict accurately; it’s dramatic change that can’t be foreseen; and its events that can’t be predicted like the Iran-Iraq war. . . . There are all kinds of events that we can’t foresee that require a strong NATO, and there’s all kinds of potential instability that requires a strong U.S. presence.
March 9, 1990
Mr. Dan Jenkins15
Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida 32983
Dear Dan,
Your article came in two days after I decided to take up golf again. It all happened when I got 3 fairway short irons off the turf without sticking my pick in the turf. The long putter paved the way. I don’t sink putts now but the long one has given me confidence to follow through, thus avoiding the automatic 4 putt greens. Now there is light at the end of the short-game tunnel. I’m not ready for a guy that shoots 77 or ever shot 77. Here’s my sports game plan—Keep throwing ‘shoes’—try to improve. Tennis—keep playing doubles but recognize that the kids of mine, by tying their shoes when I say “let’s hit,” are sending me a clear message that I better think “phase out”. Golf—more of it. Fishing—bitch more at the schedulers around here demanding more fishing time. quote Isaac Walton a lot “Time a man spends fishing should not be deducted from the time a guy spends on earth” (something like that). Baseball—watch it as much as possible pointing out to the scheduling dynasty that The National Past-time demands A President’s respect.
Skeet and Quail Hunting—beg for time. Jogging—stay with my current 3 times a week, 2 miles at about 9 minutes per. Hips and knees hurt more now so keep phasing in with cycles, stairmasters, fast walk up hill, tread mills etc. So there it is—My life its ownself. . . .
George Bush
Marlin—
Having bitched about Day-in-Life-of by Brokaw16 as it was being born; and having now a week or so to look back on it—
I now salute your decision—Reviews good—all clicked—your staff did good work.
What’s next—
Roseanne Barr & me going tummy to tummy?
George Bush
March 15, 1990
Mrs. Peggy Say17
Cadiz, Kentucky
Dear Mrs. Say:
Barbara and I were deeply moved by your eloquent and profoundly sad letter to us.
We share your great sorrow at the approach of the fifth anniversary of Terry’s abduction. As you so poignantly expressed in your letter, the tragedy of your brother’s merciless imprisonment exists in his missing the simple enjoyments of watching children born and growing up. So much has changed in the lives of his family and indeed, in the world as he knew it five long, lonely years ago. Yet so little has really changed for your brother.
Let me assure you, your family and all the hostage families that securing the freedom of your brother and the other American hostages is a matter of great importance to me. We continue to call for the immediate, unconditional, safe release of the hostages. As a further signal of commitment to resolving this tragedy, I intend to keep open lines of communications with all parties, including Iran, who have influence over hostage takers. Please be assured that your government will take advantage of all legitimate opportunities to obtain the safe release of all of our hostages.
Although I regret that I will be unable to be with you and the other families as you remember the tragic day five years ago when Terry was abducted, please be assured that Barbara and I think often of the hostages and their families. We pray for the speedy return of your loved one.
Sincerely,
George Bush
P. S. I found the story in today’s [Washington] Post very heart warming, a tribute to your dedication.
Without really meaning to, I announced to the world about this time that I did not like broccoli, that I had never liked broccoli, and now that I was President of the United States, I was never eating it again. It caused a huge stir, and I still hear about it today.
March 23rd
. . . The broccoli war is heating up. On March 21st, the Broccoli Association announces they’re sending a couple of tons of the stuff, but I’m sticking with my position that I hate broccoli. I think I’ll get Barbara, who likes broccoli, to go out and greet the broccoli caravan. I refuse to give an inch on this, and I so advised the press. I can’t stand the stuff; it smells up everything; and I’m against it. . . .
March 22, 1990
Mrs. Jane C. Schultz
Ridgefield, Connecticut 06877
Dear Mrs. Schultz:
Your letter has touched me deeply. Thank you for telling me about the thoughts and feelings that you have had since hearing my State of the Union Address. While I knew that your Thomas was among those killed aboard Pan AM Flight 103, I was not aware that you had also lost your only other child, Andrew, in a terrible accident. You and your husband have suffered great pain.
I want to assure you that not a day goes by that I am not mindful that we have an obligation to the victims of the Pan Am 103 bombing to see that those responsible for their deaths are brought to justice. Our investigation into the destruction of Pan Am 103 is ongoing and is by no means completed. New and important information continues to be found. But the point here is, we have not forgotten and we will not forget. International investigations take a lot of time, but our various agencies are determined to get to the bottom of this horrible tragedy.
Your letter was a cry from the heart and I have heard this cry. Perhaps I truly can understand your deep hurt, because as you point out, we did lose a child.
When our beloved daughter was about to die another little child in the next room lost her life. The grieving parents, heartbroken by their loss, turned on the doctors and nurses who had requested permission to perform an autopsy. They said, “Haven’t you done enough to our child?” The doctors and nurses who had labored to keep that child alive were deeply hurt; and yet they tried to understand the parents’ grief and they forgave the parents.
We will continue to try to get to the bottom of this matter; and I will continue to care about your loss, and about those hostages you mention, and about those courageous soldiers who died in Panama, and about those victims of AIDS who feel that no one cares.
Your letter helped me, in a sense, for it made me focus yet again on another’s sorrow. Perhaps I will be a better President. . . .
Sincerely,
George Bush
March 23, 1990
Mr. Dick Sternberg
The Hunting and Fishing Library
Minnetonka, Minnesota 55343
Dear Dick:
I love those marvelous fishing books. They are now in my personal office at Camp David. The place I use to “think” fishing after my homework is done.
My tip is a simple one, “If at first you don’t succeed, hang in there!”
Last summer I had a run of ten days getting skunked looking for bluefish in Maine waters. Other boats were catching them, but I kept striking out. The Portland paper raised the stakes by printing a “no fish” sticker everyday.
Finally . . . I broke the jinx—I kept the hook in the water. I refused to get too tense. Tense yes, “too tense,” no. I cast into every swirl I saw; I trolled ’til the sun had sunk. I changed lures and rods for luck; and finally on the second to last day as I began to troll, a good bluefish hit my diving Rebel (mackerel color).
The press boats honked their horns, same for the Coast Guard and Secret Service boats. I knew great happiness.
My fishing tips—“Keep the hook in the water. Never give up. Enjoy the contest even when the pressure mounts. But best of all, go fishing when there is no pressure, and relax.”
Sincerely,
George Bush
March 27, 1990
Mr. Raymond J. Mitchell
Miami Township, Ohio 45439-3124
Dear Mr. Mitchell:
Barbara was touched by your letter telling her of your wife’s rebellion against peas, caused by my rebellion against broccoli.
Tell Janice Ann to “hang in there;” however, Ray, I cannot accept your check even though the cause for which you sent it in is a noble one. I love Baby Ruth’s and Heath bars too, but I just can’t spend your fiver on that. “Eat it today, wear it tomorrow.”
Barbara, broccoli lover that she is, joins me in sending our warm best wishes.
Sincerely,
George Bush
The wonderful cockroach racers from Hawaii surfaced again.
March 27, 1990
Mr. Kimo Wilder McVay
Chairman, Roach Bowl III
Honolulu, Hawaii 96814
Dear Kimo:
I was very pleased to get your letter and to learn that Kinder Gentleroach has indeed been officially received as an entry for this year’s big race.
I know a lot of thoroughbred roach lovers were disappointed that Oval Office Roach did so badly back in 1988, but lots has happened since then.
Commissioner Conrad, through his own success, has brought great lustre to this event. (I am told that his own entry this year has little chance, however, given the fact that his roach is overweight—sad to say.)18
I am a great believer in the Thousand Points of Light concept, and I salute you and all the others for what you are doing to help battle Multiple Sclerosis.
