Early 1807 — Late 1807
Myself and those of my companions who were with me at the island of Lifuka (we were four in number), received orders from the King to prepare for the usual annual attack upon Tongatapu, and to get ready four 12 pound carronades. We immediately set to work, to mount them upon new carriages with high wheels, made by the native carpenters, under our directions. This being done, Finau expressed his opinion, that the gun was an instrument not well fitted (being too unwieldy,) for their mode of warfare, which consisted in sudden attacks and retreats, according to circumstances, rather than in a steady engagement. He very readily entered into an acknowledgment of the advantages of a steady engagement, but was apprehensive that his men would not easily be brought to stand it. I and my companions, however, promised that we and our countrymen (who were dispersed upon other islands) would remain in the front of the battle with our four guns, provided the Tonga people would agree to stand fast and support us. The King assented to this on the part of his men, and a few days afterwards, when he reviewed them, he signified his wishes, and they swore to fulfill their duty.
In the meantime, we, the Englishmen, employed ourselves in collecting the shot which the natives brought from on board, but which they had thrown aside, not being able to shape them for any common purpose. They also cut up a quantity of sheet lead and made it up in rolls to be used as shot. During this time, every preparation was also made by the natives for the approaching war. They repaired the sails of their canoes, collected their arrows, spears, and clubs. The women employed themselves in packing up bales of ngatu, mats, etc.
One day, while these preparations were going forward, the King asked me whether I had a mother living; upon my replying in the affirmative, he appeared much grieved that I should be separated so far from her. It is a custom in the Tonga islands, for men, (and sometimes women,) to adopt or choose a foster mother, even though they have their own natural mother living, with a view of being better provided with all necessaries and conveniences, as cloth, oil, food, etc. On this occasion the king appointed one of his wives, Mafi Hape [literally, conqueror with a twisted or club foot. Hape is the same word as the island group of Ha’apai. The northern group of these islands has the shape of a twisted foot.], to be. My adopted mother, telling me, that if there was anything I wanted to make my situation more comfortable, I need only apply to Mafi Hape, and as she was a woman of consequence, it was in her power to procure me anything that in reason I might require. This woman had afterwards as much real esteem and parental affection for me as she could possibly have for her own son.
At this time there lived in the island of Lifuka a woman, who for many years had been afflicted with insanity. She had become insane in consequence of excessive grief, partly occasioned by the death of a near relation, but principally by her child being taken from her to be strangled, as an offering to the gods, for the recovery of his sick father. As this poor woman was considered of no use to society, Finau was desirous that she should be put out of the way; and as he was also anxious again to witness the execution of a musket ball, he one day desired me to shoot her. I entreated to be excused from this ungrateful task — assuring the King that I was perfectly willing to risk my life in his service against his enemies — but that it was quite contrary to the sentiment of the religion in which I had been brought up, and to the laws of my country, to destroy an innocent fellow creature in cold blood. Finau immediately admitted the excuse, without being at all offended, and the unfortunate woman for that time escaped. A few days afterwards, however, as she was walking about upon the beach, Finau ordered an Hawaiian islander who was at hand with his musket to shoot her. With ready acquiescence, he leveled his piece and shot her dead upon the spot. I was at a little distance, and saw the fact without having had it in my power to prevent it. She had just been in the act of picking up a shell, or something, as the shot struck her; when she screamed out, and springing two or three feet from the ground, fell into the sea. The people in general were rather glad that she was dead, as she used to break in upon religious ceremonies, and on other occasions, when they were drinking kava, and dance about, to the annoyance of everybody, sometimes with scarcely any clothes on, which is considered very indecent and disrespectful.
All things being now prepared for the invasion of Tongatapu, the gods were invoked; and the priests assured Finau of success. The large canoes of Lifuka, about fourteen in number, were then launched, which, with Tupouniua’s fleet from Vava’u, made together about fifty sail. Orders were sent by Finau to all the Ha’apai islands to make the island of Nomuka the place of general rendezvous. These fifty sail under the direction of Finau four of the largest having each a carronade on board, proceeded towards the appointed place; but on account of contrary winds were obliged to put into ‘Uiha Here Finau took an opportunity to review his men, most of them being painted and dressed after the warlike manner of the Fiji Islands. They paraded up and down for some time, brandishing their clubs and spears, and exhibiting a sort of sham fight. Finau sat with several other chiefs in the house on the mala’e. [The mala’e in Tonga does not have the same meaning as the word marae has in other parts of Polynesia. Rectangular platforms constructed of stone edging and packed earth are found throughout Polynesia. Such enclosures are generally known as marae. In the various islands they may be a meeting place for the chiefs or used for religious ritual. In Tonga, a mala’e is like a village green which may be used for social, ceremonial, or athletic events.] Each warrior of note ran singly close up to Finau, and striking his club violently on the ground, cried out, “This is the club for ___________,” mentioning the name of some individual enemy whom he meant particularly to seek out and engage.
Others running up in the same way, exclaimed, “Fear not, Finau; no sooner shall we land at Tongatapu than here is the club with which I will kill anyone who dares to fight against us.”
Finau and the chiefs thanked them for their sentiments of love and loyalty, and then he addressed them in a speech to the following purpose: “Be brave in battle; fear not death. It is far better to die in war than to live to be assassinated at home, or to die of a lingering disease.”
After remaining a day and a night at this island, we again put to sea with the additional force of six canoes, and made sail for Nomuka, where we arrived in a few hours. Here we had another review like the former; and after remaining two days, sailed with all the rest of the forces of the confederate islands, amounting in all to about one hundred and seventy canoes, direct for Tongatapu. Owing to the calmness of the weather, we did not reach Tongatapu the same evening in sufficient time to land, but went to shore at a small island close by, called Pangaimotu, where we passed the night.
Pangaimotu is a small island just off the shore in the harbor of Nuku’alofa. Motu is the word for island and pangai is a place where the king receives visitors. Many such small islands, just off the shore of the larger Tonga islands are called Pangaimotu.
Before morning, several presents were brought to Finau and his chiefs, by the people living at a consecrated place on the island of Tongatapu, called Ma’ufanga. Ma’unfanga is a piece of ground about half a mile square, situated on the western part of the island of Tongatapu. [“Western” is not correct. Ma’ufanga is on the northern shore of Tongatapu.] In this spot are the graves where the greatest chiefs from time immemorial have been buried, and the place is therefore considered sacred; it would be a sacrilege to fight here, and nobody can be prevented from landing. If the most inveterate enemies meet upon this ground, they must look upon each other as friends, under penalty of the displeasure of the gods, and consequently an untimely death, or some great misfortune. There are several of these consecrated places on different islands.
The following morning, Finau and part of his forces landed at Ma’ufanga. He immediately proceeded to his father’s grave with several chiefs and matapules, (I being also with them) to perform the ceremony of Tuki. [In this ceremony the gods or the ghosts of famous warriors or chiefs are requested to take your side in time of war to insure victory.] All who went for this purpose put on mats instead of their usual dress, and wreaths made of the leaves of the ifi tree round their necks (significant of respect and humility). They sat down cross-legged (the usual way of sitting) before the grave; Finau, as well as the rest, beating their cheeks with their fists for about half a minute, without speaking a word. One of the principal matapules then addressed the spirit of Finau’s father to the following purpose: “Behold the man (meaning Finau) who has come to Tongatapu to fight his enemies; be pleased with him, and grant him thy protection; he comes to battle, hoping he is not doing wrong; he has always held Tu’i Tonga (a great chief supposed to be descended from a god) in the highest respect and has attended to all religious ceremonies with exactness.”
One of the attendants then went to Finau, and received from him a piece of kava root, which he laid down on the raised mount before the Fa’itoka (burying-place). Several others, who had pieces of kava root in their bosoms, went up to the grave in like manner and deposited them. The ceremony being thus finished, Finau and his friends returned to the beach, where a large root of kava was brought to them as a present, by the chief of the consecrated place, on which they regaled.
During this time, the greater part of the men who were not yet disembarked employed themselves in preparing for battle, again painting their bodies and faces after various fanciful forms. The enemy on shore were also in a state of preparation. They shouted the war-whoop, and ran up and down the beach with furious gestures; splashing up the water with their clubs, brandishing them in the air, flourishing their spears, and bidding bold defiance to their invaders.
Finau and his attendants having returning on board, the whole fleet proceeded to a neighboring fortress called Nuku’alofa, the strongest, though not the largest, in the whole island. As it will be proper to understand the usual form and construction of these Tongan fortresses, I shall give a general description of them, taking that of Nuku’alofa as a model for the rest.
The fortress of Nuku’alofa is situated on the west coast of the island, about one hundred yards distant from the water’s edge, and occupies about four or five acres of ground. It consists, in the first place, of a strong wall or fencing of reeds, something like wicker-work, supported on the inside by upright posts, from six to nine inches in diameter, and situated a foot and a half distant from each other; to which the reed-work is firmly lashed by tough sinnet, made of the husk of the coconut. This fencing is about nine feet in height, the posts rising about a foot higher. It has four large entrances, as well as several small ones, secured on the inside by horizontal sliding pieces, made of the wood of the coconut tree. Over each door, as well as at other places, are erected platforms even with the top of the fencing, supported chiefly on the inside, but projecting forward to the extent of two or three feet. These platforms are about nine feet square, and situated fifteen yards distant from each other; and as they are intended for the men to stand on, to shoot arrows, or throw down large stones, they are also defended in front, and half way on each side, by a reed-work six feet high, with an opening in front, and others on either hand, for the greater convenience of throwing spears, etc. The lower fencing has also openings for a similar purpose. On the outside is a ditch of nearly twelve feet deep, and as much broad; which, at a little distance, is encompassed by another fencing similar to the first, with platforms, etc. on the outside of which there is a second ditch. The earth dug out of these ditches forms a bank on each side, serving to deepen them. Opposite each large doorway, there is no ditch dug. The inner and outer fencings are ornamented profusely with white shells. Some of these fortifications are square, others round. That of Nuku’alofa was round.
Nuku’alofa is today the capitol city or the Tonga nation. It is not on the “west coast” as described by Mariner but on the north coast roughly at the center of the island of Tongatapu. It is today the largest city in the Tonga Islands. The word, Nuku’alofa has been said to mean “abode of love;” but ‘a lofa would mean, of the petrel. So maybe the city is located where the petrels formerly gathered. Both interpretations are current in Tonga.
Finau arrived with the whole of his fleet off Nuku’alofa, and having with him, besides myself, fifteen other Englishmen, eight of whom were armed with muskets, he proceeded to land his troops under cover of a fire of musketry, which speedily drove almost all the enemy who had sallied forth back into the garrison. The first fire killed three, and wounded several; and a repetition of it threw them into such dismay, that in five minutes only forty of the bravest remained to molest them; and these began to retire, as the forces of Finau increased on the beach. In the meanwhile, the carronades were dismounted from their carriages, slung on poles, and conveyed over a shallow reef to the shore. The whole army being landed, and the guns again mounted, the latter were drawn up before the garrison, and a regular fire was commenced. Finau took his station on the reef, seated in an English chair (from the Port au Prince), for his chiefs would not allow him to expose his person on shore. The fire of the carronades was kept up for about an hour. In the meanwhile, as it did not do all the apparent mischief to the exterior of the fortress, owing to the yielding nature of its materials, that the King expected, he sent for me, and expressed his disappointment. I replied, that no doubt there was mischief enough done on the inside of the fort, wherever there were resisting bodies, such as canoes, the posts and beams of houses, etc.; and that it was already very evident the besieged had no reason to think slightly of the effect of the artillery, seeing that they had already greatly slackened their exertions, not half the number of arrows being now discharged from the fort; arising, in all probability, from the number of the slain, or of those who had fled up into the country. It was now resolved to set fire to the place. For which purpose a number of torches were prepared and lighted, and an attack was made upon the outer fencing. It was found, however, but weakly defended, and was soon taken. The door-posts being shot away, an easy entrance was obtained. A considerable portion of the inner fencing was now found undefended, and towards this place a party rushed with lighted torches, while the enemy were kept in play elsewhere. The conflagration spread rapidly on every side; and, as the besieged endeavored to make their escape, their brains were knocked out by a party of the besiegers, stationed at the back of the fort for the purpose. During this time the guns kept up a regular fire with blank cartridges, merely to intimidate the enemy. The conquerors, club in hand, entered the place in several quarters, and slew all they met, men, women, and children. The scene was truly horrible: The war whoop shouted by the combatants, the heart-rending screams of the women and children, the groans of the wounded, the number of the dead, and the fierceness of the conflagration, formed a picture almost too distracting and awful for the mind steadily to contemplate; some, with a kind of sullen and stupid resignation, offered no resistance, but waited for the hand of fate to dispatch them, no matter in what mode; others, that were already lying on the ground wounded, were stuck with spears, and beaten about with clubs by boys who followed the expedition to be trained to the horrors of war, and who delighted in the opportunity of gratifying their ferocious and cruel disposition; every house that was not on fire was plundered of its contents; and the conquerors made a considerable booty of bales of tapa, mats, etc.
