Chapter Twelve — A New Government Begins

1809

On the day after the deceased Hau was put in the ground, the principal chiefs and matapules requested the Prince to intimate to Vuna, and certain other chiefs, their wish that they should go to the Ha’apai Islands. This he did; but, at the same time, gave them liberty to stay till the funeral ceremony was concluded. Vuna received this intimation in a becoming manner, acknowledging the impropriety of his stay, if the people were any way jealous of his presence. The Prince apologized for this step, urging the wish of his people as his sole motive; and expressed, with great warmth, his wish that he who had been so long his friend and companion would still remain his associate.

The following day, at a general assembly of the chiefs and matapules, after the kava was prepared, and the two first cups handed out, the third, which, according to custom, is presented to the chief who presides, was next filled; and when an attendant, as usual declared aloud that the cup was filled, all eyes were fixed on the Prince, while the matapule who sat next to him exclaimed, “Give it to Finau!” And it was accordingly handed to him, while he assumed an appearance of perfect unconcern at the name by which, for the first time, he was called. And this was a matter of no small importance; for had he appeared elated at this circumstance, he would have been thought a man of a weak mind, little calculated to be a supreme chief. Whereas the character of such a personage should be, in their estimation, (and very rightly too,) that of superiority over the influence of petty passions, and such trifling emotions as are fit only for the vulgar tribe of mankind. As soon as all the kava was served out and drunk, Finau addressed the company to the following purport.

“Listen to me, chiefs and warriors! — If any among you are discontented with the way in which we sit here, now is the time to go to Ha’apai; for no man shall remain at Vava’u with a mind discontented and wandering to other places. I have seen with sorrow the wide destruction occasioned by the unceasing war carried on by the chief now lying in the mala’e; and what is the result? The land is depopulated! It is overgrown with weeds, and there is nobody to cultivate it. The principal chiefs and warriors are fallen, and we must be contented with the society of the lower class. What madness! Is not life already too short? Would not a man’s time be better employed in increasing his pleasures and happiness?

“What folly then to seek for war to shorten that which is already too short! Who is there among us who can say, ‘I wish to die — am weary of life?’ Have we not then been acting like those of no understanding? Have we not been madly seizing the very thing which deprives us of what we really want? Not that we ought to banish all thoughts of fighting! If any power approach us with the front of battle, and attempt to invade our rights, our fury and bravery shall be excited more, in proportion as we have more possessions to defend. Let us therefore confine ourselves, as much as possible, to the cultivation of our own land; for as it is more than sufficient to maintain us, why seek for any other? But perhaps I am not speaking to you wisely! The old matapules are present; if I am wrong, let them say so. I am but young, and, on that account, should be unfit to govern, if my mind, like that of the deceased chief, sought not the advice of others; for your loyalty and fidelity towards him, however, I return you my sincere thanks. Finau Fisi, who is present, knows that I consult both him and the matapules as to matters of government. You cannot therefore say, why do we listen to the prattle of a boy? Recollect, I speak the sentiments of Toe’umu, Ulu-valu, ‘Afu, ‘Alo, Fotu, and all the elders of Vava’u. But I again observe, that if any among you have possessions at Ha’apai, or are not content with your present situation, now is the only opportunity to depart, for henceforth there shall be no intercourse whatever either with Ha’apai or Tongatapu. Choose then now your places of abode! There are Fiji, Samoa, Tongatapu, Ha’apai, Futuna, and Rotuma, for none shall remain at Hafulo but those whose minds agree in keeping a lasting peace. Not that I wish to suppress the courage of any warlike spirit. — Behold! The islands of Tongatapu and Fiji are constantly at war; let him there display his courage. Arise! Go to your respective habitations; and recollect, that tomorrow the canoes depart for Ha’apai.”

Finau, having finished his speech, got up and went to his house, accompanied by the sons of his chiefs and matapules, who, together with his warriors, formed his retinue. They often have kava rings where little is eaten, which was the case when he made this speech. Those who are fond of kava seldom eat much with it, conceiving that food destroys the genuine taste of it.

After a repast, provided beforehand, he again made an address, but in a more familiar and conversational way, on the advantages of cultivating land for one’s own food, and eating the produce of one’s own labour; and to strengthen his argument, he observed, that, hitherto in Tonga, it had been the custom for those who formed the retinue of chiefs to subsist on the provision which those chiefs thought proper to share out to them from their own store. During the great famine (which happened many years before, while he was yet but a boy), he had remarked that more of there men (chiefs’ dependants), had died than of the lower orders, who tilled the ground for their own support, as well as that of their chiefs, because they always found means to reserve food for themselves, however great might be the tax; while those who depended on the bounty of their chiefs got but a very scanty allowance. He then went on, “You do not know how much pleasure such men feel when they view the work of their own hands thriving daily; and, while eating, when they reflect that their labour has been repaid by the increase of their stores. Therefore let us (chiefs, and attendants of chiefs), apply ourselves, as we have nothing else to do, to agriculture. Follow my example; I will order a piece of ground to be cleared, and, during the next rain, I will assist in planting it with hiapo.” [The paper mulberry, the bark of which is used to make tapa cloth (ngatu).].

No other circumstances worthy of note happened during the twenty days concluding the burial ceremony. On the tenth day, those who were not relations of the deceased, nor constituted his household, wore a sort of half mourning; that is to say, under their mats they wore a piece of ngatu, not to be seen, but merely to be more comfortable to the skin than the mats, which, on these occasions, are not of the finest texture. After the twentieth day they wore their ordinary dress, and went to their proper habitations; so did also the relations of the deceased, but then these wore mats for about two months afterwards, though with ngatu under them.