Please consider this your official permission to permit Kinder Gentleroach to enter not only the Roach Bowl classic, but also to run in the Iolani Derby. Kinder Gentleroach is willing to submit to an anti-steroid test, saliva test, etc., and I challenge all other roach owners to compel their entries to do the same.
Sincerely,
George Bush
P.S. I still feel both Yellow Roach of Texas and Oval Officeroach were robbed because Fred Zeder . . . had an illegal bet on other roaches. All we ask for is fair play.19
On March 11, Lithuania declared its independence from the Soviet Union and declared that Vytautas Landsbergis was president. Gorbachev condemned the action as “illegitimate and invalid” and threatened military action. Again, I was frustrated by the difference between what I would have liked to have done and what was the right thing to do.
March 28th
Everyone wants us to “do more,” though nobody is quite clear on what that means. Congress has a free shot because they can exhort and urge without being specific except that they want immediate recognition of Lithuania, which I think would be quite dangerous. So they’re hitting me as the wimp unwilling to move, but the big thing is to get through this so the Soviets and the Lithuanians get into negotiations, and handle it without bloodshed and force. If there is bloodshed, there is not a damn thing the United States can do about it and you’d have blood on your hands for encouraging her and enciting the Lithuanians to bite off more than they can chew at this point. We are continuing to talk about self-determination and freedom, but this is a fine line for walking here . . . It’s funny how these things aren’t quite as simple as they seem from the outside.
The NEA20 for example. When I see Jesus Christ shooting up heroin or floating in a bottle of urine, I figure that there ought not to be one dime of federal funds going into this. And then you think of the alternative which comes to mind— federal censorship—and you worry, “Where will this lead?” . . .
Margaret [Bush] came over with Ranger, and the two kids, and I had a quiet supper with her. She is so sweet to me. When Marv’s gone and Bar’s gone, she’s always considerate thinking I might be lonely. She’s a lovely girl, and I’m very lucky to have her as one of our wonderful daughters-in-law. I love holding Walker. He’s more alert now, and his little face looks up, and if you talk to him just right, he’ll give you a tremendous broad smile. Marshall doesn’t seem jealous. She doesn’t eat much, though. We told her that her eggplant was pizza, but that didn’t work, so we gave her a couple of scoops of ice cream, and she managed to get some of that down.
April 16th
Barbara Bush is annoyed and I don’t blame her about the students at Wellesley protesting her visit.21 They’re protesting because she hasn’t made it on her own—she’s where she is because she’s her husband’s wife. What’s wrong with the fact that she’s a good mother, a good wife, great volunteer, great leader for literacy and other fine causes? Nothing, but to listen to these elitist kids there is. . . .
April 17th
Bar is gone. . . . I sit here at the White House rundown by health problems22 and a little gloomy given the magnitude of the problems. It might be the first day I’ve really felt an accumulation of problems: the Middle East, the deficit, environment, and Lithuania . . . but that’s what I get paid to do.
April 29, 1990
His Excellency Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev
President of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Moscow
Dear Mr. President:
These are trying times. I have tried very hard to understand the problems you face at home. Indeed as Jim Baker has told Foreign Minister Shevardnadze, not only have we tried to understand, but we have acted with restraint and prudence.
I understand your view that the Baltic States are part of the Soviet Union; and I expect you know our view that we have never recognized their incorporation into the Soviet Union.23 I have given a lot of weight to your stated view that force would not be used and that eventual separation or self determination is in the cards for Lithuania.
The problem is we can no longer sit idly by, giving the impression that we are unconcerned about the aspirations to freedom of the people of Lithuania.
I have often stated publicly, not only my desire to see perestroika succeed, but also to see you personally prevail. I still feel very strongly about that. Last Monday, the Minister from your Embassy came to the State Department and once again asked that we show restraint. On Tuesday I met with key leaders in our Congress and explained that I was not prepared to take action on this matter, though there is a growing feeling in this country that my inaction delivers a serious blow to the aspirations of freedom loving people in Lithuania, and indeed everywhere. This growing feeling, which I share, leads me to believe that there is no way we will be able to conclude our Trade Agreement, and thus MFN, unless dialogue with the Lithuanians begins.
We realize there is no easy answer; but, as you know, we felt that a “suspension” by Lithuania of its resolution,24 as suggested by President Mitterrand and Chancellor Kohl, coupled with your willingness to meet with the Lithuanians outside the federation concept, would be the best way to break the ice. We have, as you probably know, urged this course upon Mr. Landsbergis.
Here is the basic reality—there is no way Congress will approve MFN under existing circumstances—no way at all. Further, under existing circumstances, I will not be able to recommend approval. I have felt that these negotiations should continue and, indeed, have taken some “flak” for not cutting off trade talks from our end. I assume that you have seen some of the statements on this critical subject.
I recognize, with respect, the restraint that you have shown, indeed, the encouragement you have given, to the new democracies in Eastern Europe. I recognize that this restraint and understanding has cost you support at home. You have a large stock of goodwill here and in other western countries for what you have done. But now we have Lithuania and the other Baltic States, which, to us, to repeat, have special standing.
I wish I could think of a more positive role that I could play to help ameliorate matters. In this regard, I would welcome any suggestions you might care to make. . . . It would be very useful if we could talk this out in a reasonable way, trying to work together to solve what at this moment is a terrible problem between us.
I may be forced very soon to state publicly that under existing conditions there can be no trade agreement. This is simply a statement of reality. It is not intended to be provocative. It is not intended to complicate matters for you. I will accompany this “marker” with the fervent hope that dialogue will begin between Lithuania and the Soviet Union. I regret that the latest Lithuanian attempt at dialogue, with Supreme Soviet Chairman Lukyanov, failed to produce positive results. We must clear the path so that the era of improved relations between our two great countries will continue to flourish.
You have done too much, and we have come too far to see matters between us revert to tension and anxiety.
I would welcome any suggestions. Please know that this was not an easy letter to write. I have tried very hard to keep relations on track, recognizing the dramatic changes that you have brought to much of this world.
I have no choice now but to identify with our strongly held convictions about Lithuania’s self determination and the right to control its own destiny.
I look forward to seeing you at our upcoming meeting. I am determined to keep that meeting on track in spite of existing tensions. There is a lot at stake there.
My sincere best wishes.
George Bush
[Gorbachev, obviously annoyed by the letter, sent me a strong reply, saying the situation in the Baltics was an internal affair.]
May 2nd
Mum was here—she came yesterday and she looked very tired. Her cheeks were hollow and I was absolutely shocked as I walked across from the Oval Office to the Diplomatic entrance, and she said, “Who’s that? Who’s that?” I said, “Mum, it’s George.” Here she was on the White House grounds surrounded by the White House presence, and she didn’t know. But then I hugged her, and she knew . . .
While walking the White House grounds, my mind is not on tomorrow’s press conference; it’s not on Lithuania and the problem there; it’s not on the leak on the budget committee meeting . . . it’s on Mother and our family, and our love for her. She won the Mother’s race when I was in the fourth grade, and she was the captain of the Mother’s baseball team when I was in the 6th, 7th, or 8th grade—but it matters not. At Andover, she was the most vivacious when she came, and I know all my friends looked at her and said how wonderful she was. As the years went by, she was the leader for the Walkers, the Stapletons, the Bushes, the Jansings, and whoever—but now, she is a tired old lady. She stares a lot when she focuses, and it’s that focus of love. I said, “Did you see your newest little great-grandson, Walker?” And she knew and she lit up, and she said, he’s the most beautiful little boy she’d ever seen . . .