In a few hours, the fortress of Nuku’alofa, which had obstinately and bravely defended every attack for eleven years, or more was thus completely destroyed. When Finau arrived upon the place, and saw several canoes which had been hauled up in the garrison, shattered to pieces by the shot, and discovered a number of legs and arms lying around, and about three hundred and fifty bodies stretched upon the ground, he expressed his wonder and astonishment at the dreadful effect of the guns. He thanked his men for their bravery, and myself and my companions in particular, for the great assistance rendered by us.
A few of the enemy, who had escaped the general slaughter, were taken prisoners. They gave a curious description of the effect of the guns. They declared, that, when a ball entered a house, it did not proceed straight forward, but went all round the place, as if seeking for men to kill; it then went out of the house and entered another, still in search of food for its vengeance, and so on to a third, etc.; Sometimes it would strike the corner-post of a house, and bring it all down together. The chiefs, seeing all this dreadful mischief going forward, rendered still more tremendous by their own imagination, sat in consultation, upon one of the large canoes just mentioned, and came to a determination to rush out upon the white men, and take possession of the guns. This was scarcely resolved upon, when a shot struck the canoe on which they were sitting, and shattered it to pieces. This so damped their courage, that they ran for security to one of the inner houses of the garrison, where their distress was much increased by finding their men deserting the place, and running up into the country. Thus everything was going to destruction within, although, without, the damage appeared in Finau’s eyes so inconsiderable; but he had formed his judgment of the effect of the guns by their effect upon the fencing.
The King, having finished this affair, began to think of returning to Pangaimotu. I endeavored to persuade him to follow up the advantages of his victory by immediately laying siege to another fortress, which, no doubt, would soon have fallen into their hands; and the whole island, being struck with dismay, would readily have submitted to his government. But, it seems, Finau was not yet the complete warrior; or he thought, perhaps, that, having such powerful weapons in his possession, he could reduce the island at any future time.
Pangaimotu is not more than three quarters of a mile distant from Tongatapu, separated from it only by a long narrow reef. To this place Finau returned with all his men, intending to go back to Tongatapu another day. As soon as they landed, they sat down to eat, not having taken any refreshment since morning, with the exception of some of the men, whose stomachs not being the most delicate, had partaken of some yams and plantains that they found roasting along with the bodies of the dead in the general conflagration at Nuku’alofa.
They remained several days at this island, during which time several canoes were sent to an uninhabited part of Tongatapu for the purpose of procuring reeds to rebuild the fortress of Nuku’alofa. This step was taken by the admonition of the gods, who were consulted on the occasion through the medium of the priests.
As the invocation of the gods, and inspiration of the priests, are circumstances that will often occur in the course of this account, it will be well to take the present opportunity of describing them.
The night previous to the consultation of the oracle, the chief orders his cooks to kill and prepare a hog, and to procure a basket of yams, and two bunches of ripe plantains. These things being got ready, the next morning they are carried to the place where the priest resides, or wherever he may be at that time. The priest is sometimes previously apprized of the circumstance, at other times not. The chiefs and matapules clothe themselves in mats, and repair to the place where the priest is to be found. If it is at a house, the priest seats himself just within the eaves; if at a distance, he seats himself on any convenient spot of ground, and the matapules seat themselves on either hand, so as would form a circle, or rather an ellipsis, if there was not a considerable vacant space left opposite the priest. In this space, at the bottom of the circle, sits the man who prepares the kava, the root being previously chewed by the cooks, attendants, and others, who sit behind him; behind these again sit the chiefs indiscriminately among the people. The chiefs take this retired and humble station on account of the sacredness of the occasion, conceiving that such modest demeanor must be acceptable to the gods.
Their houses are built somewhat in form of a shed, open all round, and the eaves coming within about four feet of the ground.
As soon as they are all seated, the priest is considered as inspired, the God being supposed to exist within him from that moment. He sits for a considerable time in silence, with his hands clasped before him; his eyes are cast down, and he remains perfectly still. During the time that the victuals are being shared out, and the kava being prepared, the matapules sometimes begin to consult him; sometimes he answers them, at other times not; in either case he remains with his eyes cast down. Frequently he will not answer a word till the repast is finished, and the kava too. When he speaks, he generally begins in a low and very altered tone of voice, which gradually rises to nearly its natural pitch, though sometimes a little above it. All that he says is supposed to be the declaration of the God, and he accordingly speaks in the first person as if he were the God. All this is done generally without any apparent inward emotion or outward agitation; but sometimes his countenance becomes fierce, and, as it were, inflamed, and his whole frame agitated with inward feeling; he is seized with an universal trembling; the perspiration breaks out on his forehead; and his lips, turning black, are convulsed; at length tears start in floods from his eyes, his breast heaves with great emotion, and his utterance is choked. These symptoms gradually subside. Before this paroxysm comes on, and after it is over, he often eats as much as four hungry men, under other circumstances, could devour. The fit being now gone off, he remains for some time calm, and then takes up a club that is placed by him for the purpose, turns it over and regards it attentively; he then looks up earnestly, now to the right, now to the left, and now again at the club; afterwards he looks up again, and about him in like manner, and then again fixes his eyes upon his club, and so on, for several times. At length he suddenly raises the club, and, after a moment’s pause, strikes the ground, or the adjacent part of the house, with considerable force. Immediately the God leaves him, and he rises up and retires to the back of the ring among the people. If the company now wish for any more kava, Finau, or the greatest chief present, goes and sits at the head of the ring.
It might be supposed that this violent agitation on the part of the priest is merely an assumed appearance for the purpose of popular deception; but I have no reason at all to think so. There can be little doubt, however, but that the priest, on such occasions, often summons into action the deepest feelings of devotion of which he is susceptible, and by a voluntary act disposes his mind, as much as possible, to be powerfully affected. Till at length, what began by volition proceeds by involuntary effort, and the whole mind and body becomes subjected to the overruling emotion. But there is nothing new in all this. Ancient times, as well as modern, afford numerous instances of this nature; and savage nations, as well as civilized, display ample testimony that false religions, and false notions of religion, act upon some minds with such extraordinary impulses, that they are mistaken for divine inspirations.
It happens in the Tonga Islands, that persons, who are not priests, are often visited by the gods, particularly females, but who are never affected in the manner above described; they are generally low spirited and thoughtful, as if some heavy misfortune had befallen them, and, as the symptom increases, they generally shed a profusion of tears; they sometimes swoon away for a few minutes. The height of the paroxysm generally lasts from a quarter to half an hour. These are also called fits of inspiration, and are firmly believed to be visitations from some god who accuses the party of neglect of religious duty, not by an apparent audible warning, but by an inward compunction of conscience. But these things are also common enough in all parts of the world, at home as well as abroad. Some of the natives are so adept at this sort of mysterious conversation with the divinities, that they can bring on a fit of inspiration whenever they feel their mind at all so disposed. I once witness a rare instance of a man who was disappointed in this particular. Finding himself, as he thought, about to be inspired, some kava was brought to him (as is usual on such occasions), but, in a little while, he was obliged to acknowledge that the God would not visit. At which all present were greatly surprised, and so the kava was taken away again.
These imaginations, however, have sometimes produced very serious consequences. To give an instance: on one occasion a certain chief, a very handsome young man, became inspired, but did not yet know by whom; on a sudden he felt himself exceedingly low spirited, and shortly afterwards swooned away; when recovered from this, still finding himself very ill, he was taken to the house of a priest, who told the sick chief that it was a woman, mentioning her name, who had died two years before, and was now in Pulotu that had inspired him; that she was deeply in love with him, and wished him to die which was to happen in a few days so that she might have him near her. Pulotu is the name they give to their paradise and is supposed to be an island to the north-westward.
It is customary to take a sick person to the house of a priest, that the will of the gods may be known. The priest becomes immediately inspired, and remains almost constantly in that state while the sick person is with him. If he does not get better in two or three days he is taken to another priest, etc.
The chief said that he had seen the figure of a female two or three successive nights in his sleep, and had begun to suspect that he was inspired by her, though he could not tell who she was. He died two days afterwards. I visited the sick chief three or four times, at the house of the priest, and heard the latter foretell his death and the occasion of it.
Now we are upon this subject it may not be amiss to mention that Finau’s son, who at this period of our history was at the Samoan Islands, used to be inspired by the spirit of Tuku’aho, the late King of Tonga, who it may be recollected was assassinated by Finau and Tupouniua. When this young chief returned to Ha’apai, I was upon a footing of great friendship with him. One day I asked him how he felt himself, when the spirit of Tuku’aho visited him? He replied that he could not well describe his feelings, but the best he could say of it was, that he felt himself all over in a glow of heat and quite restless and uncomfortable, and did not feel his own personal identity as it were, but felt as if he had a mind different from his own natural mind, his thoughts wandering upon strange and unusual subjects, although perfectly sensible of surrounding objects. I next asked him how he knew it was the spirit of Tuku’aho? His answer was, “There’s a fool! How can I tell you how I knew it? I felt and knew it was so by a kind of consciousness; my mind told me that it was Tuku’aho.”
Finau used occasionally to be inspired by the ghost of Mumui, a former King of Tonga. The souls of deceased nobles become gods of the second rank in Pulotu.
I must now return to Finau and his army at the island of Pangaimotu.
A sufficient quantity of reeds and stakes having been procured, Finau and his army left Pangaimotu and landed at Nuku’alofa, for the purpose of rebuilding the kolo (or fortress.) The plan was marked out somewhat different from the former, and larger, as being judged more suitable to their views; a vast number of hands were employed, and in two days the building was finished. A few alterations and additions were afterwards made as occasion and convenience required. During the time this was about, several of the men got dangerously wounded by falling into a lovosa or soki, of which there were several on the land side of the kolo.
Lovosas are pit-falls, dug five feet deep and four broad. Several stakes of bamboo are driven into the bottom and sharpened. Sokis are smaller holes, with one stake in, and large enough to admit a man’s leg. These lovosas and sokis are covered over with slender sticks concealed from sight by plantain leaves and earth.
They were also much annoyed by the smell of the dead bodies that lay everywhere about, but which they did not take the trouble to bury, as they were enemies, and none of them their relations. The canoes were now hauled up on the beach, and a strong fencing of stakes driven round them. The four guns were drawn into the fortress, and one placed at each door.
A few days afterwards a small party who went up into the country according to their daily custom, for the purpose of gathering coconuts, were attacked by a larger party of the enemy. One man was killed, but the rest escaped back to the kolo. Upon this, a body of two hundred set out, myself among them, in pursuit of the enemy. We found them, and we kept at a running fight, till we were decoyed beyond a place where another party of the enemy lay concealed, who immediately rose, attacked us in the rear, and killed about thirty. Our Ha’apai people now began to run, and I, with four of the natives who were engaged with a separate party of the enemy, found it necessary to decamp also. In crossing a field of high grass, I fell into a hole six feet deep. My four faithful friends were resolved to save me, and three defended the place with their spears, while one helped me out. One of the three was killed on the spot. Being extricated from my perilous situation, and finding a large body of the enemy close upon us, we resolved to sell our lives to the utmost advantage. At this moment our own party looking round and seeing the four of us bravely make a stand, came up with all speed to our assistance, and a general battle took place, which was obstinately fought for some time; but at length the enemy was completely put to the rout. While this was going forward, a Ha’apai chief at some distance from our party met a Tongatapu chief under the same circumstances. They immediately engaged with their clubs; one however being soon disarmed, and the other having broken his club, they fought a long time with their fists; and when they were so weak that they could not strike, they grappled with each other, and both fell to the ground unable to stand any longer. The Tongatapu chief, incapable of injuring his antagonist in any other way, got his fingers into his mouth, and had them gnawed dreadfully. After having thus laid for a long time looking at each other, they gathered a little fresh strength, and by mutual agreement each crawled home to his respective fort.