I now come to speak of the transactions of the twentieth day, which concludes the whole ceremony. Early in the morning of this day, all the relations of the deceased chief, together with those who formed his household, and also the women who were tabooed by having touched his dead body, while oiling and preparing it, went to the back of the island (without any particular order or ceremony) to procure a number of flat pebbles, principally white, but a few black, for which they made baskets on the spot to carry them in as before mentioned, when they went to procure sand. With these they returned to the grave, and strewed the inside of the house with the white ones, as also the outside about the fa’itoka, as a decoration to it. The black pebbles they strewed only upon the white ones, which covered the ground directly over the body, to about the length and breadth of a man, in the form of a very eccentric ellipsis. After this, the house over the fa’itoka was closed up at both ends with a reed fencing, reaching from the eaves to the ground, and, at the front and back, with a sort of basket-work, made of the young branches of the coconut tree, split and interwoven in a very curious and ornamental way, which remain till the next burial, when they are taken down, and, after the conclusion of the ceremony, new ones are put up in like manner. A large quantity of provisions was now sent to the mala’e by the chiefs of the different districts of the island, ready prepared and cooked; as also a considerable quantity prepared by Finau’s own household. Among these provisions was a good supply of kava root. After the chiefs, matapules, and others, were all assembled, the provisions and kava were served out in the usual way. During this time no speech was made, nor did any particular occurrence take place. The company afterwards repaired each to his respective house, and got ready for a grand wrestling-match and entertainment of dancing the me’e-tu’upaki, a dance, standing up with paddles.

During the intervals of the dances, several matapules, warriors, and others, ran before the grave, bruising and cutting their heads with clubs, axes, etc., as proofs of their fidelity to the late chief. Among them, two boys, one about twelve, the other about fourteen years of age (sons of matapules), made themselves very conspicuous in this kind of self infliction; the youngest in particular, whose father was killed in the service of the late chief, during the great revolution at Tongatapu, after having given his head two or three hard knocks, ran up to the grave in a fit of enthusiasm, and, dashing his club with all his force against the ground, exclaimed, “Finau! Why should I attempt thus to express my love and fidelity towards you? My wish is, that the gods of Pulotu permit me to live long enough to prove my fidelity to your son.” He then again raised his club, and, running about, bruised and cut his little head in so many places, that he was covered with streams of blood. This demonstration on the part of the young hero was thought very highly of by everyone present, though, according to custom, nothing at that time was said in his praise; agreeably to their maxim, that praise raises a man’s opinions of his own merit too high, and fills him with self conceit. The late Hau’s fishermen now advanced forward, to show their love for their deceased master in the usual way; though, instead of a club or axe, each bore the paddle of a canoe, with which he beat and bruised his head at intervals, making similar exclamations to those so often related. In one respect, however, they were somewhat singular; that is, in having three arrows stuck through each cheek, in a slanting direction, so that, while their points came quite through the cheek into the mouth, the other ends went over their shoulders, and were kept in that situation by another arrow, the point of which was tied to the ends of the arrows passing over one shoulder, and the other end to those of the arrows passing over the other shoulder, so as to form a triangle; and with this horrible equipment they walked round the grave, beating their faces and heads, as before stated, with the paddles, or pinching up the skin of the breast, and sticking a spear quite through; all this, to prove their love and affection for the deceased chief.

After these exhibitions of cruelty were over, this day’s ceremony (which altogether lasted about six hours) was finished by a grand wrestling-match, which being ended, everyone retired to his respective house or occupation; and thus terminated the ceremony of burying the King of the Tonga Islands.

Finau’s character, as a politician, at least in point of ambition and design, may vie with that of any member of more civilized society; he wanted only education and a larger field of action, to make himself a thousand times more powerful than he was. Gifted by nature with that amazing grasp of mind which seizes everything within its reach, and then, dissatisfied with what it has obtained, is ever restless in the endeavor to obtain more. How dull and irksome must have been to him the dominion of a few islands, which he did not dare to leave to conquer others, lest he should be dispossessed of them by the treachery of chiefs, and the fickleness of an undisciplined army. His ever restless and ambitious spirit would frequently vent itself in such expressions as the following: “Oh, that the gods would make me king of England! There is not an island in the whole world, however small, but what I would then subject to my power. The king of England does not deserve the dominion he enjoys; possessed of so many great ships, why does he suffer such petty islands as those of Tonga continually to insult his people with acts of treachery? Where I he, would I send tamely to ask for yams and pigs? No, I would come with mu’a tau, the front of battle; and with the thunder of Bolotane.”(Britain, meaning, guns). “I would show who ought to be chief. None but men of enterprising spirit should be in possession of guns; let such rule the earth, and be those their vassals who can bear to submit to such insults unrevenged!”