Tomorrow she leaves, and maybe I’ll never see her again, but I love her very much and that’s what counts. All the criticism, all the fighting, all the ups-and-downs, all the right-wings, the left-wings, the press, and controversy—they all mean nothing. It’s Mum’s words: do your best; try your hardest; be kind; share; go to Church—and I think that’s what really matters on this evening of May 2nd, 1990. . . .
May 4th
It was a very full day, and I had to cope with the leaks on my proposed talks about the budget. I had asked Mitchell, Michel, Foley25 and Dole to come to a Sunday meeting. We all pledged to secrecy, but then the night before the press conference on the 3rd, we got a call, and the word from the Hill is—there is a budget meeting. So there is a lot of preliminary jockeying, but if we handle it wrong, our troops will rebel on taxes—everybody will rebel on social security benefits—and there will be no deal at all, and we need a deal. I’m willing to eat crow, but the others are going to have to eat crow. I’ll have to yield on “Read My Lips,” and they’re going to have to yield on some of their rhetoric on taxes and on entitlements—
In any event, as I dictate this now on the 4th of May, Friday night, heading for Camp David, I’m tired, relaxed though—maybe it’s the martini—but convinced we’re on the right track in the big picture, and wondering how long the public will support me because I must say, as I drive around the country in the car, there seems to be a warmth of feeling to me and Bar, and that’s good for the country, I think. By that I mean, respect for the institution—respect for the Presidency. . . .
Gorbachev arrived May 31 for our first official summit meeting. We had many difficult issues to discuss, including German unification, the Baltics, arms control, and a trade agreement.
I’m dictating this in-between meetings with Mr. Gorbachev. We spent a couple of hours together this morning. He asked me to outline for him how I saw the Soviet Union for the future, and where we place the United States and how he looked at the United States. I told him I stressed equality. We weren’t trying to complicate things for him, but that we wanted perestroika to succeed . . .
I told him we understood the loss of 27 million lives [in World War II.] He had referred to the arrogance of some countries, meaning mainly Japan and Germany. I told him that we no longer looked at them as arrogant, and that we fought in the war against them, but that in my view, they should be constructive partners of the Soviet Union in the future—both of them.
I told him the threat would come from “singularization,” meaning if you caused Germany to be treated differently and set aside and made to be neutral or made to have no weapons, you would risk a repeat of history. He alluded to the enormous problems.
I talked to him about Lithuania; I talked to him about how it caused difficulties for me politically; I mentioned Cuba; I talked to him about cooperation and lack of suspicion, saying that if they thought we wanted to install a regime hostile to them in Afghanistan, that would be bad; and similarly that we didn’t like support for a regime that is inhospitable to us 90 miles off our borders.
. . . We did not talk about the internal affairs much, though he did talk about their commitment to economic reform; their commitment to markets; and their commitment to reform in the provinces. I told him that as you approach market economics, you’ve got to go all the way or it won’t be effective. I said it’s just like being pregnant—you can’t be a little bit pregnant. He replied, and I thought cleverly, “Well, you can’t have a baby in the first month either—it takes nine months, and you want to be careful that you don’t have an abortion along the way.”
. . . In talking about Lithuania, he made clear to me that the constitution must be followed. He said if this was in the United States, George Bush would take care of the problem in twenty minutes.
June 1st
On the 31st, the dinner went well. Gorbachev was in a good mood . . . After the dinner, Gorby got me in the hall and said if we didn’t have a trade agreement, it would be a disaster—it would be terrible—repeated: a disaster. He was very agitated, and almost acted like he had not received the letter I wrote, which we’ve kept confidential—a letter in which I told him that we could not go forward with MFN unless there was some solution to the Lithuania problem. As I dictate this on the morning of June 1st, we have not talked in detail about Lithuania or trade or MFN, although he did touch on his need for support and not being isolated—don’t embarrass us, don’t humiliate us.
. . . Bar is very nervous about Wellesley this morning. She read me her speech. I called her about 7:30 and told her to be sure and put in there that reading to a child is self-rewarding, etc. She said, “Well, you didn’t listen to my speech when I read it to you” and I’m afraid she was somewhat right, although I did think the speech was very good. Now all three networks are carrying the speech live . . .26
Here we sit with all of these problems, and yet, when a bird flies by or two ducks land in the swimming pool, or I see the fountain down near the tennis court, I get a restful feeling. There is a bearded gardening man from the park service. He’s a great big guy, a giant—a tough looking guy—and I watch him from the Oval Office as he tends the flowers with the loving care that just shines through. I go out and talk to him for sometime, and he gives me great detail as to what it is he’s doing, and what flowers will bloom next.
On Saturday we took the Gorbachevs to Camp David. We had serious talks in the morning and afternoon but we had some fun, too.
June 2nd
. . . The toast [at dinner] was marvelous. Gorbachev had picked up a horseshoe when I was taking a little nap. He had gone for a walk, thrown it and hit a ringer on the first shoe. So Tim27 had gotten the other shoe, had it put on a plaque with a little etching on there about his visit, and I handed it to him with a very informal toast at the end of dinner that included our top people and their top people—about 30 at dinner. He was very emotional and choked up when he described what he felt was this relationship. . . .
It’s funny how in dealing with the Soviets we think we know a lot, but we know so little. We heard that Gorbachev didn’t like to fly in a helicopter, yet he seemed very comfortable in the helicopter—totally relaxed, looking out the window, and asking a lot of questions—and if he was nervous, he damn sure didn’t show it.
June 3rd
Sunday afternoon. I brought Gorbachev into Lincoln’s bedroom and showed him the room in which Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. I showed him the Gettysburg Address, and explained what it was about. I showed him the pictures of the slaves waiting to be freed, and then I brought him into the office and showed him my five screen television set, and the computers. I showed him my schedule for Monday, and he said, “I’ve got to get my office modernized. I don’t have this kind of thing.” Then I showed him the block schedule and he seemed positively amazed, so I just handed it to him for the month of May and for Monday, June 4th. He said he’d like to send his Chief of Staff over to work with my Chief of Staff, and I mentioned that in front of John Sununu, and I said Sununu would be glad to go to Moscow or he would be glad to have his chief come to us. He also asked me to be sure to come to the Soviet Union, and I told him, yes, I’d be glad to do it. . . .
[The summit was a big success. We made headway on arms control and got a surprising concession from Gorbachev that German unification and German membership in NATO were really up to the Germans, which was a huge step forward. Publicly, we gave Gorbachev his trade agreement, but the secret deal we made with him was that I would not send it up to Congress for approval until progress had been made on Lithuania.]
In March, a young and energetic Lee Atwater passed out while giving a speech. It was discovered that he had a nonmalignant brain tumor, which would eventually claim his life. I wrote him this note after he sent me a wonderful letter about our friendship:
6-14-90
Dear Lee,
I was touched—deeply moved—by your letter.
I am so proud of you and Sally, too
We need you badly, but take all the time you need to fight and win.
I’m at your side with all our family love coming your way.
Life is values—and one of those is “class”—not in a elitist sense but in a life its ownself sense. You’ve got it—
Love from all Bushes,
GB
June 15th
On Flag Day, I went to the Vietnam Memorial at 6:30 a.m. I presented a flag that’s been flown over the White House, and then gave the one flying at the park to a boy scout, a young black kid named Wilson, who presented his father, a fine looking guy, and gave his father credit for what “I am today”—a 13 year old straight arrow Boy Scout. Helen Thomas28 kept yelling at me—“What are you here for? What are you doing?” I did not answer. It was a solemn occasion and when I do go to the Vietnam Memorial, and this is about the third time, I feel tears welling up in my eyes especially when you look at the little cards, flowers, crosses laid up against the memorial, and the little messages of “we love you.” There were some 55,000 lives lost. . . .