The Ha’apai men, on their way back to Nuku’alofa, found several of their party in different parts of the road, who were unable to proceed on account of their wounds. But they were too weak themselves to carry them, and were obliged to leave them to the mercy of the enemy. They at length arrived at the kolo, tired and fatigued beyond conception, with about fifteen prisoners.
The following day, some of the younger chiefs, who had contracted the Fiji habits, proposed to kill the prisoners, lest they should make their escape, and then to roast and eat them. This proposal was readily agreed to, by some, because they liked this sort of diet, and by others because they wanted to try it, thinking it a manly and warlike habit. There was also another motive, namely a great scarcity of provisions; for some canoes which had been sent to the Ha’apai Islands for provisions were unaccountably detained, and the garrison was already threatened with distress. Some of the prisoners were soon dispatched. Their flesh was cut up into small portions, washed with seawater, wrapped up in plantain leaves, and roasted under hot stones. Two or three were emboweled and baked whole the same as a pig. I was not tempted to partake of this kind of diet, though the smell of it, when cooked, was exceedingly delicious. A few days now elapsed without any signs of the canoes from Ha’apai, and the distress of those who did not choose to eat human flesh was very great. I had been two days and a half without eating anything; when, passing by a house where they were cooking something, I walked in, with the pleasing hope of getting something that my stomach would bear, if it were only a piece of a rat; on inquiry, I was told, they had got some pork, and a man offered me a piece of liver, which I eagerly accepted, and was raising to my mouth, when I saw, by the smile on the countenance of the man, that it was human liver; overcome by disgust, I threw it in the man’s face, who only laughed, and asked him if was not better to eat good meat than die of hunger.
When Captain Cook visited these islands, cannibalism was scarcely thought of amongst them. But the Fiji people soon taught them this as well as the art of war; and a famine, which happened some time afterwards, rendered the expedient for a time almost necessary. On this occasion they way-laid and murdered one another to supply themselves with food; and they still tell an anecdote of four brothers, who, in this time of scarcity, invited their aunt to come and partake of a large yam, which they said they had secretly procured. The poor woman, glad of the idea of getting something to eat, and pleased with the kindness of her nephews, went to their house, where they soon dispatched her, and she herself formed the materials of a repast. Since that period, there was a great scarcity at one of the fortresses on Tongatapu, called Nukunuku. Two daughters of a chief of this place agreed to play the game of lafo against two young chiefs belonging to the same place, upon the following conditions: if the girls won the game, they were to divide a yam, which they had in their possession, and give half to the young chiefs; but if, on the contrary, the young chiefs won the game, they were still to have half the yam, but were to go out and kill a man, and give half his body to the girls The result was, that the chiefs won the game. Giving half their yam to the two chiefs, the girls waited for the performance of their agreement. The two young men set out under cover of darkness of night and concealed themselves near an enemy’s fortress. Early in the morning, a man came out of the fortress to fetch some salt water from the shore in coconut shells which he carried with him for the purpose. When he approached the place where the two lay concealed, they started out upon him, killed him with their clubs, and, at the risk of their lives, brought his body to Nukunuku, where they divided it in half, and faithfully performed their promise with the young women.
It was more than a fortnight before the canoes returned from the Ha’apai Islands with a supply of provisions, owning to the bad state of the weather. Shortly after, the garrison of Nukunuku sent to request leave to bury the dead bodies of their relations who had fallen during the siege. This being granted, they came and singled out about half a dozen, from the 350 that lay about, whom they knew, from particular circumstances to be their relations. These they took home to Nukunuku, leaving all the rest where they found them.
Every day a number of deserters from different garrisons came over to Finau. They all brought intelligence that Finau might shortly expect an attack from one or other of them. The fortress of Nuku’alofa was, however, now well prepared to receive them. In the meanwhile, the chief of a fortress called Pea, about four miles to the eastward, entered into an alliance with Finau, or rather submitted to his dominion, acknowledging him King of Tonga. The name of this chief was Takai. [Literally: to oil the body]
Having remained a fortnight or three weeks in daily expectation of an attack from an enemy, and seeing yet no signs of it, Finau became exceedingly impatient; for he was desirous of returning to the Ha’apai Islands to perform the ceremony of fakalahi which, being of a religious nature, it was indispensably necessary to do.
The nature of this ceremony, and the occasion of it, requires to be explained. At the death of Tu’i Tonga, (their great divine chief) there is such a constant feasting for nearly a month, as to threaten a future scarcity of certain kinds of provisions: to prevent which evil, a prohibition, or tapu, [taboo] is afterwards laid upon hogs, fowls, and coconuts, so that nobody but great chiefs may use them for food, under pain of death. This taboo lasts about eight months. When I first arrived at these islands, Tu’i Tonga, the predecessor of the present Tu’i Tonga, had just died, and the ceremony of his burial was being performed; though I had not the opportunity of witnessing it. All the feasting consequent upon this event being over, the taboo was imposed upon the articles above named; and now, after the lapse of eight months, comes the period to take it off, and the ceremony of doing this is called fakalahi. It must be mentioned, by the way, that two or three plantations are not subject to this taboo, to the end that hogs, fowls, and coconuts, may be furnished for occasional religious ceremonies, and for the consumption of the higher order of chiefs. If the above ceremony is not performed in due time, it is supposed that the gods will become exceedingly angry, and revenge themselves by the death of some of their great chiefs.
Finau, as before stated, seeing no appearance of an enemy, and being anxious to return to Ha’apai for the performance of this ceremony, consulted the gods, and was admonished by them to proceed to the Ha’apai Islands as soon as possible. With this view, he at first intended to make some further arrangements with Takai, and to leave a hundred of his men to garrison Nuku’alofa till his return. But being advised not to do so, lest this chief should prove treacherous, and put his hundred men to death, he resolved to give the fortress wholly up to Takai’s possession, and not run the risk of losing his men. He accordingly ordered the canoes to be launched, and stored with provisions: and having given up Nuku’alofa to Takai’s chiefs, upon their faithful promise to take all due care of it, he went on board with all his army the same afternoon, and landed at Pangaimotu, intending to sail the following morning for the Ha’apai Islands.
During the night, a great fire was seen at Tongatapu, towards the fortress of Nuku’alofa, and it was suspected to be on fire; but whether from accident, or the treachery of Takai, Finau was resolved to learn as soon as possible. Before sunrise, therefore, he sent out a canoe to make inquiry. It soon returned with the information, received from a well disposed subject of Takai, that the place was burnt by order of that chief, while Finau was in sight, on purpose to vex and irritate him. At this insult, Finau was so enraged, that he resolved to go back immediately, and exterminate Takai and all his family. The priests persuaded him not, reminding him of the admonition of the gods. This circumstance so affected him, that it prevented his departure till the following morning. In the meantime, a Tonga chief, Filimoeatu, [Literally: at odds with the bonito] and his family, having obtained permission from the superior chief of his garrison (that of Hihifo) to join Finau, as he was his relation, arrived at Pangaimotu, and entered into Finau’s service.
During the day, another circumstance occurred which amused the King, and served to quiet the ruffled state of his temper. Having heard that European ships more frequently touched at Tongatapu than at any of the other islands, I had written, while yet at Tongatapu, an English letter (with a solution of gunpowder and a little mucilage for ink), on some paper which one of the natives had had a long time in his possession, and addressed it to whomsoever it might be, stating the circumstances of my situation, and that of my companions. This letter I had confided to the care of the chief of Ma’ofanga, (the consecrated place formerly mentioned) with directions to give it to the captain of any ship that might arrive at Tonga. Tuitui, (the Hawaiian) having somehow heard of this letter, mentioned it to Finau, and represented it to be a notice to European ships of the fate of the Port au Prince, and a request to take revenge for the destruction of her crew. Finau immediately sent for the letter, and under some pretext or another, obtained it from the chief of Ma’ofanga. When it was put into his hands, he looked at it on all sides; but not being able to make anything of it, he gave it to one of the Englishmen who was at hand (I not being present.) and ordered him to tell him what it meant. The man took the letter, and translating part of it into the Tonga language, judiciously represented it to be merely a request to any English captain that might arrive, to interfere with Finau for the liberty of myself and my countrymen; stating, that we had been kindly treated by the natives, but, nevertheless, wished to return, if possible, to our native country. This was not, indeed, the true substance of the letter, but it was what was least likely to give offence. Finau accordingly remarked, that it was very natural for these poor fellows to wish to go back to their native country and friends. The letter, in fact, was an advice to European ships to go to the Ha’apai Islands, in preference to the island of Tongatapu, as being a better place for victualling: advising, at the same time, not to suffer many of the natives to be on board at once, lest they should meet with the same fate as the Port au Prince; but, if possible, to make some of the chiefs prisoners, and keep them as hostages, till I and my companions were delivered up.
This mode of communicating sentiment was an inexplicable puzzle to Finau; he took the letter again and examined it, but it afforded him no information. He thought a little within himself; but his thoughts reflected no light upon the subject. At length he sent for me, and desired me to write down something. I asked Finau what he would choose to have written; he replied, “Put down me.” I accordingly wrote, “Feenow,” (spelling it according to the strict English orthography). The chief then sent for another Englishman, who had not been present, and commanding me to turn my back, and look another way, he gave the man the paper, and desired him to tell what that was. He accordingly pronounced aloud the name of the King, upon which Finau snatched the paper from his hand, and, with astonishment, looked at it, turned it round, and examined it in all directions. At length he exclaimed, “This is neither like myself nor anybody else! Where are my eyes, where is my head? — where are my legs? — How can you possibly know it to be I?”
Then, without stopping for any attempt at an explanation, he impatiently ordered me to write something else, and thus employed him for three or four hours in putting down the names of different persons, places, and things, and making the other man read them. This afforded extraordinary diversion to Finau, and to all the men and women present, particularly as he now and then whispered a little love anecdote, which was strictly written down, and audibly read by the other, not a little to the confusion of one or other of the ladies present. But it was all taken in good humor, for curiosity and astonishment were the prevailing passions. How their names and circumstances could be communicated through so mysterious a channel, was altogether past their comprehension. Finau had long ago formed his opinion of books and papers, and this as much resembled witchcraft as anything he had ever seen or heard of. In vain I attempted to explain; but I had yet too slender a knowledge of their language to make myself clearly understood. Indeed, it would not have been an easy matter to have explained the composition of elementary sounds, and of arbitrary signs expressive of them, to a people whose minds were already formed to other modes of thinking, and whose language had few expressions but what concerned the ordinary affairs of life. The only rational mode would have been, to have invented a system of spelling, and to have gone through the usual routine of teaching it. Finau, at length, thought he had got a notion of it, and explained to those about him that it was very possible to put down a mark or sign of something that had been seen both by the writer and reader, and which should be mutually understood by them. I immediately informed him, that I could write down anything that I had never seen. Finau directly whispered to me to put Tuku’aho (the King of Tonga, whom he and Tupouniua had assassinated many years before my arrival). This was accordingly done, and the other read it. Finau was yet more astonished, and declared it to be the most wonderful thing he had ever heard of. He then desired me to write “Takai,” (the chief of the garrison of Pea, whom I and my companions had not yet seen; this chief was blind in one eye). When “Takai” was read, Finau inquired whether he was blind or not. This was putting writing to an unfair test! I told him that I had only written down the sign standing for the sound of his name, and not for the description of his person. I was then ordered to write, “Takai, blind in his left eye,” which was done, and read to the increased astonishment of everybody. I then told him that, in several parts of the world, messages were sent to great distances through the same medium, and, being folded and fastened up, the bearer could know nothing of the contents; and that the histories of whole nations were thus handed down to posterity, without spoiling by being kept (as he chose to express himself). Finau acknowledged this to be a most noble invention; but added, that it would not at all do for the Tonga Islands, that there would be nothing but disturbances and conspiracies; and he should not be sure of his life, perhaps, another month. He confessed, however, that he should like to know it himself, and for all the women to know it, that he might make love with less risk of discovery, and not so much chance of getting his brains knocked out by their husbands.