With such sentiments as these would he now and then break forth in my presence after conversing on the power of the king of England. Hence his character, as to ambition, is drawn by himself with bold and decided lines. As to intrigue and design I refer you to the history of his conduct in the revolution of Tonga, where he suffered Tupouniua’s revenge to be the tool of his ambition, pretending to have no strong wish for the death of Tuku’aho; hence Tupouniua took upon himself the charge of assassination, while Finau remained on the outside of the house with his men waiting the result. Thus he did not draw upon himself the odium of anyone, as an actual murderer of Tuku’aho; all which fell upon the shoulders of Tupouniua, equally as great and brave, but a more honest and a worthier man. For a more striking instance, look to his deep design in the history of the assassination of Tupouniua, who had been his own ally, and was then his most faithful servant Here again he made use of another man’s revenge to effect his purpose; and mark the admirable caution with which he steps in this affair throughout. He acknowledges that he promised Tupouto’a his assistance, but then states, as his reason, that he did it with the view of putting off Tupouto’a’s intention for a time, under the false pretence, he says, that it was not yet a fit opportunity; but in reality, as he tells the Vava’u people, that he might find an occasion to prevent the mischief altogether! But who can doubt, after having observed closely the features of that transaction, but that Finau meant to bring about the murder of Tupouniua that very night, else why did he tell me not to bring my whaling knife with me; was it not that he wished to be unarmed, that he might not have an opportunity of defending Tupouniua? Again, he did not, before he set out from his house, send for Tupouniua to accompany him, but when he had got half way on his road he stopped to bathe, and in the meanwhile, as if it were a second and a casual thought, he sent for his victim to accompany him to the old chief’s house, where they remained above two hours. Tupouto’a was not present, and Tupouto’a’s men were getting ready a canoe for him to escape, in case he were unsuccessful. When the first blow was given, Finau could not defend Tupouniua, because he was purposely unarmed, and because Tupouto’a’s men held him, which they would not have dared to have done had they not been so ordered by their chief. Need any more be said to show his policy? Once more, notice how he wishes to make a peace with the Vava’u people, after he had kept up for some time a fruitless contest. To have expressed this wish might have weakened him in the opinion of his enemies; what does he do in this case? He takes frequent opportunity to converse with the priests. He does not tell them that he wishes for peace, but he observes that peace would be much more advantageous for his subjects; lamenting, at the same time, that the disobedience of the Vava’u people obliges him to have recourse to warlike measures. The minds of the priests, however, becoming strongly impressed with the advantages of peace, when inspired they advise him to make a peace; he, pretending to do as the gods admonish him, yields to the solicitation, and permits his priests to make overtures, as if this step was originally designed by them, or rather by the gods, and that he consented merely because it was a point of religious duty to do so. Thus we find him an admirable politician, although the picture is occasionally marked with traits which do no honor to his character as a man. Further instances of this kind may be noticed, such as his cruelty towards his conquered enemies, by starving his prisoners to death in the shocking manner related, for which he could have no excuse, unless to deter others from rebellion. As to his seizing several of the Vava’u chiefs at a kava ring, and ordering them to be killed, it may perhaps be that they were meditating an insurrection, as he was informed; hence such strong measures became almost necessary in a state of society like that. But it would be rather severe to consider cruelty so great a crime among these people as it would be among us. The evil to society may be perhaps quite as great, but the demerit certainly falls not so heavy upon the perpetrator, nor does the victim, in all probability, feel the evil so much. To return to the subject, Finau was by no means destitute of the spark of humanity. It was remarkable in him that, although he was rather arbitrary, he hated to see oppression in others, and would frequently take the part of the oppressed, against those who were punishing them harshly; and this I am confident did not arise from caprice, nor from pride, as willing to make himself the only person to be feared, but from far better motives. As a proof of his sentiments in this respect, the following anecdote is worthy of notice.

When I was first able to explain myself in their language, young chiefs and warriors would frequently flock about me, (particularly those who were active in taking the Port au Prince) and question me as to the use of various things they had seen on board that vessel, and they would describe the difficulty they had in killing some of the men, mentioning, at the same time, who killed such a one and who killed another, and expressed, by their actions, how much such a man was convulsed when he died, and how deeply he groaned. While talking upon such subjects, Finau passing that way, and overhearing the discourse, would command them not to talk upon a matter which must be so disagreeable to my feelings; that the fate of my companions was too serious a subject to be thus slightly spoken of. To which some of the chiefs replied, “But he does not make that a subject of consideration, for none of them were his relations.”

“Though none perhaps were his relations,” rejoined Finau, “they were nevertheless his countrymen.”

Remarks like these, if not made out of pride, or from a spirit on contradiction (and I firmly believes they were not), may very well serve to convince us that Finau’s mind was by no means destitute of humanity; and though he was at times cruelly severe with his prisoners, in putting them to death by ways not the least painful, still this was perhaps on all occasions, to a certain degree, justifiable, as examples to keep others in terror. A method undoubtedly not the best, but such as may be easily overlooked in a state of society like that in which he lived. It should here also be observed, that Finau’s temper was uncommonly irritable; when once excited into anger, his rage was terrible. This he acknowledged himself, and would frequently say that his quick temper was the infliction sent him from Pulotu. They believe that every man has some deep seated evil, either in his mental or bodily constitution, sent him by the gods; but for which they assign no other reason than the delight they take in punishing mankind. In some measure to obviate its ill effects, Finau frequently charged his matapules to hold him whenever they saw him getting violently angry. This they always did, and in about ten minutes or a quarter of an hour he would become quite calm, and thank them for their interference. This admirable conduct is, no doubt, a beautiful trait in the character of a savage. There is perhaps at this time many a man living at the Tonga Islands who owes his present existence to this circumstance; whose brains would undoubtedly have been knocked out long ago, but for this laudable artifice on the part of their chief. Nor was he on all occasions unable to master his temper without these secondary means; for if we observe him when he approached the shores of Vava’u, to address the people with a view of persuading them to amicable measures, we shall see that all the scoffs and insults of his enemies did not in the least ruffle his temper, contrary to the expectation of his friends. But, however, his temper was no doubt very irritable, and with such a temper, and in such a state of society, it is not to be wondered at that he should occasionally be very harsh in his measures towards those who rebelled against him.

As to his moral character in general, not much can be said in his favor; he was suspected of harbouring revengeful designs against individuals for years, and would wreak his vengeance at a fit opportunity and kill them, as if from a momentary impulse of passion, when nobody was near to restrain him. His revenge in this way was sometimes wreaked upon chiefs, who, as he imagined, did not pay him so much tribute as their plantations could have afforded; at least such was supposed to be his motive, by those who knew him best.