It was a beautiful morning. The flag looked spectacular, and I hope we’re not going to be accused of demagoguing this day which is Flag Day, USA. But in any event, I think the American people do understand. . . .
My big moment in horseshoes—“I’m back.”29 I beat Ron 21 to nothing in a little exhibition match . . . Ron couldn’t believe it, and frankly, he didn’t have a chance to warm up. I think he was nervous with the little crowd that was gathered. At dinner, Buddy and George30 both mentioned to me, “You didn’t tell us you beat Ron.” I told them that the ranking committee had already agreed that Ron gets another shot at me. Anyway, Walter Mitty is back. I couldn’t miss. I was as good as I was bad the horrible day Marvin and I lost to the engineers. . . .
Democratic Congressman Dante Fascell of Florida, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, wrote me a supportive note about Neil and the testimony he gave on the Hill about his involvement with Silverado:
July 12, 1990
Dear Dante,
I can’t begin to tell you how much your comment to me about our son meant to me.
I have a Dad’s understandable instinct of wanting to defend his son. I believe in my boy’s integrity and in his honor. I feel that in staying out of the fray I am letting down my kid who is very very close to me. I see him twisting and I see him worried that he is hurting me—and, yet, I know I must stay out of it in every way except to say “I believe in my son”—
This, too, will pass, but what will remain is that a kind friend, sensing the concern of a proud father, held out his hand of comfort. That really counts.
Your friend,
George
July 24th
If I didn’t have this budget deficit problem hanging over my head, I would be loving this job . . .
On July 26, I signed the Americans with Disabilities Act, which was really the world’s first comprehensive declaration of equality for people with disabilities. I wrote this note to Mike Deland, head of the Council on Environmental Quality and a leader in the disabilities movement. Mike has never let his own disability diminish his outlook on life.
7-27-90
Friday—off to K’port
Michael Deland
Washington, D. C. 20005
Dear Mike,
Your note touched my heart. As I looked out at the audience yesterday, I was saying to myself “don’t choke up”—hang in there. As I walked out saying “hi” to you—I felt the Bush tears (we do cry a lot) coming on—tears of gratitude for your example, for your cheerful way and for your being at my side.
Yes, yesterday was special for so many—including me—your friend—
George Bush
August 2nd
6:00 a.m. I am in the Oval Office den. Brent came over at 5 confirming that Iraq had moved into Kuwait . . . they’re trying to overthrow the Emir. Yesterday evening about 9 I met with Scowcroft and there were scattered reports that Iraq had moved. There is little the U.S. can do in a situation like this, but this morning at 5:00 I sign an Executive Order freezing the assets of Kuwait and Iraq. Worry being that the Kuwait puppet government set up by Iraq would try to move billions of dollars out of Western banks and out of U.S. banks illegally. The Kuwaiti Ambassador agreed with this move.
I’m moving the fleet up early from [the Indian Ocean]. Saudis are concerned, and my view, all the GCC31 countries must be quaking in their boots. This is radical Saddam Hussein moving. . . .
August 5th
It has been the most hectic 48 hours since I have been President . . . the enormity of Iraq is upon me now. I have been on the phone incessantly . . . the bottom line is that the West is together. Japan’s Kaifu called me early Sunday morning to tell me that his Cabinet had acted on four major points. It boils down to cutting off everything economically with Iraq. . . .
On Saturday at Camp David we have a long briefing and we go over the military options—what can be done with augmented air power; what can be done and how long will it take to put the proper number of ground forces on the ground to repudiate any Iraqi attack.
August 6th
One of the most traumatic days of my Presidency.
I went to see Lee Atwater and he looked terrible. He has the courage to fight on. Brain swelling tumor may be under control, but who knows. . . . I am convinced they think he has very, very short time to live. I am very, very worried about our friend who is fighting with such conviction.
Big day regarding Iran and Iraq. Dick Cheney goes to see [Saudi Arabia’s] King Fahd and calls back. Fahd accepts [our offer] and invites our troops to come. I give him the order on the telephone this afternoon to alert and send the 82nd Airborne and to do the same with two tactical fighter squadrons, and then we start in with much more massive dispatch of troops. All kinds of questions abound. Margaret Thatcher was sitting in the office when Cheney called. I confided in her and asked her to tell no one. . . .
I have lunch with Tom Foley. I tell Tom that I am going to have to go forward and get out from behind the rock.32 I said the Democrats are laughing all the way to the bank. Ron Brown33 is being outrageous and I am looking like a sucker criticized by my own people and criticized by the Democrats. Foley cautioned me against going public saying it would undermine my leadership in this important Iraq crisis. I told him I didn’t think that was the case. He said Democrats and Republicans alike are giving me strong support on Iraq. I said, “I know, but they are also out carving me up in their various town meetings, selling out on taxes,” etc. . . .
I feel tension in the stomach and the neck. I feel great pressure, but I also feel a certain calmness when we talk about these matters. I know I am doing the right thing. . . .
8/10/90
FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO: MARLIN FITZWATER
CNN uses a picture of me that is printed backwards (hair parted on right).
Can you get them to use another. It’s the little one up in the right corner of the screen when my name is used.
(It’s weird—weirder than I really am!)
Thanks.
August 17th
. . . Bob Gates calls me and said the speaker of the Iraq Parliament said they were going to “detain foreigners” . . . They would place them in various facilities— he mentioned near oil dumps or chemical plants—whatever. Clearly putting them there so [the buildings] could not be bombed. Blatant hostage holding. Another blatant disregard of international law by a cruel and ruthless dictator. I cannot tolerate, nor will I, another Tehran. I am determined in that. It may cost American lives, but we cannot sacrifice American principle and American leadership. . . .
On September 12, I addressed the people of Iraq—or at least we tried to pipe my translated remarks into the country using the Voice of America and other venues. I jotted down these notes on September 6, getting ready for the speech:
Some scribblings on my speech to Iraq
American people have no argument with the people or indeed Gov’t officials. Our argument is with one man S. Hussein.
Your beloved country violated International Law
S.H. took over a neighboring country.
An Arab country
A country that is a member of UN
This causes world outcry
Iraq was condemned by UN
Iraq’s strongest friends condemned its aggression.
Arab Countries condemned Iraq
SH is trying to make this Iraq vs US
Regrettably to the people of Iraq I tell you it is not Iraq vs. U.S. It is Iraq vs the entire United Nations.
Iraq hospitably is well known, but when your President holds thousands of innocent people, you are fundamentally violating Intl. Law. It is sad and sorrowful. You the people of Iraq are decent kind people but your country has now been condemned by the entire world.
Policies will not be changed by barbarian tactics.
September 7th
I do have a confident feeling here—maybe it’s the support from the American people—maybe it’s the fact that I have been intimately involved in the personal diplomacy with the leaders. Certainly it is the trust that I have in Brent Scowcroft, and Jim Baker, and Dick Cheney and Colin Powell and all our team that are intimately involved in this very dicey problem. . . .
Got a call at 7:30 this morning from Margaret Thatcher. She’s staunch and strong and stays in there and worries that there will be an erosion on force. She does not want to go back to the UN on use of force; nor do I. She does not want to compromise on the Kuwait government; nor do I.34
In essence, she has not “gone wobbly” as she cautioned me a couple of a weeks ago . . . I love that expression.
The importance of the United States leadership is brought home to me clearly. It’s only the United States that can lead. All countries in the West clearly have to turn to us. But it is my theory that the more they are included on the take-off, the more we get their opinion, the more we reach out no matter what is involved, in terms of time involved, the better it is. Everyone is proud. Everyone has his place in the sun—large country or small, they should be consulted, their opinions considered. Then when the United States make a move and I make a decision, we are more apt to have solid support. . . .