This circumstance served greatly to amuse and interest Finau and all his chiefs during their day’s stay at Pangaimotu. The following morning they again embarked, and sailing with a favorable wind for the Ha’apai Islands, they arrived at Nomuka, and ultimately at Lifuka.
Orders were now issued, and preparations were speedily made for the ceremony of Fakalahi. The places appropriated for this ceremony were one of two mala’e, and the grave of Tu’i Tonga. For distinction’s sake, I shall call the first mala’e Tu’i Tonga’s, and the second Finau’s. Tu’i Tonga’s mala’e is near his own residence, and on this were erected four columns of yams in the following manner. Four poles, about eighteen feet long, were fixed upright in the ground, to the depth of a few feet, at about four feet distance from each other in a quadrangular form; the spaces between them, all the way to the top, being crossed by smaller poles about six inches distant from each other, and lashed on by the bark of the fau [The fau is a species of the giant hibiscus, the size of a small tree. The fibrous bark is used for straining kava and making rope and twine.] The interior of this erection was filled up as they went with yams; and afterwards other upright poles were lashed on to the top with cross pieces in like manner, still piling up the yams; then a third set of poles, etc., till the column of yams was about fifty or sixty feet high, when, on the top of all, was placed a cold baked pig.
Precisely the same erection of poles, filled with yams, that Mariner saw was described by Captain Cook. His journal records: “… we found the people very busy, in two places, in the front of our area, fixing, in an upright and square position … four very long posts, near two feet from each other. The space between the posts was afterwards filled up with yams; and as they went on filling it, they fastened pieces of sticks across, from post to post, at the distance of about every four feet; to prevent the posts from separating, by weight of the enclosed yams, and also to get up by. When the yams had reached the top of the first posts, they fastened others to them, and so continued till each pile was the height of thirty feet, or upward … It was a matter of curiosity to observe, with what facility and dispatch these two piles were raised. Had our seamen been ordered to execute such a work, they would have sworn that it could not be performed without carpenters; and the carpenters would have called to their aid a dozen sort of tools, and have expended, at least, a hundred weight of nails; and, after all, it would have employed them as many days as it did these people hours. But seamen, like most other amphibious animals, are always the most helpless on land.”
Four such columns were erected, one at each corner of the mala’e, the day before the ceremony, and three or four hundred hogs were killed, and about half baked. The following day the hogs were carried to the King’s mala’e, about a quarter of a mile off, and placed upon the ground before the house, as well as four or five wooden cars or sleds full of yams, each holding about five hundred. While this was doing, the people assembling from all quarters. Those who were already arrived sat themselves down round the King’s mala’e. Occasionally some of them got up to amuse themselves and the rest of the company by wrestling with one another. The King and his chiefs, all dressed in plaited ngatu [In Tonga the finished, imprinted, bark cloth is called, ngatu; the unfinished cloth is called, tapa.] were already seated in the house, viewing what was going forward. The company being, at length, all arrived, and having seated themselves, the King gave notice that the ceremony was to begin. The young chiefs and warriors, and those who prided themselves in their strength, then got up singly, and endeavored in turns to carry off the largest hog. When one failed, another tried; then a third, and so on, till everyone, that chose, had made a trial of his strength. To carry one of the largest hogs is not a thing easy to be done, on account of its greasiness as well as its weight; but it affords a considerable share of diversion to see a man embracing a large fat baked hog, and endeavoring to raise it on his shoulder. As the hog was found too heavy for one man’s strength, it was carried away by two, while a third followed with its liver. They were deposited on the ground near Tu’i Tonga’s mala’e, where the men waited till the other hogs were brought. In the meantime the trial was going on with the second hog, which being also found too heavy for one man, was carried away by two in like manner; and so on with the third, fourth, etc.: the largest being carried away first, and least last. The second, third, and fourth afforded more sport than the first, as being a nearer counter-balance with a man’s strength. Sometimes he had got it nearly upon his shoulder, when his greasy burden slipped through his arms, and, in his endeavor to save it, brought him down after it. It is an honor to attempt these things, and even the King, sometimes, put his hand to it. The small hogs and pigs afforded no diversion, as they were easily lifted and carried away, each by one man, and deposited, not at the outside of Tu’i Tonga’s mala’e along with the largest hogs, but carried at once into it, where the cars of yams were also dragged one at a time. When everything was thus cleared from the King’s mala’e, the company got up and proceeded to the other mala’e, where they again seated themselves, while Tu’i Tonga presided, and the King and his chiefs, out of respect, sat on the outside of the ring among the great body of the people. The large hogs which had been deposited in the neighborhood of the mala’e were now to be brought in, each by one man, and, as it had been found that one man’s strength was not sufficient to raise any of them upon his shoulders, two others were allowed to lift the hog and place it upon his shoulders for him, and then he tottered in with his load, followed by another man with the liver; and in this manner all the hogs and their livers were carried in and deposited in two or three rows before Tu’i Tonga. Their number was then counted by the head cooks of Tu’i Tonga and Finau, and announced aloud to Tu’i Tonga by his own head cook; the number of cars and piles of yams was also announced at the same time.
This being done, about twenty of the largest hogs were carried to Tu’i Tonga’s burying-place, nearly a hundred yards distant. Those which were too heavy for one man to lift being put upon his shoulders by two others, as before, and deposited near the grave; one car of yams was also taken and left in like manner.
This portion of pork and yam being disposed of, the remainder was shared out in the following manner: one column of yams was allotted to the King, to be removed in the afternoon, and to be disposed of as he pleased (he always shares it among his chiefs and fighting men); another column was allotted to Viasi and two or three other chiefs (Viasi, like Tu’i Tonga, is a divine chief, that is, descended from a god; he is, however, inferior to Tu’i Tonga, but higher in rank than the King); the third was given to the gods; (the priests always take care of this portion); and the fourth Tu’i Tonga claimed for his own share. As to the cars of yams, they were never inquired after. Tu’i Tonga generally takes care of them, and appropriates them to his own use, and that of his numerous household, not that he has any legal right to them beyond custom and silent consent. The hogs were disposed of in like manner; the greatest quantity to the greatest chiefs, who share them out to the chiefs immediately below them in rank, and these again to their dependants, till every man in the island gets at least a mouthful of pork and yam. The ceremony now concluded with dancing, and wrestling, after which, every person present having secured his portion, retired to his home to share it with his family. From this moment the taboo, or prohibition upon hogs, fowls, and coconuts, was null and void.
The hogs and yams left at Tu’i Tonga’s grave, having remained there several days (till the pork stunk), were shared out by order of Tu’i Tonga, to all who chose to apply for a portion. They belong indeed properly to the principal chiefs; but as they are accustomed to feed upon meat in a better state of preservation, they forego their claims, and allow the lower orders to eat it for them. I could not learn why the pork was thus left till it was scarcely eatable — the only answer I could get was, that such was the ancient custom. It may be considered an offering to Tu’i Tonga’s ancestors, which it would be sacrilegious to take away while it was good for anything.
Finau had three daughters, the eldest of whom, now about eighteen years of age, had been long betrothed to Tu’i Tonga, who having expressed his wish that the marriage should take place, Finau gave orders for the necessary preparations, about five days after the above-mentioned ceremony. Tu’i Tonga was now about forty years of age. The particulars of this chief’s marriage, which was somewhat different from those of other chiefs, I will describe.
The young lady having been profusely anointed with coconut oil, scented with sandalwood, was dressed in the choicest mats of the Navigator’s Islands, of the finest texture, and as soft as silk. [The Navigator’s Islands are the Samoan Islands. The French explorer, Louis Antoine de Bougainville, came upon these islands in 1778 and named them the “Navigator’s Islands” in consequence of the many native boats he saw navigating in the region.] So many of these costly mats were wrapped round her, perhaps more than forty yards, that her arms stuck out from her body in a ludicrous manner; and she could not, strictly speaking, sit down, but was obliged to bend in a sort of half-sitting posture, leaning upon her female attendants, who were under the necessity of again raising her when she required it. A young girl, about five years of age, was also dressed out in a similar manner, to be her immediate and particular attendant. Four other young virgins, about sixteen years of age, were also her attendants, and were dressed in a manner nearly similar, but not with quite so many mats. The lady and her five attendants being all ready, proceeded to the mala’e of Tu’i Tonga, who was there, waiting for their arrival, together with a number of other chiefs, two matapules sitting before him. The lady and her attendants being arrived, seated themselves on the green before Tu’i Tonga. After the lapse of a little time a woman entered the circle with her face covered up with white ngatu; she went into the house of the mala’e, and proceeded towards the upper end, where there sat another woman in waiting with a large roll of ngatu, a wooden pillow, and a basket containing bottles of oil. A pillow to sleep on in these islands consists merely of a rod of wood about an inch in diameter, and a foot and a half long, and raised about half a foot by two diverging pieces at each end; the nape of the neck rests upon this.
The woman, whose face was veiled, took the ngatu from the other, wrapped herself up in it, and laying her head upon the wooden pillow, went, or pretended to go, fast asleep. No sooner was this done than Tu’i Tonga rose up, and taking his bride by her hand, led her into the house, and seated her on his left hand. Twenty baked hogs were now brought into the circle of the mala’e, and a number of expert cooks came with knives (procured from European ships; formerly they used bamboo) to try their skill in carving with speed and dexterity, which is considered a great recommendation. A considerable part was shared out to the chiefs, each taking his portion and putting it in his bosom. It is a peculiarity in this ceremony, that the chiefs should put their pork in their bosoms, for they never eat it themselves; and as it is tabooed by touching them, no other native of the Tonga Islands may eat it. So it generally falls ultimately to the lot of the natives of the Fiji Islands, or other foreigners present, who are not subject to the taboo of Tonga. The remainder of the pork was then heaped up and, at an appointed signal, scrambled for by those attending.
The woman who had laid herself down, covered over with ngatu, now rose up and went away, taking with her the ngatu, and the basket containing the bottles of oil, as her perquisites. Tu’i Tonga then took his bride by her left hand, and led her to his dwelling, followed by the little girl and the other four attendants. The people now dispersed, each to his home. Tu’i Tonga being arrived with his bride at his residence, accompanied her into the house appropriated for her where he left her to have her mats taken off, and her usual dress put on; after which she amused herself in conversation with the women. It must be noticed that every great chief has within his fencing several houses, one or more of which always belongs to his wives. He seldom goes to their house to sleep: he generally sends for one to sleep with him; at least, this is always the case with Tu’i Tonga, for nobody can eat, drink, or sleep, in the same house with him without being tabooed.
In the meantime a feast was prepared for the evening of pigs, fowls, yams, and kava. This was got ready on the mala’e, where, about dusk, Tu’i Tonga presiding, the company sat down to receive their portions, which they generally reserve to take home with them. The lower orders, who had but a small quantity, consumed theirs on the spot. After this the kava was shared out and drunk. The musicians (if so they can be called) next sat down at the bottom of the ring, opposite to Tu’i Tonga, in the middle of a circle of flambeaus, held by men who also held baskets of sand to receive the ashes. The musical instruments consisted of seven or eight bamboos of different lengths and sizes, (from three to six feet long) so as to produce, held by the middle, and one end being struck on the ground, different notes according to the intended tune (all the knots being cut out of the bamboo, and one end plugged up with soft wood). The only other instrument was a piece of split bamboo, on which a man struck with two sticks, one in each hand, to regulate the time. The music was an accompaniment to dancing, which was kept up a considerable time.
Captain Cook reported this description of a Tongan dance.
“The concert of musicians having continued for about a quarter of an hour, twenty women entered the circle. Most of them had upon their heads garlands of the crimson flowers of the China rose. Many of them had ornamented their persons with leaves of trees cut with a great deal of nicety about the edges. They made a circle round the chorus, turning their faces toward it, and began singing a soft air, to which responses were made by the chorus in the same tone; and these were repeated alternately. All this while, the women accompanied their song with several very graceful motions of their hands towards their faces and in other directions at the same time, making constantly a step forward and then back again with one foot, while the other was fixed. They then turned their faces to the assembly, sung, some time, and retreated slowly in a body to that part of the circle which was opposite the hut where the principal spectators sat.