In describing the character of an extraordinary man, the picture is unfinished, unless we furnish also a portraiture of his person, and of his personal manners; otherwise the imagination of the reader is sure to describe for itself a body, as a substratum on which all these mental qualifications are superinduced; and hence, incongruities are mingled together; the harmony of the picture weakened, if not quite destroyed; and an imperfect artificial construction is substituted for a perfect natural production. To give an example of the propriety, if not the necessity of this: one might imagine from the character above given of Finau that he was of a vindictive and cruel disposition, because we have given a few instances in confirmation of it. One might suppose him therefore to have a countenance harsh and severe, a lowering, sullen brow, a haughty deportment, etc. But nothing can be more remote from his true personal character; we are surprised to hear that his countenance was indeed energetic, yet mild; his brow prominent and bold, without sullenness; his deportment manly and erect, without pride. Without the knowledge of these facts, we suppose him to have been cruel and malevolent; with the knowledge of them, we rather suppose him to have been severe; but that his severity, where it degenerated into harshness, was occasioned sometimes by hastiness of temper; sometimes by misconception of the crime which he punished; at other times (and perhaps partly at all times) by the habits of the society in which he lived, these habits occasioning him to view acts of real cruelty, in a light less atrocious than we should. If, on the other hand, we were to find that his countenance spoke the same harsh language that his actions appeared to speak, we might, without much fear of error, set him down as being really capable of malignant and atrocious actions.

Finau, the sole and arbitrary monarch of Vava’u, and the Ha’apai Islands, was in stature six feet two inches; in bulk and strength, stout and muscular; his head erect and bold; his shoulders broad and well made; his limbs well set, strong, and graceful in action; his body not corpulent, but muscular; his hair of a jet black, and curly, yet agreeably so, without being woolly; his forehead remarkably high; his brow bold and intelligent, with a little austerity; his eye large and penetrating, yet joined to an expression of mildness; his nose aquiline and large, his lips well made and expressive; his teeth remarkably large, white, and regular; his lower jaw rather prominent; his cheek bones also rather prominent, compared with those of Europeans. All his features were well developed, and declared a strong and energetic mind, with that sort of intellectual expression which belongs not so much to the sage as to the warlike chieftain. Ambition sat high on his front, and guided all his energies. His deep and penetrating eye, and his firm and masculine deportment, while they inspired his adherents with confidence, struck awe to the minds of conspirators. His actions were, for the most part, steady and determined, and directed to some well studied purpose. His resolve was fate, and those who obeyed him with reluctance trembled, not without reason. He appeared, almost constantly, in deep thought, and did not often smile; when he spoke, in matters of some importance, it was not without first holding up the balance in his mind, to weigh well what he had to say. Persuasion hung upon his lip, and the flow of his eloquence was such, that many of his enemies were afraid to listen to him, lest they should be led to view the subject in a light prejudicial to their interests.

Although, in matters of consequence, he always seemed to weigh well what he had to say, in subjects of minor importance he was very quick in reply. His voice was loud, not harsh but mellow, and his pronunciation remarkably distinct. When he laughed, which was not on trifling occasions, it was so loud as to be heard at an incredible distance; and with a very strange noise preceding it, as if he were hallooing after somebody a long way off, and the same kind of noise as he always made when in passion; and this was peculiar to him. When in his house, however, giving orders about his domestic arrangements, his voice was uncommonly mild, and very low.

In regard to his sentiments of religion and policy, they may be pretty well gathered from sundry passages in my narrative. With respect to his religion in particular, it is difficult to say whether he had any. It is certain that he disbelieved most of the doctrines taught by the priests; for although he believed that they were really inspired, when they pretended to be so, yet he thought that frequently a great deal of what they declared to be the sentiments of the god, was their own invention; and this particularly in regard to what did not suit his own sentiments. He never, however, declared his opinion of these things in public; though he expressed them, very decidedly, to me, and some of his intimate friends. He used to say that the gods would always favor that party in war, in which there were the greatest chiefs and warriors. He did not believe that the gods paid much attention in other respects to the affairs of mankind; nor did he think they could have any reason for doing so — no more than man could have any reason or interest in attending to the affairs of the gods. He believed in the doctrine of a future state, agreeably to the notions entertained by his countrymen; that is, that chiefs and matapules, having souls, exist hereafter in Pulotu, according to their rank in this world; but that the common people, having no souls, or those only that die with their bodies, are without any hope of a future existence.

Such was the character of the late Hau of the Tonga Islands, — a character not without a considerable share of merit; in some respects not unworthy of imitation, and in every respect highly interesting. I have portrayed it at some length, because such characters do not often come under our observation; and it is proper that we should know what men are and may be in a savage state, if we wish to judge with tolerable accuracy the human character in a civilized state, and, by comparison of the two together, to approach to a better knowledge of human nature in the abstract; a science of all sciences the most truly interesting; a science to which all others are but auxiliary; and without which all others would be but vain subtleties, fatiguing in the pursuit, and unsatisfactory in the possession.

I come now to view the island of Vava’u under the dominion of a man of a very different turn of mind; of a man whose intellect was of a very superior kind; and who, unlike his late father, was void of inordinate political ambition, and sought the happiness of his people, not the extension of his own power; an admirer of the arts, a philosopher among savages! But to show better the contrast between the two, we need only mention, that, when the late King was not at his house, and it was necessary to seek for him, he was generally to be found at some public place, at some other chief’s house, or at the mala’e; if the present King was wanted, he was to be found at the houses of carpenters, or canoe-builders, or else up in the country, inspecting some ground to be cultivated.