Saddam Hussein declared that I was a criminal and should stand trial in Iraq. The charges against me were (1) sending American troops to the Gulf region and occupying Moslem shrines; (2) threatening to attack Iraq; (3) imposing economic measures against Iraq; (4) issuing orders to the CIA to conspire against Saddam. I sent this tongue-in-cheek note to my friend and head of the White House Counsel’s Office, Boyden Gray:
9-9-90
FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO: Boyden Gray
Please get a visa and be ready to go to Baghdad to defend me on these 4 charges.
I can beat the third ‘rap’ by citing the UN.
The same would apply to sending troops but be sure you are ready to present my case on the “Shrines”. I am innocent.
They can never make rap #4 stick.
I am not worried, but please call me after the first day of the tribunal.
Should they not permit you to leave, wire home; and we will have someone temporarily hold down your job here.
Many thanks.
Boyden—
Get going. Time is running out! We must beat the rap. May Camels not violate your Mercedes!!
GB
September 25th
Budget is getting down to the crunch.35 . . . Republicans are nervous about it—everybody is nervous about it. But we simply have got to get a deal. We are being accused of being too rigid. But we’ve given on taxes, generally. And now, we’ve worked out a compromise on capital gains so it is not called capital gains but there is some incentive for growth. I make a strong, personal appeal to Rostenkowski, saying, “Look we’ve got to get this thing put to bed, now let’s go.” But they haven’t done their part on spending cuts either. They damn sure haven’t got what we want on budget reform. Tough go round. Tough, tough, tough.
But now we are getting into enormous game of who blinks first?
My problem is I don’t know whether our Republicans will stay with me. Some of them want to paint their asses white and run with the antelope, as Lyndon Johnson said. They want to do it right now. Isn’t that a marvelous image? From a very tired George Bush.
October 6th
I think this week has been the most unpleasant, or tension filled of the Presidency. More so than when we’re together going into Panama, or when we’re together moving on Iraq. Here we are divided. There’s name calling, and accusations—and I don’t like it. There’s a story in one of the papers saying that I am more comfortable with foreign affairs, and that is absolutely true. Because I don’t like the deficiencies of the domestic, political scene. I hate the posturing on both sides . . . [people] putting their own selves ahead of the overall good.
. . . It’s the damnedest pounding I’ve ever seen, but I will just have to hang in there and do my best. I feel a little more tranquil than I thought I would feel—a little more relaxed. It’s tough when you don’t control the Congress. . . .
If you want a friend in Washington, get a dog, and I sure have a good one.
We did get a budget deal, one that included a tax increase but also accomplished my number one goal of getting spending under control. On October 5, the House voted it down.
October 15, 1990
The Honorable Jim Lightfoot
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Jim,
I am off to do what you suggested I do. Take my case out across the country—5 states (including yours36) in 2 days. My case will be Congress must act now. I respectfully suggest I am not in the Beltway Mentality, as you call it. The pundits and the critics love all this battling—they love it best when Republicans FIGHT A Republican President . . . The real news—man bites dog—is when the leaders in the President’s party stand against the President.37 I understand this. It is essential we get a good budget deal. It will not be as good a budget deal as I want or as good as what we have proposed; but it is essential that we get a deal. . . . One sees today the pounding I am taking and the White House is taking, but I will not take the advice now being given by many who wish us ill—namely that I attack other Republicans. Candidly, I have resented some of the attacks on the White House by some Republicans; but I learned long ago this goes with the territory.
I will now head off to “get on with the business of making Congress responsive to the American People.”
Thanks, old friend. I trust you will treat this letter as a confidential personal letter from one who respects you and values your friendship.
All Best,
George
I wrote this letter to Kathleen Darman. Dick was getting pounded by the press and by Congress, and I thought she might need a little moral support.
10-17-90
It’s 10AM Do you know where your Congress is?
Dear Kath,
I’m back from a 2 day 5 state swing—and oh how true it is that happiness is being outside the Beltway. Anyway, as I was ‘roughing it’ on AF-I last night (Grand Rapids to D. C.) I got to thinking that inspite of the flak, I’m a very lucky guy.
That brings me to one Dick Darman—and that brings me to you, because I know you’ve been hurt by some unkind, unfair arrows aimed at Dick’s back.
First—Dick has done a superb job on the budget. He came up with a deal, after months of labor, that would have been good for our country. He negotiated superbly—When you’re out gunned you better have more brainpower and ingenuity than the opposition—and with Dick, Nick [Brady], John [Sununu] we sure did.
Washington loves to kick people. The press thrives on blame or on who’s up, who’s down!!
The politicians want to be sure they emerge blameless, unscathed, untouched by compromises. But Dick and the others were trying to do something for our country & to help me govern—to make something happen. And the reward?—a few crappy little barbs from “friends” and opponents.
OK, why this note?
1. I don’t like friends and family to get bruised
2. My confidence in and my respect for Dick is higher than ever. You see he simply knows more about this than anyone else, and he has always kept my interest in the forefront.
So don’t let the bastards get you down. The CW song says it best: “If we’re gonna see a rainbow we’ll have to stand a little rain”.
You’re a caring loving person and Barbara & I don’t like it when you feel the pain that too often goes with public service.
Dick Darman is A 1!! So there!!
Con Afecto—
George Bush
October 17th
. . . Had dinner with Brent Scowcroft. Talked about how we get things off center in the Middle East. I feel that these two problems, the budget deficit and the Middle East are large—overwhelming in a sense—and yet I feel I can handle it. Because I go back to “do your best.” Nobody is particularly happy with me. Our support is eroding in the Middle East, and the budget is a loser. But some way I have got to convey to the American people that I will try my hardest, and doing my best. Don’t want a terrible deal to take place, but don’t want to be off in some ideological corner falling on my sword and keeping the country from moving forward.
I think this is the biggest challenge of my life—by far.
[We eventually did get a budget deal, and although it was not as good as our original one, it was a major step in the direction of getting our deficit under control. Through a combination of tax increases and spending cuts, it slashed the accumulated deficit by $500 billion over five years. We also set strict limits on discretionary spending. I will confess to feeling a little vindicated in 1998 when the federal budget deficit was finally erased and a number of economists, journalists, and government officials cited “Bush’s 1990 budget compromise” as the beginning of the end of our deficit problem.]
We were disappointed and surprised that an old friend and ally, King Hussein of Jordan, was not supporting the international coalition that was forming against Iraq. I wrote him this letter from my heart:
10-20-90
His Majesty Hussein I
King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
Amman
Your Majesty:
One of the most agonizing by-products of this terrible situation in the Gulf has been the strains now placed on the relationship between Jordan and the U. S. I hope I need not tell you that I have always tried to demonstrate the respect I feel for your country, your countrymen and especially for you personally.
As you know, in spite of these strains and difficulties, all caused by Saddam Hussein’s brutal aggression against Kuwait, we have been trying to encourage economic support for Jordan. We have been doing this in spite of some concerns that I would now like to call to your personal attention.
The Conference in Amman hurt—so many known terrorists convening to blast the U.S. joined, I hate to say, by some of your own officials. I tried to understand the pressures that you and the government are under from the more radical left; but you must know that blatant attacks on my country, attacks that assign to us outlandish motives, only make things very difficult. Had a Cabinet member in my government attacked Jordan the way your Prime Minister attacked us, he would have been dismissed. I refer to his public remarks on our motivations in putting forces into Saudi Arabia.
I am determined to keep relations from totally disintegrating. I say this as one who wants our friendship to be strong and intact when all this ends. Thus may I comment on your recent interview with the New York Times. I make the following comments based on the premise that if I don’t level with you and you don’t level with me it will be more difficult for both countries.