“Their manner of dancing was now changed to a quicker measure in which they made a kind of half turn by leaping, and clapped their hands, and snapped their fingers, repeating some words in conjunction with the chorus. Toward the end, as the quickness of the music increased, their gestures and attitudes were varied with wonderful vigor and dexterity; and some of their motions, perhaps would, with us, be reckoned rather indecent. Though this part of the performance, most probably, was not meant to convey any wanton ideas, but merely to display the astonishing variety of their movements.
“To this grand female ballet succeeded one performed by fifteen men. Some of them were old; but their age seemed to have abated little of their agility or ardor for the dance … They, sometimes, sung slowly in concert with the chorus; and, while thus employed, they also made several fine motions with their hands, but different from those of the women. At the end, the rapidity of the music and of the dancing increased so much that it was scarcely possible to distinguish the different movements; though one might suppose the actors were now almost tired, as their performance had lasted near a half an hour.”
The dancing being over, one of the old matapules addressed the company, making a moral discourse on the subject of chastity - advising the young men to respect, in all cases, the wives of their neighbors, and never to take liberties even with an unmarried woman against her free consent. The company then rose, and dispersed to their respective homes. The bride was not present at this entertainment. Tu’i Tonga being arrived at his house, sent for the bride, who immediately obeyed the summons. The moment they retired together the lights were extinguished, and a man, appointed at the door for the purpose, announced it to the people by three hideous yells, (similar to the war whoop,) which he followed up immediately by the loud and repeated sound of the conch.
The marriage ceremony in ancient Tonga and our European customs have many parallels. The bride’s small girl is our flower girl; the virgins, our bridesmaids; the feasting, the wedding reception; the kava, our toast to the new couple; taking some of the food home is similar to our taking home some of the wedding cake. Not so very long ago, in some regions, the custom of announcing the consummation of the marriage was also part of the ceremony. In the Tongan wedding ceremony, however, no religious elements were present nor was there any sharing of vows.
We are now coming to a new era in the history of the Tonga Islands, occasioned by the political intrigues of Tupouto’a a natural son of Tuku’aho, by one of that King’s female attendants. Tupouto’a was the chief that formerly had the direction of the conspiracy against the Port au Prince, He was a man of not quite so brave and disinterested a spirit as Tupouniua; he partook rather of the character of Finau, with a little more ferocity, but not quite such depth of policy. It will be recollected that Tupouniua was the chief that assassinated Tuku’aho; ever since which period Tupouto’a desire of revenge was most implacable; and he had made a vow never to drink the milk of the coconut out of the shell till he had fully accomplished it. [The water in a green coconut is commonly used for refreshment in Tonga.] He had indeed all along espoused the cause of Finau against the adherents of his father, which may seem strange, as Finau himself was a principal accomplice in that assassination, though his policy did not allow him to be the immediate perpetrator. But Tupouto’a knew well that he should have no chance of success against so strong a power as that of Finau; he therefore joined him, that he might have, some time or another, an opportunity, however dangerous the attempt, of wreaking a signal vengeance on Tupouniua The crisis was now fast approaching, for he had well prepared the way for it, by constantly whispering into the ear of Finau something disadvantageous to the character of Tupouniua. At one time he represented him to be the meditator of certain conspiracies; at another as the enviable possessor of a happier island (Vava’u), much more productive of every article of convenience and luxury. Sometimes he insinuated that Tupouniua did not pay sufficient annual tribute, considering the fertility of the island and the superior dignity of Finau; at other times he represented him as ambitious, that he sought to gain too much the love of the people, and by his success in this way became too powerful. Moreover, he never ceased to remind the King of the frequent opposition made by Tupouniua to his wise measures in regard to his warlike preparations against Tongatapu. At last he had the boldness to propose his assassination. Finau, who was not at all startled at proposals of this nature, but who never wished, if possible, to appear to the world as a party concerned, lent an attentive ear to Tupouto’a, and half promised his assistance, but advised that the execution of his project should be deferred till some future and more fit opportunity offered.
To enter properly into the merit of this account, Finau’s character must all along be kept in view He was a man of a deep and designing spirit, always willing to favor any conspiracy that promised to advance his interests, but exceedingly cautious how he let anybody know his intentions, even the party that proposed it. He always conducted himself with such admirable policy, that no one, not even his most intimate acquaintance, could dive thoroughly into his projects. Tupouniua (his brother) on the contrary, was a truly brave man, and, upon the whole, of an undesigning and exceedingly liberal mind; for though he had proposed and perpetrated the assassination of Tuku’aho it was believed to be not so much to avenge his own personal wrongs as those of his country. Often he expressed to me the extent and nature of his feelings on such occasion, how he regretted that so many beautiful and innocent women should be sacrificed at the same time (that they might not spread alarm); yet how strongly he felt that the liberty of his country was that moment in his power, while the desire of avenging its wrongs was like a raging thirst that overpowered every other sensation, No sooner was the blow struck than he saved all that he could save, a little child of three years old, which he bore away in his arms from the scene of slaughter. The liberality of his mind will appear also from the answers he made to those who sometimes threw out hints to him that Finau was not his friend, and that it was therefore proper for him always to go armed, “Finau,” he replied, “is my brother — he is my superior chief — he is King of these islands, and I pay him tribute as a servant. If he has any reason to be dissatisfied with my conduct, my life is at his disposal, and he is welcome to take it, for it is better to die than to live innocent and yet be thought capable of treachery; besides, I will not arm myself against a power to which, as long as the country is well governed, it is my duty to submit.”
This brave chief was still at Lifuka with all his army, in daily expectation of receiving orders from the King for their return to Vava’u. Tupouto’a thought the opportunity too advantageous to be lost. He did not approve of the advice of Finau, to wait yet a little longer. What opportunity, he thought, could be better than the present, while Tupouniua was still on the same island with him, and the King seemed disposed to favor his views? He had harboured sentiments of revenge so long within his breast, and the fitness of the occasion so spurred his resolution, that every day’s delay appeared in his imagination the loss of an age. Finau’s feelings upon the subject was supposed not to be very far remote from that of Tupouto’a; but as he saw very clearly that this chief’s determination was fully bent upon his purpose, and required no encouragement from him, he chose merely by an outward show of moderation and wisdom to give a sort of passive consent, and to remain by this means the spectator rather than the actor in the scene, and so to avoid if possible the odium of being an accomplice in the murder of so brave and good a man.
A few days now elapsed, and Tupouniua was still among the number of the living. One evening, about an hour before sunset, the King desired me to accompany him and his daughter to Mahina Fekite, [Literally: mahina, moon; fekite, able to view.] about three quarters of a mile off; he was going, he said, to consult an old chief, Tokemoana [Literally: toke, a kind of fish; moana, of the deep sea] who resided there, upon some political business. Finau usually carried out with him a large whaling knife, the blade of which was two feet long and three inches wide, I observed, on this occasion, that he did not take his knife, and asked him if I should take it and carry it for him. He replied, “No, I have no need of it.” I obeyed, and followed him and his daughter, unarmed. When several persons walk together, it is customary for one to follow another in a row.
On our way we came near to a pool; and Finau stepped aside to bathe, previously sending an attendant to Tupouniua, to desire him to come to him. By the time he had done bathing Tupouniua arrived, and all four pursued their walk to the old chief’s house; where, when they arrived, the two chiefs and Finau’s daughter entered the inside fencing, while I went into a house within the outside fencing, and remained in conversation with a female attendant of Finau’s daughter. They had not been long here, before Tupouto’a came in and shortly after went out again. There entered soon after four men belonging to him, who immediately began to take down the sail, mast and sprits of a small canoe; stating as their motive, when questioned by the woman, Tupouto’a’s orders to prepare a canoe. The orders they had received from Tupouto’a were, in fact, to get ready a canoe to make his escape in, if his intended project against the life of Tupouniua should fail. These four men were his confidants. Having taken what they wanted, they went out.
In about two hours Finau came out of the inner fencing, followed by Tupouniua and his own daughter, As they passed, I followed her, and the female attendant walked last. It was now night, but somewhat moonlight. As we passed the corner of the outer fencing, Tupouto’a and the four men just spoken of rushed from their hiding place, and made a violent assault on Tupouniua. The first blow of a club he received on his shoulder (intended for his head). He immediately exclaimed, “Oiaue Finau, te u mate!” (“Oh! Finau, am I to be killed?”), and retiring a few steps set his back against the fencing.
Finau, who was several paces in advance, immediately made what was thought a feigned attempt to defend him, exclaiming, “Oiaue, kuo mate e tangata!.” (“Alas! this noble man is killed!.”)
He was held from his strong, yet pretended endeavor to run to his assistance, by some other attendants of Tupouto’a, who came up and forced Finau into the fencing. (It must be recollected that Finau did not choose to bring his whaling knife with him.) Tupouniua, who was without any offensive weapon, as he had been without any suspicion, warded off several blows with his hands and arms; till both these being broken, and he was unable to lift them up, when a blow from Tupouto’a on the head, made him stagger, another knocked him down, and he was beaten as long as signs of life remained, and for some time after.
At this moment a young warrior, whose name was Latu’ila [Literally: latu, an unfurled sail; ‘ila, with a patch.] and whose father had been formerly killed, under strong suspicions of conspiracy by Tupouniua came up to the spot, possessed by a spirit of implacable revenge. He struck the body of the dead chief several times, and exclaimed, “Thou has been long enough the chief of Vava’u, living in ease and luxury; thou murderer of my father! I would have declared my sentiments long ago, if I could have depended upon others to second me; not that I feared death by making thee my enemy, but the vengeance of my chief, Tupouto’a, was first to be satisfied, and it was a duty I owed the spirit of my father to preserve my life as long as possible, that I might have the satisfaction to see thee thus lie stinking dead!” He then repeated the blows several times upon his stomach.
On the first noise of the scuffle, I imagined that Finau himself was attacked. I attempted to rush forward, though unarmed, to his assistance, but was prevented by a strong man, who taking me round the body, pinioned my arms to my side. The women, on hearing the sound of the blows, and the exclamation of Tupouniua, ran screaming into the fencing. In about ten minutes after the affair, nearly two hundred of Finau’s people assembled, armed with clubs and spears; to a party of whom, with a chief at their head, Finau gave orders to go immediately to Tupouniua’s people, who were at their temporary houses on the shore, and command them, in his name, to go on board their respective canoes, except the principal Vava’u chiefs, who were to come into his presence. These orders were scarcely given when one of the late chief’s adopted sons came before Finau, and striking his club against the ground, exclaimed, “Why sit you there idle? Why do you not rouse yourself and your men, to revenge the death of the fallen hero? If it had been your lot to have sunk thus beneath the clubs of your enemies, would he have hesitated to have sacrificed his life for your revenge? — How great a chief he was! — How sadly he died!” Finau made no reply, and the young warrior retired a little, and sat down.
The affection of the Vava’u people for their chief was great; but they thought the present a very disadvantageous opportunity of seeking revenge. They were in a part of the country where their enemies would be very numerous; their canoes would perhaps be taken from them, and their retreat thus cut off. When they received Finau’s orders, they immediately obeyed, the great body of them going into their respective canoes, and their chiefs coming into the King’s presence, Where, when they arrived, they sat before him, their heads bowed down in dejection and utter sadness. Finau, in his usual style of artful eloquence, made them a speech, in which he positively declared his innocence of the murder, and his previous ignorance of its having been about to take place. He acknowledged, however, that Tupouto’a confided to him his intentions, and asked his assistance, which he promised; but that he had made this promise without meaning to fulfil it; thinking by this means to satisfy for a time the urgent solicitations of that chief; lest, not having made it, he should undertake this rash act before proper measures could be adopted to prevent it.