Soon after the burial of the late King, Finau Fisi proposed to his nephew (the present King), to rebuild the large garrison at Feletoa, which might serve as a strong and impenetrable fortification, in case of attack from a foreign enemy. Besides which, he justly observed, that the garrison, being rebuilt, it might serve as a place of residence for all the chiefs and great warriors; a measure in itself highly political, as it would prevent the seditious from forming cabals and parties, which they might more easily do while living at a distance up the country, than they could under the eyes of the King. But it was not proposed that they should reside constantly at the garrison, and, by that means, neglect their plantations in the country, but, that each should have a house built with the usual conveniences for his wife and family, within the fencing, to reside in at night, visiting his plantations during the day; or to retire to wholly, in case of invasion, civil commotion, and whenever the King should order him to do so. This proposal of Finau Fisi being assented to by the King, Finau Fisi requested permission to have the sole management of laying out the plan, and to see it carried into effect, which the latter readily agreed to.

To this day, a community exists at Feletoa on the island of Vava’u where Finau Fisi rebuilt the fort.

During the time the garrison was being rebuilt, a circumstance happened which seemed to indicate that a conspiracy was on the eve of being formed, if not actually begun, and, as the circumstance alluded to is connected with a certain superstitious ceremony worthy of detail, I shall be particular in the description of it, and give the account of it exactly as it happened.

Funaki [literally, to conceal], the wife of Finau Fisi, and formerly the wife of Taimomangungu (a great warrior, who acted a principal part in taking the Port au Prince), was a woman of uncommon penetration and discernment, and, on that account, as well as from the circumstance of her being the daughter of a chief who was a friend of the late Finau’s father, was highly regarded by the late King, and who attached himself to her so much, that it is supposed she lived with him as his mistress during the time that she was actually the wife of her first husband. She was a woman extremely religious, and universally respected, on account of her accurate knowledge respecting all religious ceremonies, on which subject she was frequently consulted by the chiefs; and, upon political subjects, Finau himself often consulted her, for, in this also, she stood eminent in the esteem of everyone. To Finau she seemed as much attached as he to her; and, after his death, mourned his loss with a sorrow beyond the reach of comfort. She, above all others, was most attentive in decorating with flowers planted by her own hand, and, with the utmost solicitude, keeping in order the fa’itoka where lay the body of her deceased friend. For the space of six months this faithful mourner scarcely ever slept but on his grave, watering it with her tears, and disturbing the silence of the night with her sighs. One day she went, with the deepest affliction, to the house of Mo’unga Tupou, the widow of the deceased chief, to communicate what had happened to her at the fa’itoka during several nights, and which caused her the greatest anxiety. She related that she had dreamed three or four nights running, that the late Hau appeared to her, and, with a countenance full of disappointment, asked, why there yet remained at Vava’u so many evil-designing persons; for, he declared, that, since he had been at Pulotu, his spirit had been disturbed by the evil machinations of wicked men conspiring against his son; but he declared that “the youth” should not be molested, nor his power shaken by the spirit of rebellion; that therefore he came to her with a warning voice, to prevent such disastrous consequences. The apparition next desired her to place in order the pebble-stones upon his grave, and pay every attention to the fa’itoka; he then disappeared. Mourners were accustomed to smooth the graves of their departed friends, and cover them with black and white pebbles.

This troublesome dream she had had two or three nights running. Mo’unga Tupou, upon hearing this account, thought it expedient to search the fa’itoka, to see if the charm of tata’o had not been practiced in regard to the present Finau. The charm of tata’o consists in hiding upon the grave, or in any part of the fa’itoka, some portion of the wearing apparel of an inferior relation of the deceased, in consequence of which that relation will sicken and die; or, it may be buried in the house consecrated to the tutelar god of the family. This charm is not supposed to have the desired effect when the grave of a deceased person is made use of, unless the deceased was of superior rank to the person on whom the charm is practiced.

They accordingly went together to the grave, and, after accurate examination, they discovered several bits of ngatu, and a wreath of flowers curiously formed in a peculiar manner, invented by one of the wives of the King, and which they recollected to have seen him wear round his neck a few days before.

This circumstance being communicated to Finau, and, coming to the ears of his chiefs, and of the matapules of the late Hau, produced considerable consternation among many of them. Finau, however, with that cool presence of mind which marked his character, issued orders to his chiefs to keep a vigilant look out, and, without discovering the least alarm, did everything in the way of preparation against the worst that might happen. He kept me constantly near him, that I might not be accidentally separated from him in case of any public disturbance. On all occasions he endeavored to make the conspirators (if any such there were), believe that he was perfectly off his guard, and in conscious security, and, the better to convince them of this, he feigned to imagine that the bits of buried ngatu, etc. must have been hidden there by some dogs in their play. By expressing himself in this way, he was in hopes of emboldening the conspirators to proceed with less caution in their plan, under the idea that he was off his guard. All this precaution, however, and studied policy, were unnecessary, as no signs of conspiracy became evident, and, perhaps, no conspiracy existed. In the meantime, the building and fortifying the garrison with extra ditches went on with dispatch, and, in a short time, was completed to the perfect satisfaction of Finau.