In your recent interview with the New York Times, Your Majesty, it is simply incorrect that the United States decided to send, let alone dispatched, troops to Saudi Arabia before receiving a request from King Fahd. Our only motivation was to deter Iraq and, if necessary, defend a friend; we went when asked and we will leave the same way. It is also deeply troubling to read that an old and close friend “honestly can’t tell” if Iraq’s invasion was justified, when the entire world is united in condemning this action.
I was also troubled by your apparent acceptance of Saddam the Invader’s claim that Saudi Arabia was not threatened by him. The irrefutable evidence, which I thought we had presented to you, shows that the very day he announced he was moving his forces out of Kuwait, vast Iraqi armor was heading south toward the Saudi border.
Now, let me tell you what concerns me a lot. In that entire interview there was no mention of concern about the brutal treatment of the people of Kuwait, and no mention about Saddam Hussein’s barbaric policy of detaining innocent foreigners—holding them as hostages and staking them out near plants and installations so as to avoid retaliation for his brutality. The reports coming out of Kuwait are horrible.
I know how you personally feel about young people—surely you must be shocked and offended by the documented reports of rape, of shooting children for passing out leaflets (and making their parents watch), of the systematic dismantling of Kuwait from the hospitals to the factories and stores. It is tragic. It is indeed reminiscent of how Hitler behaved in Poland before the rest of the world came to its senses and stood up against him. As I write this I know you, too, care deeply about these atrocities.
Having written the above right from the heart, I simply want to add that I hate it that you and Jordan are in this very difficult situation. I would be no friend at all if I didn’t understand the enormous problems all of this has inflicted upon your wonderful country.
The other day I saw a picture of you and some of your associates receiving yet another delegation. I recognized several of your associates. All of them friends, all of them not historically opposed to the U. S. All of them having worked with us in difficult situations before. I still remain hopeful that it will be that way in the future.
I have a personal feeling that perhaps you don’t like it when those wild demonstrators in Baghdad and regrettably Amman attack me in very personal terms.
I know you have tried hard to find peace through dialogue; but the longer this matter goes on, the more I am convinced that there can be no compromise that stops short of the United Nations’ demands and universal condemnation.
I have warned Saddam Hussein that any terrorist act against us or our allies will be his responsibility. Further containment and continued brutality against “hostages” (he still refers to them as “guests”) will hasten the day of other than a peaceful settlement.
This letter is being conveyed to you in this special channel. I did not want it ricocheting around the corridors at State or anywhere else. It comes from a man who is your friend. It comes from a heart ladened with grief and sadness; but it also comes from one who is determined to see the total failure of Saddam’s unwarranted aggression.
Barbara enjoyed her visit with Queen Noor and Brent Scowcroft filled me in on every nuance of your distinguished brother’s recent visit. I ask you to convey my respects to him.
I pray we will find a way out of this terrible situation; but the longer I think about this it can only come from Saddam Hussein’s turning 180 degrees and his trying to undo the horrible offense he has committed against the rule of law.
My sincere best wishes to you and your family.
With respect,
Sincerely,
George Bush
[As soon as the war ended, we repaired our friendship, and we began to assist Jordan in every way possible. I felt the loss of a true friend when King Hussein died in 1999 and was glad to be given the opportunity to attend his funeral.]
Another brewing controversy was the pending civil rights legislation. I desperately wanted to sign a civil rights bill but refused to sign one that included quotas. I do not believe in quotas and feel they do more harm than good. But despite my pleas, Congress passed a quotalike bill, and I promptly vetoed it. My position created a difficult situation for the African-Americans serving in my administration. I wrote Fred McClure, who headed up the legislative affairs office:
Dear Fred,
You & I have not discussed the Civil Rights Bill. Let me just say I am certain this has not been easy for you. I can guarantee you it’s a tough one for me; but I have been thinking about you and Lou Sullivan, Connie & Art.38 I hate to see friends troubled and hurt—
Fred, you are doing an outstanding job, and I hate to see your life complicated by something of this nature, as I assume it is.
Hang in—
Warm regards,
GB
Democratic congressman John Lewis wrote me a passionate letter asking me to sign the bill.
10-22-90
The Honorable John Lewis
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear John,
I was moved by your letter—written from the heart. I do understand how strongly you feel. I have said all along I want to sign a bill. If the current bill fails to override [my veto] I hope you will take a look at the bill I’ve sent up there. It accomplishes many if not all of the same things you advocate. And it does guarantee against the possibilities that quotas might be resorted to.
John, I hate it when, in this country, we cannot disagree without challenging the other person’s motives. I’ve tried to have a good civil rights record because I believe we should “stand up for what’s right”. I shall continue to do so.
Sincerely with best Wishes—
George Bush
The tabloid newspaper National Examiner came out with the shocking news that Saddam Hussein, Queen Elizabeth, and I were all blood relatives. I moved quickly to reassure the team:
FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO: |
The Vice President SecState Sec Def NSC Adviser Chief of Staff Director of Central Intelligence. |
Disclaimer—
No decisions I make will be affected by relationship with Saddam Hussein. The Queen and I would have it no other way.
George Bush
John Sununu received a letter from an American soldier in Saudi Arabia complaining that whenever he saw me on television, my tie was askew. I sent him a presidential tie clip and promised to do better.
11-1-90
Mr. Bill Winter
FPO San Francisco, CA
Dear Bill—
The Chief of Staff gave me your letter. I will remember to straighten my tie. I will use this kind of tie clip.
Now—all best wishes to you and the Seabees.
We will not fail in our moral mission. There can be no compromise with Saddam’s aggression.
Good luck—
George Bush
November 16th
On Thursday, I signed the Clean Air Act. Lot of Congressmen there. What got me was the emotion of it. You could sense in the East Room a strong emotional commitment to this legislation. In fact, it was somewhat overwhelming. After I walked out, it was genuine expression of appreciation and thanks from many, many people, including George Mitchell and a lot of people from the business community and the environmental community. It took me by surprise and I realize more fully now how important this legislation was. . . .
On November 16 we left for Paris to attend the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe—which included the heads of state of all European countries—where we signed a historic arms control agreement greatly reducing NATO and Warsaw Pact troops in Europe. However, the first stop was Prague.
November 19th
We’ve been to Czechoslovakia in a very moving and historic visit—the first visit of an American President to Czechoslovakia and obviously the first since the Czechoslovakian revolution. I spoke in Wenceslas Square, one year after the Communists went out. Estimate was 750,000 people. It was wall to wall. I regretted we had to be in a Plexiglas cocoon—dictated by the security people. But even that did not detract from the moment . . .
I felt a sense of awe standing with [President] Vaclev Havel . . . Havel is a very modest, close to shy man. Unpretentious to the T. He took great pleasure in introducing me to his playwright and his artistic friends. This man was in jail a year ago. This man was beaten and driven to his knees but refused to give up.
. . . We can never take our democracy for granted.
November 20th
I am feeling out of shape, overeating, clothes tight, not enough exercise and tired—not a good position from which to make tough decisions.
Our speech [at the CSCE conference] was the shortest yesterday except for Jacques Delors.39
We were supposed to speak for fifteen minutes, total. I was eight minutes. Said as much as the others and set an example. . . . The smaller the country, the longer the speeches—that’s the old UN adage. . . .
Had dinner with Gorbachev. . . .
It was a warm friendly conversation in the den, just Brent and one other, his man as an observer, and two interpreters. He still is charismatic and everyone at the Embassy wanted to meet him.
At dinner, we were totally relaxed, and we told jokes.40 They told stories about Stalin, all of them having seen him when they were younger. Stalin had gone down on a vacation and he asked for somebody to come have a drink with him. His Minister came, drank about a half bottle of vodka, Stalin drinking wine. Stalin offered him more vodka and he said “No, I know my limit.” Later on they sent a team to Stalin with a list to be chosen for some [high position.] This man was on the bottom. They told him he was the least distinguished, and Stalin chose him, saying “I chose this man cause he knows he knows his limits.” An interesting story. . . .