While he was yet speaking, his own wives and women, having been sent for, came and sat down behind him. His speech being ended, half an hour’s silence ensued; nobody daring to deliver his sentiments. The company then rose, by Finau’s order, and followed him to his house. As he passed the body, he ordered it to be lifted up and carried before him. When the procession arrived, the body was laid down on the outside of the house, and washed all over with a mixture of oil and water (as is always customary.) This office was performed by one of Finau’s wives and myself; nobody else offering to do it, on account of their objections to being tabooed
No person can touch a dead chief without being tabooed for ten lunar months, except chiefs, who are only tabooed for three, four, or five months, according to the superiority of the dead chief; except again it be the body of Tu’i Tonga, and then even the greatest chief would be tabooed ten months. During the time a man is tabooed he must not feed himself with his own hands, but must be fed by somebody else. He must not even use a toothpick himself, but must guide another person’s hand holding the toothpick. If he is hungry and there is no one to feed him, he must go down upon his hands and knees, and pick up his victuals with his mouth. And if he infringes upon any of these rules, it is firmly expected that he will swell up and die. This belief is so strong that I think no native ever made an experiment to prove the contrary. They often saw me feed myself with my hands after having touched dead chiefs, and not observing my health to decline, they attributed it to my being a foreigner, and being governed by different gods.
Finau’s wife did not mind it, because she was already tabooed from having touched the dead body of the late Tu’i Tonga nine months before, and had consequently got accustomed to the inconveniences of it. I did not hesitate to do this last office to my friend, because I had no superstitious fears of the consequences of not submitting to the taboo. The body, being washed, was brought into the house, laid on a large bale of ngatu, and anointed with sandalwood oil. Tupouniua’s wives (four in number) now came in to mourn over the dead body of their departed chief. They entered beating their breasts and faces, and screaming with all the agony and frantic agitations of mad women. They sat down close round the corpse, and in a most dismal strain began singing:
The song Mariner recorded has an English rather than a Tongan form. Mariner was not able to recall the exact words. The author believes that this song is a mixture of Tongan composition and English phrases set in Tongan words. In modern Tongan, the words could be:
“Oiaue! Seuke!
Oiaue! Kuo mate e!
Oiaue! Kuo te ‘ofa e!
Oiaue! Kuo te tangi e!
Oiaue! Maumau e!”
“Alas! woe is me!
Alas! he is dead!
Alas! How I respect him!
Alas! How I lament his loss!
Alas! here are his ruins!”
These verses were repeated over and over again, without any order, during the whole night; the mourners frequently beating their breasts and faces, and now and then making exclamations regarding themselves, as to what would become of them now they had lost their great chief and protector, and with him all their happiness and comfort. The house was lighted up by lamps with coconut oil. About one hundred and fifty persons were present, among whom were Finau and myself; we staid the whole night. Finau’s wives retired to rest. I deeply felt on my mind the depressing influence of these sorrowful lamentations. The poor unfortunate women at intervals only sobbed and mourned for a time, then broke out loudly as before; till by degrees, the voice growing weak, sunk into a hoarse murmur; as if all the powers of the soul were fast declining under a weight of anguish, never to rise again, Then a heart-rending exclamation of sorrow from one spread its contagion to all the rest; and thus was the whole night spent in lamentations for the death of a good and great man; who, as far as human judgment can determine, was unjustly accused, and undeservedly sacrificed.
During all this time, the chiefs and warriors of the King kept themselves on the alarm, expecting every moment a revolt from the people of Tupouniua. everything, however, remained quiet. The following morning Finau issued orders for the body to be carried on board a canoe along with him, to proceed to the island of ‘Uiha; this was accordingly done, and they set sail, sixty or seventy other canoes following, with the Vava’u people, and several of the King’s warriors. When they arrived at ‘Uiha, a grave was opened for Tupouniua, the fa’itoka of his ancestors, wherein his body was deposited in the presence of all who came in the canoes; besides a considerable number of the natives of the island.
The fa’itoka is a burying-place, including the grave, the mound in which it is sunk, and a sort of shed built over it. The grave of a chief’s family is a vault, lined at the bottom with one large stone, one at each side, and one at the foot and head, and is about eight feet long, six feet broad, and eight feet deep, covered at the top with one large stone.
As soon as the corpse was let down into the grave, one of those who had assassinated him, Si’ulua, a great warrior and a powerful man, advanced forward into the middle of the circle, brandishing his club, and addressed the Vava’u people to the following effect: “If there be any among you harbouring secret thoughts of revenge, keep them no longer buried in your bosom, meditating plans of future insurrection, but come now forth and fight me on the spot, for, by sacrificing me, you will revenge his death. I am the man who acted a principal part in his death; come on, then, one and all, and wreak your vengeance on my head!” Nobody, however, accepted this challenge; not but there were many Vava’u chiefs who would willingly have done it, had they not thought better to reserve themselves, to effect a future and more signal vengeance. The stone was now put over the grave, and the company dispersed.
During the whole of this time, in consequence of Finau’s orders, every circumstance was attended to that might prevent an insurrection on the part of the Vava’u warriors. The four carronades which Finau had brought with him were drawn up before the fencing in which he meant to reside during his stay. The Vava’u people were forbidden to carry any offensive weapons, while those of Ha’apai were ordered to be under arms, and to keep themselves on the alert.
Two or three days after this funeral ceremony, the King summoned a private meeting in his presence of the chiefs of Ha’apai, and those of Vava’u, where they swore allegiance to Finau with their hands placed upon a consecrated bowl, while kava was being mixed in it, invoking the God, Tu’ifua Pulotu [Literally: Tu’i, King: fua Pulotu, like in Heaven.] to whom the bowl was consecrated, and praying him to punish them with untimely death if they should afterwards break their vow, or harbour any thoughts to that intent. The bowl is held consecrated because it is kept on purpose to make kava in, for the ceremonies of the God, Tu’ifua Pulotu, and used on no other occasion. If a great chief takes an oath, he swears by the God, (laying his hand upon the consecrated bowl); if an inferior chief takes an oath, he swears by his superior relation, who, of course, is a greater chief, and lays his hand upon his feet.
The kava was then shared out, and the King informed the Vava’u chiefs that thenceforth they were to consider Toe’umu [Literally: toe, remnant from, ‘umu, earth oven.] (his aunt) as their lawful chief, and to pay respect to her as such at her kava ceremonies. They accordingly promised all due submission and obedience to their newly appointed chief; after which the assembly rose up, and dispersed to their respective houses.
The following day, Finau, and all that had come to this island with him, went on board their canoes, and returned back to Lifuka, and, shortly after, all the Vava’u people, except the greater part of the matapules of the late Tupouniua, who were detained by Finau, pursued their course to Vava’u.
About a fortnight after their departure, there arrived a canoe from Vava’u with a matapule, and thirty or forty men, who were will affected towards Finau. They brought the unexpected information, that the people of that island, at the instigation, and under the guidance of their chief, Toe’umu, (Finau’s aunt), had come to the resolution of freeing themselves from the dominion of the King, and of erecting themselves into a separate nation. Toe’umu, it seems, had made a speech to her chiefs, in which she declared, that she found it expedient to shake off the yoke of Finau; for, although she was his aunt, she could not but remember with gratitude the obligations she laid under to Tupouniua and the respect that was due to his memory. Tupouniua, she said, had been her particular friend, and she was determined to act in a manner worthy the honor of so great a man’s friendship. She then appealed to her chiefs and matapules, demanding of them their opinion, and whether they also did not think it expedient to free themselves from the tyranny of Finau. Here a consultation began, which was kept up a considerable time, without coming to any determination, some arguing rather in favor of Finau’s conduct, others rather against it; till, at length, an old woman (sister to Toe’umu), rushed into the middle of the assembly, armed with a club and spear, and brandishing them in the air, demanded, with a loud voice, why they hesitated so long in an affair, in which honor clearly pointed out the only proper path to pursue.
“But,” she added, “if the men are turned women, the women shall turn men, and revenge the death of their murdered chief; let, then, the men stand idly looking on, and, when we women are sacrificed in the glorious cause, the example may, perhaps, excite them to fight and die in the same spirited endeavor to support and defend their rights.” The warlike declaration of this heroine roused the chiefs into a state of activity, and they speedily came to a resolution to build a large and strong fortress, and to put themselves in a state of defense against any incursions that Finau might make upon them, or, rather, which Tupouto’a might spur him on to make.
The proposed fortress was to be the largest that ever was known in the Tonga Islands, to be, in short, a fortified town, capable of holding all the inhabitants of Vava’u (about 8000 in number), with their houses and burying places, to be built round the Mu’a. The chief’s houses are generally situated together, and this place is called the Mu’a, the metropolis of the island.
As usual, the buildings were constructed of reed fencings, much on the same plan as that of Nuku’alofa, formerly described, but to be surrounded by a deep and firm-set bank of solid clay, about twelve feet high, with a ditch on the inner side of it, from which the clay would be furnished, and thus be proof against the guns. Within this ditch, and next the fencing, was to be another bank of clay, smaller than the other. The whole of the materials of the fencing was to be proportionately strong and good.
Among a great deal of information which the old matapule communicated, was that respecting the bravado of a Vava’u warrior, who declared his utter contempt of the guns. It is customary for every professed warrior, before he goes to battle, or expects the coming of an enemy, to give himself the name of some one particular person, whom he means to single out and fight. This warrior, however, instead of assuming the name of one of the enemy, proudly called himself Me’afana-Fonua [Literally: Gun of the country] (a great gun), declaring that he would run boldly up to a cannon and throw his spear into the mouth of it.
When Finau was informed of these proceedings of the Vava’u people, he immediately resolved to make a descent upon them with a powerful force, and reduce them into subjection before they could have completed their designs. But the priests dissuaded him from this hasty project, and proposed, that it would be much more acceptable to the gods to make, in the first place, an offer of reconciliation. The King, however, had not much respect for the priests, and though he sometimes conformed with their advice, it was generally because it tallied with his own opinion, or he did it for the mere outside show of veneration for the gods. His want of religion was, indeed, almost proverbial, and, on this account, the people often wondered that he was so successful in war. In this particular instance he was so exasperated at the conduct of his aunt, that not the persuasion of the priests, nor the admonitions of the gods, could prevent him turning his immediate attention to the necessary preparations for a speedy attack on Vava’u. Intermediate and unexpected events, however, put a stop, for a time to these preparations.
At this period, there arrived from Samoa Finau’s son and heir, Moengangono, after an absence of five years; with him came another great chief, whose name was Vuna, and who had formerly been chief of Vava’u. They and their retinue had sailed from Samoa in six canoes, one of which containing sixty persons, and all Moengangongo’s treasures, was lost in a gale of wind. In their way they had touched at Vava’u not knowing the political situation of the island, and were very near being forcibly detained; but, observing something suspicious in the conduct of the people, they put off to sea again, and thus made their escape in time.
Their arrival at Lifuka occasioned great feasting and rejoicing, which lasted many days, and served to divert the King from his immediate warlike projects.
Two daughters of chiefs had, for several years, been kept apart, and reserved to be the wives of the young Prince (as we shall beg leave to call him, to avoid the frequent repetition of his uncouth name), as soon as he should return from Samoa. He had, indeed, brought two wives with him, natives of that place; but, finding that his friends at home had not been unmindful of him in this particular, he resolved to marry these young maidens also — partly to please his own humor, and partly to afford a little amusement to the Ha’apai people. He resolved, also that the ceremony should be performed, for the most part, after the manner of the Samoa Islands.
On the morning of the day of marriage, which was about a week after the arrival of the Prince, most of the lower class of the people were employed in bringing from different parts of the island, yams, ripe plantains, bananas; coconuts, breadfruit, fish, and cakes. These cakes are made of flour prepared from the mahoa’a root [The arrowroot tuber. Scientific name: Tacca pinnatifida] mixed up with scraped coconut into a paste, and baked. They are considered a luxury.
These foodstuffs were piled up on the mala’e in four large heaps, with a baked pig on the top of each. The people assembled on the spot, dressed up in new garments, ornamented with wreaths of flowers, and with red ribbands made of the fine membrane of the leaf of the lou’akau [a common name for all varieties of pandanus leaf] much resembling silk. Their persons were anointed with sweet-scented oil.
The spectators seated themselves in two sections of a circle, one beginning from the right, the other from the left hand of Finau and his matapules. At their terminations stood the Ha’apai people on the one side, and the newcomers (most of them Ha’apai people also), on the other, so as to be opposite to each other, both parties being furnished with clubs made of the green branches of the coconut tree. The Prince, who was also armed with a club, stood up among his Samoan companions.