Shortly after the fortress was finished, a canoe arrived from the Ha’apai Islands with Tonga-mana [literally, a Tongan miracle], a chief of the line of Tu’i Tonga, who came from Tupouto’a, with a request to know how the ‘Inasi (The annual tribute of the first fruits of each island to Tu’i Tonga) was to be sent to Tu’i Tonga, seeing that Finau had declared that no communication whatever was to be kept up with Ha’apai. As all on board were habited in mats, with leaves of the ifi tree [The ifi tree is the Tahitian chestnut, Inocarpus edulis. It bears an edible nut about three inches long] round their necks, as a token of submission, and that they came upon a religious duty, they were permitted to land. After having presented kava to several consecrated houses, they came before Finau, and presented some to him, and then opened to him the subject of their mission, stating that they came with a request from Tupouto’a, that he would grant him permission to present himself at Vava’u, to pay his last respects to the memory of the late King, by performing the usual ceremonies at his grave; hoping that, although Finau seemed determined to cut off all communication with the Ha’apai Islands, that still he would not carry his decree to such an extent as to form an insuperable bar to the performance of a religious duty, for that he (Tupouto’a), wished to take his last farewell of a great chief, who, while living, he so highly esteemed, and whose memory he had now so much reason to respect. After Finau had heard the subject of the embassy, he said, in reply, that he should consult his chiefs and matapules as to what measures he ought to take, and would return a definitive answer as soon as possible. Tongamana and his party then rose up and went down to the beach, where their canoe was, and passed the night in the canoe house.

Immediately after they had departed, Finau held a council with his chiefs and matapules, the result of which was, that Tupouto’a should be allowed to send the ‘Inasi, provided Tongamana’s canoe only was sent, and that this particular canoe should be allowed to come on any occasion, upon condition that there were no more men on board than should be sufficient to constitute a crew; or, if he encroached upon this law, the canoe was never to be allowed to come again. The question regarding Tupouto’a’s coming was reserved for a future opportunity. This resolution was made, partly from religious motives, and partly to show the Ha’apai people that they entertained no fears of them, but chiefly, perhaps, to demonstrate to Tupouto’a, how well provided and well armed they were against all attacks from a foreign enemy.

The following morning, at kava, this resolution respecting the celebration of the ‘Inasi, on the part of the Ha’apai people, was communicated to Tongamana, upon which he departed immediately on his return to the Ha’apai Islands. As soon as Tupouto’a heard the permission granted by Finau, he ordered the tributes from the different islands (intended for the ‘Inasi), to be collected together, and put on board Tongamana’s canoe. At the same time, the inhabitants of Tofua, an island belonging to Tu’i Tonga, eager to send their tribute for the ‘Inasi, also dispatched a canoe to accompany that of Tupouto’a, and, although this was contrary to Finau’s strict injunction (that only Tongamana’s canoe should come on this expedition), still they flattered themselves that, as it was a canoe from Tu’i Tonga’s own island, it would be overlooked. But in this they were mistaken, for no sooner did the people of Vava’u (so jealous were they of any apparent encroachment on their liberties), perceive that two canoes, instead of one, were coming to their shores, than they raised a great clamour, contending that the Ha’apai people had a mind to be treacherous; that, under the mask of religion, they were coming as spies; and, making these complaints to Finau, they called loudly for orders against such a proceeding, and insisted that one of the canoes should be sent back before the other should be allowed to land.

Finau, seeing the conduct of the Ha’apai people, and hearing the complaints of his own, immediately gave orders that Tu’i Tonga’s canoe should be instantly sent away, else neither of them should be allowed to land. Perceiving, however, afterwards, that Tu’i Tonga’s canoe was laden with part of the tribute, and, as it would have been sacrilegious to have sent back any portion of what was intended for the ‘Inasi, he ordered it to be landed, and the canoe, with all its men, who, by the by, were choice warriors, to be sent back immediately, without being allowed to set foot on shore. On this occasion, Finau, reflecting how easy it would be for any of the Vava’u people who chose, to leave the island on this occasion, and that Tu’i Tonga’s canoe would readily receive them, because the law which he had previously made, extended not to this canoe, but only (according to the manner in which it was expressed), to that of Tongamana; reflecting on this, and seeing no way to prevent the evil, he openly proclaimed to the people, that if any wished to go and reside at Ha’apai, they had the opportunity of going in Tu’i Tonga’s canoe, but that they would not be permitted to return to Vava’u. No one, however, thought proper to leave the island.

After the ceremony of ‘Inasi, the canoe of Tongamana was sent away with permission to bring Tupouto’a, and any of his chiefs that thought proper to come, even although they filled more than one canoe, provided they only staid one day at Vava’u, just to perform the ceremonies at the grave of the late Hau. For the King began now to consider that it would be bad policy to impose too many restrictions on the admission of the Ha’apai people, as it would indicate want of strength, and a certain degree of apprehension; and on the other hand, as the fortress was very strong, and able to resist almost any adverse force, he had not so much occasion to be under alarm.