We then flew to Saudi Arabia to have Thanksgiving Day with our troops.
November 22nd
There is no way to adequately describe the moving time in the desert. We went first to greet the Air Force, then up to an Army base in the sand,41 then over by chopper to the USS Nassau in international waters where we had a nice prayer service for Thanksgiving on the deck: and finishing with the first Marines back in the desert.
. . . The kids were fantastic; it was an emotional day. I wasn’t sure I could get through the speeches, and I did choke up in the hangar, on the flight deck of Nassau at the Church service. The kids look so young and yet they are gung-ho. I had a long briefing on AF-I with Schwarzkopf,42 and I am convinced more than ever that we can knock Saddam Hussein out early. I’m worried that the American people might think this will be another Vietnam and it isn’t and it won’t be.
November 22, 1990
Fahd bin Abd al-Aziz Al Saud
Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques
King of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
Your Majesty,
We are 30 minutes out of Dhahran, heading for Cairo. But before any of the vivid memories that are now in my head and heart diminish, I want to send you this note of thanks.
First, thank you for the lovely evening at the Palace in Jeddah. The dinner was special, the hospitality superb, and I found our conversations to be extraordinarily useful and encouraging. I am proud that we are standing shoulder against Iraq’s evil dictator, Saddam Hussein.
My Thanksgiving today with our troops in the desert was very moving and very encouraging. Our troops are motivated and ready to do whatever is required. I hope this, plus the additional troops we are sending to the Kingdom, convince Saddam Hussein to give up, but personally I am inclined to doubt that.
In any event, General Schwarzkopf tells me of the superb cooperation he is receiving from your various officials, and I want to thank you for that, too.
Will you please convey my thanks and my respects to Crown Prince Abdullah, a man of strength whom I consider a friend.
To you, Your Majesty, my additional thanks for that beautiful present you gave me. The camels with the flags flying symbolize, for me, the United States of America and Saudi Arabia standing together.
My respects to you, Sir. Barbara joins me in thanking you from the bottom of our grateful hearts for a wonderful, but all too brief, visit.
Respectfully yours,
George Bush
[Before returning home, we visited Mubarak in Cairo and then had an unprecedented meeting with President Haffez al-Assad of Syria in Geneva. We had never been close, but on the issue of Saddam Hussein, we stood together.]
11-25-90 (at Camp David)
To: Brent
Subject: Questions re: Gulf Crisis
1. Exact Status of Iraqi Nuclear Capability
2. Best estimate now from Cheney and Powell as to how long it will take, once all forces there, to conquer Saddam.
3. The Embassy in Kuwait.
How to relieve it
How to call its plight to US public opinion.
4. How the scenario plays out in detail after UN Resolution43
What do we ask Congress to do if anything
When go to Congress if we decide to do that.
5. Getting the final word to Saddam.
Visit for General Scowcroft, other emissary . . .
6. Yemen—be careful on promising them AID
7. When and How to assure people This Is No Viet Nam very important.
8. If force is decided upon—
How notify innocents inside Iraq
How notify partners in Gulf
How notify Congress
9. A better ‘public diplomacy’ program.
November 29th
I’ve spent an hour writing out some comments for tomorrow when we are going to announce that I would see Aziz44 here and then I’ll send Jim Baker to Baghdad to see Saddam Hussein. This will be big news. There is some danger that the coalition will think we’re going “wobbly,” as Margaret would say, but we can do whatever diplomacy is required to see that that doesn’t happen. It will be the last extra step for peace. . . .
I believed strongly that the Constitution gave me the authority to send our troops into battle without Congress officially declaring war. However, I wanted to cover all the bases:
December 5, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR BOYDEN GRAY
THROUGH: |
BRENT SCOWCROFT |
FROM: |
THE PRESIDENT |
Boyden—
Please prepare for me a short analysis of the War Powers Resolution. . . . Without recognizing the constitutional validity of the War Powers Resolution, is there a way for the President to fulfill all his responsibilities to Congress by saying, a few days before any fighting was to begin, “hostilities are imminent—period!!
I am several thousand miles south,45 but these questions stay on my mind:
1. How do we fully involve Congress?
2. If we have to attack from a cold start how does the latest UN
Resolution impact on congress?
1. Is there something short of “declaring” war that satisfies Congress yet doesn’t risk tying the President’s hands?
2. As the clock on the UN resolution keeps running toward the time when force has international authority, what possible official requests can/should a President make of Congress?
If you reply to this memorandum before I return, please hand carry your reply to Brent for “Eyes Only” transmission to me.
Please share a copy of this memorandum with John Sununu and Brent only.
Warm regards.
Dec. 11, 1990
Mr. Dan Jenkins
Ponte Vedra Beach, FL 32082
Dear Dan,
Your letter came in just in time. Dan Rather or some other expert on the Gulf had just taken a pot shot, and two soldiers had been found out in the desert who wanted to go home—surprise. Anyway I was sitting here, po’d at the world, not because of the Gulf but because I’ve had the gut flu, overworking every orifice. In fact I almost ricocheted some food off of Nurse Major Mary Jackson—she moved a bit slowly. Good sport though, Mary—Anyway your letter came in. I promptly had it copied and sent over to Powell and Cheney. I agree with you on the job they did in those hearings.46 In fact I saw only bits of their testimony, but I cabled them from Uruguay. (incidentally the South American trip went well. Overshadowed by the Gulf Crisis it was, but really it was terrific. Very few hand gestures, no serious demonstrations. There was one small demo in one country. The President apologized; and I said ‘this is a cake walk—Come with me whenever I visit San Francisco.”)
I’ve all but given up Golf except for hitting at Camp David. . . . I just don’t want to risk sending the wrong signal right now to the troops. I even had to cancel my Beeville quail shooting. First time I will have missed in 25 years. I love it, but now I will stay here or at [Camp David]—no hardship however.
Thanks, Dan, for your great letter. When Saddam gets his out of Kuwait please get yours back on up here . . .
I accept my copy of YOU GOTTA PLAY HURT—I won’t run it by the ethics office, not because it exceeds the cash limit,47 but if it’s like semi tough the ladies over there may wear it out before I get the copy back over here.
Thanks, Dan. Hope you have a great Christmas. We will, cause even though the economy is batting .199 and the Gulf is hitting .178, life is treating the Bush family with a WILLIAMS like .401. Thank God for kids and Bar and two dogs and 14 grandkids48 and the great people around here with whom I work—for Friends too. Hang in.
George Bush
Dec. 13, 1990
THE FOLLOWING IS THE TEXT OF A LETTER FROM PRESIDENT BUSH FOR THE AMIR OF KUWAIT. PLEASE DELIVER ASAP TO HIS HIGHNESS SHEIKH JABIR AL-AHMAD AL-SABAH, AMIR OF THE STATE OF KUWAIT.
Your Highness: Now that I am back from my visit to South America, I just want to take a moment to give you my sense of where we stand in the Gulf. I am pleased that all American citizens in Kuwait and Iraq wanting to leave are so doing.49 You know we had kept our Embassy open in Kuwait to administer to our people there. We decided to withdraw our remaining diplomatic staff from Kuwait while leaving the Embassy itself open since with the American community gone, there is no official business for us to conduct there until your government is restored. Your Highness, let me reassure you that for our part, the hostage release has changed nothing and done nothing to diminish either our opposition to negotiation or our determination to see all the relevant security council resolutions implemented in all their parts.