The two brides were now conducted by their female attendants from the house of Finau (near the mala’e). They were dressed in the finest Samoan mats, but not in such profusion as described in Tu’i Tonga’s marriage, and were veiled in the finest ngatu. These mats are made entirely by hand, and, when very fine and large, occupy two year’s making; this renders them exceedingly valuable. They are so exquisitely manufactured, that one would suppose them to be woven by a loom.
They were led into the house on the mala’e, and seated on bales also of the finest ngatu. Here their feet, hands, faces, and breasts, were anointed with a mixture of sandalwood oil and the purest turmeric, producing a deep orange tint on their skins. They remained seated in this place, to be spectators of the combat that was about to ensue between the inhabitants of Ha’apai and their friends from Samoa.
The two parties being ready, the challenges were given in the following way: a man from one side runs over to the opposite party and sits down before it; he then demands if anyone will engage with him. The person who chooses to accept the challenge, comes forward brandishing his club. The two combatants proceed to the middle of the circle, each attended by one from his own party to assist as second. They next determine whether they shall fight after the Tonga or Samoa fashion. The difference of which is, that the Samoan custom allows a man to beat his antagonist after he is knocked down, as long as he perceives signs of motion. The Tongan mode, on the contrary, only allows him to flourish his club over his fallen foe, and the fight is at an end. This point being agreed on, the two champions for the applause of the multitude begin to engage. When they have finished, another party comes on in the same way. Sometimes there are three or four sets of combatants engaged at the same time. When a man gains a victory, his own party gives a shout of approbation, “Uo uo, ‘a mato, ‘i oi, ‘i oi!” [‘a mato means literally: ‘a, a fence; and mato, a cliff; thus, a fence on a cliff. This imagery describes the unconquerability of the winner of the match — a cliff is hard to climb, a fence on a cliff, doubly so.] The champion then advances towards the chief who presides at the head of the circle (in this instance the King), sits down before him, out of respect, then rises immediately, and returns to his own party.
Such was the mode in which these club-fights were conducted. the Prince engaged in several of them, and performed great feats of bravery. He fought no less than fourteen or fifteen battles, and always came off victorious.
The fighting with clubs being over, at a signal from Finau, the boxing, and wrestling matches commenced. As their performances in these ways have been so accurately described by Captain Cook, it would be unnecessary to enter here into a detail.
The boxing match described in Captain Cook’s journal that Mariner refers to is as follows:
“… they engaged, the greatest part of the afternoon, in boxing and wrestling; the first of which exercise they call fangatooa [fangatua, wrestling] and the second foohoo [fuhu, boxing].” (Cook got these words turned around. Fuhu is wrestling, and fangatua is boxing.) “When any of them chooses to wrestle, he gets up from one side of the ring, and crosses the ground in a sort of measured pace, clapping smartly on the elbow joint of one arm, which is bent, and produces a hollow sound; that is reckoned the challenge. If no person comes out from the opposite to engage him, he returns in the same manner and sits down; but sometimes stands clapping in the midst of the ground, to provoke some one to come out. If an opponent appear, they come together with marks of the greatest good-nature, generally smiling, and taking time to adjust the piece of cloth which is fastened round the waist. They then lay hold of each other by this girdle, with a hand on each side; and he who succeeds in drawing his antagonist to him, immediately tries to lift him upon his breast, and throw him upon his back; and if he be able to turn round with him two or three times, in that position, before he throws him, his dexterity never fails of procuring plaudits from the spectators. If they be more equally matched, they close soon, and endeavor to throw each other by entwining their legs, or lifting each other from the ground; in which struggles they show prodigious exertion of strength, every muscle, as it were, being ready to burst with straining. When one is thrown, he immediately quits the field but the victor sits down for a few seconds, then gets up, and goes to the side he came from, who proclaim the victory aloud, in a sentence delivered slowly, and in a musical cadence …
“The boxers advance side-ways, changing the side at every pace, with one arm stretched fully out before, the other behind; and holding a piece of cord in one hand. which they wrap firmly about it, when they find an antagonist, or else have done so before the enter. This, I imagine, they do to prevent dislocation of the hand and fingers. Their blows are directed chiefly to the head; but sometimes to the sides; and are dealt out with great activity. They shift sides, and box equally well with both hands. But one of their favorite and most dexterous blows, is, to turn round on their heel, just as they have struck their antagonist, and to give him another very smart one with the other hand backward.
“The boxing matches seldom last long; and the parties either, leave off together, or one acknowledges his being beat … They never sing the song of victory unless one strikes his adversary to the ground … Of the two, wrestling is their most approved diversion.” (See illustration.)
These feats being over, the Prince and his chiefs retired to the neighboring houses to dress their heads with a sort of turban, made of white ngatu, ornamented with small red feathers. Thus equipped, they returned to the mala’e, where the chiefs sat down again among their own party, and the Prince went up to his two brides, who were still sitting in the house, raised them up, one by each hand, and led them forth upon the mala’e amid the acclamations of the people, who clapped their hands, while the matapules exclaimed, “Malie! Malie!” (“Well done! Well done!”). The young chiefs and their companions from Samoa, sang the following song, beating time with their hands. It is in the language of the Samoan Islands, and I did not understand the meaning of it. I was so much in the habit of hearing the Tonga people sing in the Samoan language, which they affect to admire, though very few understand what they sing, that I neglected to inquire the meaning of this song; but the words, or rather the syllables (for it is hard to say whether they are divided quite right), I remember perfectly well, as many of the people went about all the following night singing it, according to the custom at Samoa. The song is as follows:
Lafe lafe e, lafe lafe e,
Lafe lafe e chinilau
Chi a my ta to.
Ooa lao fia tala ou.
Moegnagnongo e, Moegnagnongo e:
Toobo mo Lakepa e, Toobo mo Lakepa e.
Toobo mo Lakepa was the name of one of the brides, who was a greater personage than the other.
The Tongan language and the Samoan language are dialects of the same basic Polynesian vocabulary. Many words are the same, with the same meaning, but are pronounced differently. The difference in pronunciation between the speech of Samoa and Tonga is not so great that many of the common words could not be easily understood. The stylized phrases in a Samoan song, however, might well not be comprehended by Mariner, or even by some of the natives of Tonga. In addition, some songs are so ancient in their origin and have been handed down for so many generations that the meaning of the words has been lost to even the native population.
The last two lines in the song recorded here are Tongan:
“Moengangongo ‘e. Moengangongo ‘e
Tupou mo Lakepa ‘e. Tupou mo Lakepa ‘e.”
These are the Tongan names of the two brides.
While this singing and these acclamations were going forward, the Prince led his brides to the bottom of the mala’e with a slow and dignified step, and then returned, amid the same acclamations, into the house, and reseated them upon the bales of ngatu. After which he commenced a dance on the mala’e with the young chiefs, who had put on turbans. This dance was also after the manner of the Samoan Islands, and seemed to afford the people much entertainment. In my opinion, there was not so great an exhibition of agility as in their own dances, but equally as much grace, and somewhat more attitude. In the meantime the brides were conducted to the residence of the bridegroom. The dance being concluded, the provisions were shared out. The two larger portions were allotted, by Finau’s orders, to the newcomers, (to be disposed of hereafter as they thought proper). The next largest was shared out to all foreigners, namely, natives of Fiji, Samoa, and the island of Futuna.
Futuna and its neighboring island, Alofi, comprise the Hoorne Islands, discovered and so named in 1616 by two explorers from the Dutch East India Company, Jacob Lemaire and William Schouten. The islands received the name of Schouten’s lost ship and home town in Holland, Hoorne. On their way into the Pacific Ocean, these navigators discovered and gave the name of their Holland town to the southern tip of South America, the famous Cape Hoorne, now spelled Cape Horn. This voyage was twenty-seven years before Tasman discovered the southern part of the Tongan archipelago in 1643.
The presence of persons from Fiji, Samoa, and Futuna all at the same time on the Tongan island of Lifuka, each of these four places marking the corners of a square of the Pacific Ocean about 350 miles on a side, indicates clearly that at the time of Mariner’s stay, 1806, there was active voyaging in native canoes between these far flung and widely scattered islands.
The remaining heap of food stuffs, at an appointed signal, was scrambled for by all who chose to try their speed and dexterity. This last scene afforded great diversion to all the spectators. The baked pig on the top of the heap was soon brought down, and mauled about in a most miserable way; being torn piecemeal, and so covered with sand and dirt as to be quite uneatable. The ceremony was now concluded by a general boxing match; the men from the north of the island combating those from the south; till at length the men of the north drove their opponents entirely off the ground. On occasions of such fights the combatants are allowed to wear turbans, to resemble more nearly a real fight. It must here be observed that turbans are not allowed to be worn but in time of war, and then only by those who are going to battle, unless on occasions of formal rejoicings like the present, or at night time among chiefs and matapules, or among the common people when at work in the fields or in canoes. On all other occasions, to wear a headdress would be disrespectful; for although no chief be present, yet some god may be at hand unseen. This custom is kept up with such strictness, that if a man were to wear a headdress on other occasions, he would be sure to be knocked down by the first person he met who was a superior, and even, perhaps, if he were an equal. On occasions, when a turban is allowed to be worn, it must be removed from the head when a superior happens to approach (unless in time of actual battle); but is usual for the superior to say to one who is not much inferior, “Tuku he fau.” “Keep on your fau”, — as we would say, “Keep on your hat” — which compliment is generally accepted. The King frequently told me, that if he ever met any common fellow with his head covered, he should immediately knock out his brains! I was, however, allowed, like other foreigners, to wear a headdress without any restriction, as being supposed to be governed by different gods, and accustomed to different manners.
But to return to our subject: it may be noticed that the form of the prince’s marriage as here related, and which, for the most part, was according to the Samoan custom, was not very different from that of the Tongan islands; but two parts of the Samoan ceremony were in this instance left out, namely the payment of something valuable to the brides’ fathers by the bridegroom, such as bales of ngatu, beads, etc. — the brides being virgins; the other part of the ceremony, which in fact was to ascertain whether such payment was justly due, should have been performed by the bridegroom (digito admoto) when he had led his brides back into the house, and reseated them on the bales of ngatu. But the circumstance alluded to, not being thought by the natives of the Tongan islands consistent with delicacy, was accordingly omitted.
In the evening of the same day, the large house on the mala’e was lighted up with flambeaus. Singers and dancers of Ha’apai assembled, and waited the arrival of the Prince and his Samoan friends. In a short time they arrived with presents of fine mats, dried kava root, etc. (The kava root of the Samoan islands is greatly esteemed.) These they laid down at the feet of Finau and his wife, Tupou Ve’ehala, who were seated opposite the entrance. Her majesty returned the compliment by presenting them with three or four English wine bottles, and an hour-glass, without either sand or stand, and some pieces of iron hoop, made sharp in the form of chisels; which having received, they retired and seated themselves on one side, opposite the party of happy singers. [Already, European goods, obtained from the few ships that had visited Tonga before Mariner’s time, had become valued possessions.] The singers now began a vocal concert, in the language and after the manner of the Samoan islands. When they had finished, those from Tonga sang, and so on alternately for four or five hours, when the company broke up. The brides were not present at this concert; and the bridegroom, not finding himself much interested in it, soon gave them the slip.
This ceremony, and these rejoicings, being over, Finau again began to turn his attention towards Vava’u. In the first place he dispatched canoes to the different Ha’apai Islands, with orders to each, that all the male inhabitants (excepting two of the oldest, for each plantation, to keep them clear of weeds, etc. the yams being all planted,) should assemble within ten days at Lifuka, armed with clubs and spears, and supplied with a good store of provisions. Being all arrived within the time proposed, Finau issued orders to all his forces to prepare for a review. On the appointed day they assembled on a mala’e, to the amount of about six thousand, all armed, and painted, and dressed according to some warlike fancy. [A modern infantry division is composed of about 2,500 men. Finau mobilized, not counting the women, the equivalent of more than two divisions of a modern army.] Finau then delivered a speech, in which he declared his opinion that the Tonga mode of warfare had, hitherto, been upon a very bad principle; and that instead of running forwards and then retreating, accordingly as they met with advantages or disadvantages, they ought rather to remain together in a body, and not to retreat on every trifling occasion, but to push forward with the most determined courage, and thus dash terror into the minds of their enemies; or by standing their ground with unconquerable steadiness, to strike them with astonishment at their fortitude and strength. Such he had heard was the way of fighting in England (meaning Europe at large), and it claimed his highest admiration “And,” he added, “if any man sees the point of a spear advancing upon his breast, he is not to run back like a coward, but push forward upon it, and at the risk of his life, deal destruction on his foe.” This last sentence he bellowed forth in a tone and loudness of voice that made everyone tremble, for in this particular he was very remarkable; when powerfully and passionately excited, the sound of his voice was like the roaring of a wild beast, and might be heard at an incredible distance.