In the meantime Finau dispatched several small canoes to the outer islands of Ha’afuluhao (The name given to Vava’u and all its surrounding islands) to watch the arrival of Tupouto’a, and to return with immediate notice of this event to Vava’u, which they did as soon as they saw three canoes which hove in sight. The notice being given to Finau, he sent back several of his own canoes to meet those of Tupouto’a with orders that Tupouto’a’s canoes should not be allowed to advance farther than the neighboring islands, but that they should bring Tupouto’a and his party along with them up the creek to Feletoa, in the Vava’u canoes. This was accordingly done, and Tupouto’a, and about sixty of his warriors, were landed near the fortress. They were all dressed in mats; their heads were shaven, and the leaves of the ifi tree were round their necks, according to the custom at burials. They were followed by several boys bearing a few spears, arrows, and clubs. They proceeded immediately to the grave of the late Hau, and after having sat before it a little time with their heads bowed down, Tupouto’a arose, and, taking a sharp club from one of the boys, inflicted several very severe wounds on his own head, calling out to the deceased to witness this proof of his love and fidelity, and declaring aloud that his sentiments towards his son were the same as those he formerly entertained towards him, notwithstanding that his death had occasioned this seeming breach between himself and his son; and protesting how much he wished a perfect and friendly understanding with the Vava’u people, that he might occasionally have the opportunity of preparing the kava for young Finau; and by such and other assiduities prove his respect and loyalty towards his family. As he supposed that the chiefs of Pulotu had decreed otherwise, he should be contented to live at the Ha’apai Islands, and evince his remembrance of the deceased, by sending, in Tongamana’s canoe, the produce of his own islands as presents to his son. This speech was followed by those of several of his party, all much in the same sentiment, and then, after bruising their heads, running spears and arrows through their cheeks, thighs, and breasts, they left the grave to attend to the kava of Finau. In the evening Finau, Tupouto’a, and Finau Fisi, had a short conversation together, when Tupouto’a expressed his wish to be tributary to Vava’u, notwithstanding it might still be thought politic, as long as any of Tupouniua’s near relations were living, to keep him and his people at a distance, acknowledging that such a separation was the only way of preserving peace between the two powers. He stated, moreover, that with the view of keeping his own people from meditating either conspiracies against himself or wars against Vava’u (which they would be sure to do if they remained long idle), he should turn his attention to the assistance of the garrison of Hihifo at Tongatapu, which was upon friendly terms with him, but which he lately heard was very weak, and in great danger of being destroyed by the enemy. To the succour of his friends, therefore, he meant to proceed to Tongatapu with a strong army as soon as possible. To Tupouto’a’s proposal of still sending a tribute, Finau objected for two reasons, first, because Vava’u itself yielded quite enough for the maintenance of his people, and secondly, because any tribute received from Tupouto’a might be construed by the people into an act of friendship and alliance, which ill-suited with the sentiments they entertained towards the man who had formerly killed their beloved chief Tupouniua. As to the annual tribute for ‘Inasi, it could not be dispensed with, because it was a religious act, and was necessary to be performed to ensure the favor of the gods, and to prevent any calamities which might otherwise be inflicted on them. Tupouto’a was obliged to accede to all that Finau had so reasonably said upon the subject; his pride, however (as it was believed), was much hurt at feeling the necessity of coinciding in the wishes of so young and inexperienced a chief. While Tupouto’a was speaking, the tears ran down his cheeks, influenced probably by the feelings of his heart, for he had a great respect for the late Hau, a real friendship for him, and felt a sincere regret for his loss. The same evening he took his leave of Finau, by performing the ceremony of moemoe and repaired with his men to the canoes, in which the following morning he departed for Ha’apai.

Tupouto’a, ruler of Ha’apai, had a son, Taufa’ahau, who, by conquest, united all the Tonga Island under his leadership and became known as “The Maker of Modern Tonga.” His descendant is the present day king of Tonga.

The moemoe is a kind of salute paid to the greatest chief present, and consists in bowing the head, (while sitting cross-legged before him) so that the forehead touches the sole of the chief’s foot, (who sits in like manner) and then touching the sole of the same foot, (which may be either the right or the left) first with the palm and then with the back of each hand. The ceremony is also performed by persons who may have accidentally touched any part of a superior chief’s person, or anything whatever belonging to him; and unless this ceremony is performed after such contact, they cannot eat without danger (as they suppose) of swelling up and dying. They are very subject to indurations of the liver, and certain forms of scrofula hereafter to be spoken of, and which they conceive frequently happens from a neglect of this ceremony, after touching anything belonging to a superior chief. They most frequently, however, perform it, without knowing themselves to have occasion for it, merely as a matter of caution. And if a man has eaten anything without performing this ceremony when he had occasion for it, the chief applies the sole of his foot also to the man’s belly, as a greater security against such swellings. Moemoe means literally to touch or press.

Tupouto’a was greatly pleased with the appearance of the garrison, declaring that he had never seen anything so warlike and formidable, not even at the Fiji Islands, where he had lived several years. Finau had indeed given the strictest orders to make everything appear in as good a state as possible, producing a tasteful display of clubs, spears, and arrows, arranged against the houses, with wreaths of flowers and certain warlike decorations. Upon the whole, when the size and strength of the place, with its situation, was taken into consideration, it was, perhaps, by far the most formidable fortification that had ever been established in any of those clusters of islands, in the midst of the southern ocean.

About a month after the departure of Tupouto’a, during which time nothing particular occurred, a fisherman from one of the neighboring islands brought word that a small canoe had been seen coming in a direction from Ha’apai. In a short time the canoe itself arrived, bringing one of Finau’s principal warriors, Lolohea Kau Kefu and his two brothers, young lads, who had been at the Ha’apai Islands in consequence of the illness of their father, who had resided there, but had since died. They brought intelligence that Tupouto’a had ordered all the canoes to be got ready as soon as possible, and put in a state for sea; and all his fighting men to hold themselves in readiness to depart at a moment’s notice. In consequence of this order, Lolohea suspected, and indeed it was universally believed, that it was Tupouto’a’s intention to make a descent upon the island of Vava’u. Hence he took the first opportunity to make his escape with his two brothers; for had he stayed to have come with the invading army, he could not in honor have deserted it, and would thus have been obliged to fight against his own countrymen. Such is the opinion of the Tonga islanders, that if a man be at any foreign island which is about to wage war with his own, he holds himself obliged to side with the people among whom he is.

Finau, on hearing this intelligence, was not backward in making the most judicious preparations to receive his enemy, and which he did, although he had no idea but that his intention was to land his men at Tongatapu, with a view to assist the garrison before spoken of; but, still he held himself well prepared, according to the Tongan maxim, that, is, never to suspect anything without immediately making preparations for the worst.