On our upcoming talks with Iraq, we still have not resolved the dates for Tariq Aziz’s visit here and Jim Baker’s there. It is obvious that Saddam’s desire to put off the Baghdad meeting until January twelfth is only the latest example of his desire to manipulate diplomacy to weaken the coalition against him and to make the potential use of force more distant and hence less likely. We will continue to resist this and other such attempts, just as we will resist attempts to link Iraqi aggression against Kuwait with other issues, like the Palestinian issue.
Your Highness, I want to personally underscore to you that our talks will include no compromises, nor partial solutions, no deals and no face-saving gimmicks. We also are stressing to other governments that intend to communicate with Iraqi officials over the coming weeks the need to reinforce this. Saddam must understand that the choice to comply with the UN resolutions is his, or he will risk the consequences of his inaction. I believe we are all in for a great deal of testing of this sort between now and the middle of January as Saddam and his officials will try to do everything to split the coalition and enhance their public posture. Needless to say, we just continue to hold firm and hold together. This is not the time for compromises or for suggestions, public or private, of what Iraq might expect should it withdraw from Kuwait. I know that we can count on you and your Government to stand with us until we succeed in realizing all our objectives without condition or concession. I will stay in close touch with you on my thinking as we proceed, and as always, I would value hearing from you at any time.
With my warm regards
Sincerely,
George Bush.
12-14-90
FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO: Brent/Bob Gates
1. Pan AM 103—reminder:
I’d like to get something on this a.s.a.p.—also need to get it to Assad whenever we can.50
2. Bob—we owe Mrs. Noriega an answer on her request for a visit—conjugal or otherwise.
GB
[I believe the answer to Mrs. Noriega was yes.]
I managed to get on Dan Rostenkowski’s bad side again, this time by calling for term limits, which he took personally.
The Honorable Dan Rostenkowski
House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Rosty
Hey, nothing’s gone wrong. You look at limitations one way, I look at it another. The President has a term limitation and the Republic hasn’t screeched to a halt.
Our national platform calls for some type of limitation, so this is not something brand-spanking-new with us.
In your case, yes, you’re like that old wine you talk about—better with age; but let’s face it, some old wines get corked.
I can’t believe the term limitation issue is, as you say, “partisan”. Look at the votes in the various states.
In any event, this issue is not going to divide you and me. Go on out to the 8th51 and get some rest so we can slay some dragons in the months ahead.
Oh, yes, real friendships survive these little bumps in the road.
Your friend,
George
Democratic senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia wrote me a letter urging me to get congressional approval before going into battle and urging me to give sanctions longer to work.
Dec. 22, 1990
Dear Robert,
My typing is better than my handwriting so here goes. I simply wanted to thank you for that thoughtful letter re: the Gulf and what to do about it.
I differ with you on a couple of counts. I don’t think we have six months to wait. The economies of Eastern Europe and the Third World and, indeed, our own are being devastated by what Saddam has wrought. The U.N. Resolution must be fully complied with or else the new promise of the U.N. that we helped bring about will be ground into dust. Kuwait is still being brutalized. That Amnesty Int’l report is devastating. I want Congress on board—fully.
Saddam will only unconditionally pull out when he is convinced on two points about which he now has doubts:
1. That the united world will use force against him. And
2. That if that force is used he will lose.
I had not intended to do other here than to say thanks. And, yes, Merry Christmas to you and your family. It is a time, especially this year, to give thanks for our many blessings and to pray for peace on earth.
Most Sincerely,
George
December 24th
Up at Camp David with the family. It’s funny—I tossed around last night, and I had a very interesting dream about Dad. We were driving into some hotel near a golf course, and there was another golf course way over across the fence, though not a very good one. I heard Dad was there, so I went to see him, and he was in a hotel room. We embraced, and I told him I missed him very much. Aren’t dreams funny? I could see him very clearly: big, strong, and highly respected. . . .
I make the call to Norm Schwarzkopf; try to get Max Thurmond;52 call nine kids scattered around the world—enlisted people—several in Saudi Arabia, Alaska, Korea, Panama, and other places as well. They seemed kind of bewildered by the phone call, but nice, very friendly, all appreciative, and no gripes, though it would be pretty hard to do that. Colin Powell reinforced for me the morale of the troops is excellent.
It’s Christmas Eve, and you think of the families and loved ones apart. I read ten or fifteen letters, all of them saying, “Take care of my kid.” Some saying, “Please don’t shoot.” Some saying, “It’s not worth dying for gasoline,” and on and on it goes. But the cry is, “Save my boy—save my boy.” Then I sit here knowing that if there is no movement on Saddam’s part, we have to go to war.
But we’re in a war—little Kuwaiti families being devastated and scared, and even killed this very night. The principle has been set, and we cannot fail. . . .
Dec 31, 1990
Dear George, Jeb, Neil, Marvin, Doro,
I am writing this letter on the last day of 1991.
First, I can’t begin to tell you how great it was to have you here at Camp David. I loved the games (the Marines are still smarting over their 1 and 2 record53), I loved Christmas Day, marred only by the absence of Sam and Ellie.54 I loved the movies—some of ‘em—I loved the laughs. Most of all, I loved seeing you together. We are a family blessed; and this Christmas simply reinforced all that.
I hope I didn’t seem moody. I tried not to.
When I came into this job I vowed that I would never ring my hands and talk about “the loneliest job in the world” or ring my hands about the “pressures or the trials”.
Having said that I have been concerned about what lies ahead. There is no ‘loneliness’ though because I am backed by a first rate team of knowledgeable and committed people. No President has been more blessed in this regards.
I have thought long and hard about what might have to be done. As I write this letter at Year’s end, there is still some hope that Iraq’s dictator will pull out of Kuwait. I vary on this. Sometimes I think he might, at others I think he simply is too unrealistic—too ignorant of what he might face. I have the peace of mind that comes from knowing that we have tried hard for peace. We have gone to the UN; we have formed an historic coalition; there have been diplomatic initiatives from country after country.
And so here we are a scant 16 days from a very important date—the date set by the UN for his total compliance with all UN resolutions including getting out of Kuwait—totally.
I guess what I want you to know as a father is this: Every Human life is precious. When the question is asked “How many lives are you willing to sacrifice”—it tears at my heart. The answer, of course, is none—none at all.
We have waited to give sanctions a chance, we have moved a tremendous force so as to reduce the risk to every American soldier if force has to be used; but the question of loss of life still lingers and plagues the heart.
My mind goes back to history:
How many lives might have been saved if appeasement had given way to force earlier on in the late ‘30’s or earliest ‘40’s? How many Jews might have been spared the gas chambers, or how many Polish patriots might be alive today? I look at today’s crisis as “good” vs. “evil”— Yes, it is that clear.
I know my stance must cause you a little grief from time to time and this hurts me; but here at ‘years-end’ I just wanted you to know that I feel:
—every human life is precious— the little Iraqi kids’ too.
—Principle must be adhered to—Saddam cannot profit in any way at all from his aggression and from his brutalizing the people of Kuwait.
—and sometimes in life you have to act as you think best—you can’t compromise, you can’t give in—even if your critics are loud and numerous.
So, dear kids—batten down the hatches.
Senator Inouye of Hawaii told me “Mr. President, do what you have to do. If it is quick and successful everyone can take the credit. If it is drawn out, then be prepared for some in Congress to file impeachment papers against you”—that’s what he said, and he’s 100% correct.
And so I shall say a few more prayers, mainly for our kids in the Gulf. And I shall do what must be done, and I shall be strengthened every day by our family love which lifts me up; every single day of my life.
I am the luckiest Dad in the whole wide world.
I love you, Happy New Year and May God Bless every one of you and all those in your family.
Devotedly,
Dad