Having finished his speech, several of his warriors ran up to him, striking their clubs furiously on the ground, bidding him not to be afraid of his enemies, for that, comparatively speaking, there were no real warriors in Vava’u: and that they would stand by him to the very last. The King then addressed them again, describing, in a more particular manner, how they were to proceed in their encounter with the enemy, on the approach of whom they were all to sit down on the ground, and remain perfectly still, as if unconcerned in what was going forward; and even though the enemy were to throw spears and discharge arrows, they were nevertheless to remain motionless till they received orders to rise and rush upon them in a body; this they were to do with ardor and impetuosity; and he was quite certain, he said, that such a sudden and bold attack would put them completely to the rout. He then made them practice this maneuver several times. Lastly, he spirited them up with thoughts of glory and honor, telling them at the same time, that death was a thing to be despised — not to be feared by a brave man, whose name would still live with a lasting life, when his body was buried in the dust. He then dismissed them, with orders that those belonging to the northern islands might immediately return home, but were shortly to proceed to Ha’ano, the northernmost island of all the Ha’apais, and there to wait the arrival of him and all his southern forces on their way to Vava’u.
A few days after this review a canoe arrived from Vava’u with a few Ha’apai people, who were suffered to leave that island at their particular request. They brought intelligence that it was not the wish of Toe’umu and her chiefs to be at war with Ha’apai.
Although the women of Tonga were the superintendents of the household, and generally concerned themselves with domestic rather than political affairs, the rank of a girl was greater than that of her brother. A woman’s children were always superior in rank to the children of her brother. Older sisters outranked younger sisters, and older brothers outranked their younger brothers. A child must pay respect to his father and his father’s brother, who, in many ways, was taboo to him; but his father’s sister (mehekitanga) he must regard with even greater respect — it was she who was really supreme in the family.
At times women, as in the case of Toe’umu and in modern times, the famous Queen Salote, became governors or rulers.
Toe’umu and her chiefs considered it a duty they owed to themselves to act with strong measures in regard to Finau, whom they esteemed of so treacherous a character, that a peace with him now, would only be the forerunner of disaster and inglorious death to themselves, and on this account, they chose rather to meet their fate in the field, than to live an idle and peaceful life for a short time, and at length be cruelly murdered to satisfy his revenge. They moreover stated that it was the determination of the Vava’u warriors to rush out suddenly upon the white men, and take possession of the guns.
A few days afterwards, all affairs being settled in regard to the management of the plantations, the canoes were refitted and launched, and early in the morning the King, and all the forces with him, (about 4000 strong) proceeded to Ha’ano, about three leagues to the north, to join those who, according to orders, were waiting for them. At Ha’ano, the King was received with customary feasting and rejoicing, and on the following day the gods were consulted in regard to the expedition. The answer was similar to the admonition formerly given, namely that the King should first proceed to Vava’u with three canoes only, with such men as had few or no relations at Vava’u (lest they should be tempted to desert) but above all with such also as had not been instrumental in the assassination of Tupouniua, nor had been formerly his adherents, lest their presence might excite still further the anger of the Vava’u people. Thus accompanied, they should offer terms of peace in the most friendly manner. Finau, having by this time had sufficient opportunity to reflect coolly and deliberately, and therefore more wisely, upon this business, entered readily into the measure. Three canoes were got ready, and Finau, with some of the choicest fighting men, of such description as the oracle approved of, went on board, I was in the King’s canoe, and two other Englishmen were on board one of the others, and we proceeded towards Vava’u. As we approached the shores of this island we came up with several canoes belonging to it, endeavoring to make their escape, for they fancied we were only the head canoes of a large fleet drawing near to make an attack upon Vava’u. The King, however, informed them that he was not coming with warlike intentions, but that his object was peace, and he was paying them a visit for the sole purpose of adjusting matters amicably. He then dismissed them, and they paddled away immediately for that part of the island where the great fortress was situated. As the expedition passed a point about five miles to the southward of the fort, a number of natives were seen on the beach, painted and dressed after the manner of war, and armed with clubs and spears. They menaced the visitors with every martial gesture, furiously splashing up the water with their clubs, and shouting the war-whoop loudly and repeatedly. When we had proceeded a little farther, there came up to us a canoe from the garrison, with a warrior named Tahi Tangata. [Literally: man of the sea] He wore a turban on his head, and stated that he came, with leave from Toe’umu, to inquire if any of Tupouniua’s murderers were on board, for he was ready, he said, to fight them, and lay down his life in honor of that great and matchless chief. (It will be recollected, that turbans are only worn by daytime, when within sight of an enemy. This man, therefore, came as an enemy. This head-dress may be considered a signal of defiance, or, at best, of independence and equality.) Finau, in answer, told him the purpose of his coming, and that there were none of Tupouniua’s murderers on board, and as to himself, he was perfectly well disposed to make a peace, and, whatever his enemies might think of him, that was the object which was nearest his heart. No sooner did the Vava’u warrior hear this unexpected declaration, than he pulled off his turban, and, taking a piece of kava root, went on board Finau’s canoe, and, having presented the kava to the King, he kissed his feet as a mark of respect. The King then dismissed him, desiring him to relate to his chiefs the object of his coming, and that he should the same evening, if they would permit him, pass on to Neiafu to leave kava there, and the following morning proceed to the fortress, to adjust terms of peace. As soon as the warrior departed with his message, Finau directed his course up an inlet to Neiafu, where he arrived, and landed without any opposition, and, having left kava with the usual ceremony, he returned on board, and passed the night in another branch of the inlet leading up to the fortress; towards which, early the following morning, he proceeded with the three canoes. At first, he intended to land in person, and ascend the hill to address the garrison; but from this he was dissuaded by his chiefs. He then determined to go near to the shore in a small canoe which they had in tow, and be led along the shelf by his matapules, wading through the water, which was scarcely three feet deep; to this also his friends objected, being apprehensive that, if he left the large canoe in the way he proposed, and approached so near the beach, his temper might be so worked into a rage by the insults of the natives, as to induce him to rush on shore, and run the risk of being killed. Finau replied, by way of apology for not yielding to their advice, that it was the part of a brave man to keep himself perfectly cool and collected when insulted, and that he was resolved to act up to this character. Matters being thus arranged, he went into the small canoe, and was led along by the matapules. As they drew near to the shore, many of the natives called out to them, saying a number of things in derision. One threw them a piece of yam, another a piece of pork, telling them it should be the last they should get from Vava’u. (Vava’u is famous for good yams, and great quantities of hogs, as well as for ngatu of a finer quality, and better printed; the tree, from which the printing colour is procured, being very scarce, and very inferior, at the Ha’apai Islands.) Then they inquired, whether they were not quite tired of living upon the scanty allowance of the Ha’apai Islands. They next threw them a piece of ngatu, advising, in the most friendly manner, to wear that instead of scrubbing their skins with the coarse mats of Ha’apai; and, as this was all they meant to give them, they were to tear it in small pieces, divide it among them, and each wear a rag. During all these insults, the King, contrary to the expectation of everyone (for he was of a very irritable temper), kept himself perfectly cool, and said nothing. When he had arrived near enough to address them conveniently, he made a speech of about an hour’s length, in which, with a wonderful degree of art and eloquence, he endeavored to persuade them that he was perfectly innocent of the death of Tupouniua; and that he should be exceedingly sorry if their mistaken notions of his sentiments and conduct should occasion a war with Vava’u. He told them how much he loved and respected his aunt (Toe’umu), and how unhappy he should be, if the late unfortunate affair, which he could neither well foresee nor help, should occasion a quarrel with her. Nothing grieved him more, he said, than that his best intentions should be thus regarded with suspicion, but he hoped that their candour and liberality, upon a little cool reflection, would lead them to place that confidence in him, which his own consciousness of upright intentions gave him reason to expect, and he trusted that they would submit to his rule and government as formerly. To this, some of the Vava’u chiefs replied, that they should be willing enough to acknowledge him King, as formerly, provided he would reside altogether at Vava’u, and interdict all communication with the Ha’apai people, among whom there were many designing chiefs, of whose treacherous policy they had good reason to be afraid. Or, if he did not choose to remain altogether a Vava’u, he might reside at Ha’apai, and they would send him annual tribute, as usual, upon condition that neither he, nor his chiefs, nor any of the people of Ha’apai, would visit Vava’u under any pretext whatsoever; for they were quite tired of disturbances and insurrections. They heartily wished to keep away all who were promoters of discord, all ambitious and discontented chiefs; all, in short, whose tempers were too fickle to love a peaceful and quiet life. As to the large fortress, they declared it had been constructed merely for the purpose of self defense. Finau then took up the discourse, stating, that he could not give his consent to terms which were inconsistent with his dignity, as supreme governor both of Ha’apai and Vava’u, and that it was exceedingly hard he should suffer for the rashness and impolicy of others, and that they should put confidence in his wisdom and justice which he hoped he had always merited. He then repeated the arguments in favor of his innocence, and, in conclusion, urged a proof of his love and affection for the people of Vava’u, by reminding them of the readiness with which he formerly joined their late beloved chief, in the assassination of Tuku’aho, and, by this means, freed Vava’u and all the Tonga Islands of a tyrant; and of the ardor with which he fought in alliance with that great hero, in the memorable battle of Tongatapu. Although afterwards they (the Vava’u people) opposed (from a mistaken notion), his progress in the cause of liberty, yet how happy they had been since their submission to him, and had received from his authority a good and wise chief (Tupouniua). Now that this great man had fallen a sacrifice to the ambition or malice of others, was it on that account that they ought to forego their reliance on the love and affection which he had hitherto so conspicuously shown them? “But, as you seem disposed,” said he, “to live in idleness and luxury, I will go and reside among a more manly people, and prosecute war against the island of Tongatapu.”
In reply to all this, they again assured him of their love and respect for him as an individual, but, as they were determined to live free, they would neither propose nor accept any other terms. The King then ordered his matapules to conduct him to his canoe, and, turning towards the Vava’u people, said, “Live, then, among yourselves in idleness, and we will return to Ha’apai.”
During the time that Finau was addressing the Vava’u people, the matapules and warriors that surrounded his canoe (among whom was myself), appeared much moved, and several shed tears, for his powers of persuasion were such that in defending his own cause, he seemed to be the most worthy, the most innocent, and the most unjustly used. On this account the greater chiefs and old matapules of Vava’u remained in the fortress, fearing to listen to his arguments, lest, being drawn aside by the power of his eloquence, they might mistake that for true which was not, and even lead the young and ardent warriors into an error, by persuading them that what he said was reasonable and just!
The fortress, on the top of a steep rising ground, as seen from the canoes, presented a most formidable and warlike appearance. Its extent seemed enormous, and the tops of the white reeds, which were seen at a distance above the banks of red clay, the whole being strongly illuminated by the sun, represented to my imagination the spears and javelins of ancient heroes, drawn up in battle array. On the top of the banks a number of warriors, armed with clubs and spears, were running to and fro, with fine light streamers, full thirteen feet long, attached to their heads and arms, which, floating in the wind, produced a most romantic effect. These streamers consist of the fine membrane stripped from the under side of the coconut leaf, and are finer than gold-beaters’ skin.
The King and his matapules being now returned to their canoe, the expedition proceeded out of the inlet, and arrived shortly at a small island, on which they landed, and stripped it of almost all its kava root. It is here proper to mention, that all the islands adjacent to Vava’u were deserted by order of Toe’umu, that all the people might be more safely situated in or near the fortress, in case of an invasion. The three canoes afterwards proceeded a little farther onward, and put in for the night at a small island, called Hunga, about two miles from Vava’u. The next morning they resumed their voyage, and arrived at Ha’ano, the nearest of the Ha’apai Islands, in the afternoon.