To the rest of the preparations I got ready a carronade, which had hitherto not been used, on account of its having been spiked. Having nothing wherewith to drill the touch-hole, I collected together a vast quantity of wood, and made a large fire, in the midst of which was the gun, of which, when hot, he readily cleared the touch-hole; it was then mounted upon a carriage. Thus Finau had three guns, six barrels of powder, and plenty of shot, for almost all the shot which had been fired in the former attacks upon the garrison, were again found and collected. Finau also sent a canoe to the islands of Toku to the northwest of Vava’u, to collect a cargo of round black pebbles, which are found there in abundance, to serve as shot. With all this ammunition, Finau was far superior to Tupouto’a, who had only two guns, and was withal very short both of powder and shot. All these preparations, however, were never required; for shortly afterwards Tonga Mana’s canoe arrived, bringing intelligence that Tupouto’a had proceeded with his army to the assistance of the garrison before spoken of in the island of Tongatapu.

About this time there happened a very heavy storm of thunder and lightning, which is always considered ominous by the natives, and esteemed the harbinger of some great event, such as invasion, death of a great chief, arrival of an European ship, etc. This event therefore produced, as it generally does, considerable anxiety in the minds of the people; and this anxiety was much increased by the dreams of several women. One dreamed that during the time of the ‘Inasi, Tu’i Tonga, at the head of a number of ‘otuas attacked them, and broke to pieces the consecrated yams; another, that she had been at Pulotu, and heard a decree of Hikule’o, (one of the principal ‘otuas) that Vava’u should shortly experience some great calamity, because the people had neglected some particular and important ceremonies. In this state of the public mind, parties were sent to the outer islands to keep a perpetual watch, and to bring immediate intelligence of any canoe that might appear. In the course of a little time it was remarked that Tu’i Tonga decreased considerably in size, losing flesh every day, although otherwise in good health; it was not long, however. before he began to complain of weakness and loss of appetite. His illness beginning thus to be confirmed, occasioned his relations and attendants to have recourse to the usual ceremonies on such melancholy occasions. Accordingly every day one or other of his young relations had a little finger cut off, as a propitiatory offering to the gods for the sins of the sick man.

Nothing is more common in these islands than the sacrifice of a little finger on occasion of the illness of a superior relation: insomuch, that there is scarcely a grown-up person (unless a very great chief, who can have had few superior relations) but who has lost the little finger of both hands. Nor is there ever any dispute between two persons with a view to get exempt from this ceremony; on the contrary, I have witnessed a violent contest between two children of five years of age, each claiming the favor of having the ceremony performed on him, so little do they fear the pain of the operation. The pain indeed is but very trifling, from the mode, probably, in which it is performed, which I will describe in another place.

These sacrifices, however, were found of no avail; greater sacrifices therefore, were soon had recourse to. Accordingly three or four children were strangled, at different times, in the manner which I have already related; and invocations were made to the deities at fa’itokas, consecrated houses, and in the persons of the priests, but still without effect, for the gods were deaf to their entreaties; and the illness of the sacred chief grew every day more alarming. As a last resource, therefore, to excite the compassion on the deities, they carried the emaciated person of Tu’i Tonga to the place where his provisions were accustomed to be cooked; in the same manner as Finau was carried. This is an act of great humility, that the high and sacred chief of Tonga should resort to the place where his victuals are cooked. But notwithstanding all this, death overtook him in the course of eight days, after six weeks illness.

Tu’i Tonga’s long illness, lasting about six weeks, with symptoms of marked wasting, weakness, and loss of appetite suggests that he died of cancer of one of the internal organs, possibly cancer of the stomach or liver.

About a month or six weeks after the funerals ceremonies were finished, Finau, who had not broken his head (as they call it) at the grave of his father, because perhaps on a public occasion it would have looked in him like an ostentatious display of what might have been thought affected feeling, resolved to perform this ceremony in a more private manner, accompanied only by a few of his warriors, to whom he now signified his intention. Accordingly one morning he and his men began to prepare themselves for this affair, when unfortunately an accident happened, which, to us Europeans (in the present times) would not have attracted the slightest attention, but, in the estimation of these people, was a matter pregnant with the most important and serious consequences.

On entering the house, I happened to sneeze!! Immediately everyone present threw down his club, for who would proceed on so important an expedition after so dire an omen! To sneeze at the moment of setting out on an expedition argues, in their opinion, the most fatal results. Even Finau, who had a superior mind, could not efface from it the depth of the impression.

Finau’s eyes flashed with the fire of rage, directing them full on me, he cursed me with the most bitter curse, “Strike your god!” Rising from the ground, he demanded why I came there?

To which I answered, “Your father would not have asked me that question; and I am surprised that you are so much unlike him, as to believe in such superstitious nonsense.”

This was too much for him to bear, particularly before so many of his men; and snatching up a club that lay near him, he would have knocked out my brains, if some of the men present had not pushed me out of the house, while the rest held Finau. Upon this I wished him goodbye, “pea ke nofo a;” (a phrase always used in taking leave of anyone) and said that if he wanted me he might send for me, adding, that I did not before know that my presence was so disagreeable.

Several men then came out of the house, and hurried me away, lest Finau, before his passion had time to cool, should pursue me, and effect some desperate revenge. I retired, therefore, to a house near the grave. Shortly after, Finau having consulted with his men upon the subject of my sneezing, resolved that, as I was a foreigner, and had different gods, my sneezing was not to be considered of any consequence. They then proceeded to the grave to perform the ceremony of head-breaking, where Finau and all his men, inspired with enthusiasm, cut and bruised their heads in a shocking manner; Finau in particular, not contented with the usual instruments, made use of a saw, the teeth of which he struck against his skull with such vehemence and goodwill, that he staggered as he went home with loss of blood. These scenes need not be further described; I have already had enough of them.

Immediately after this, I proceeded to my plantation, resolving to remain there, and see how long Finau would be contented without my company.

This conduct, according to the manners and customs of Europeans, appears extremely haughty, arrogant, and presumptuous; for although Finau, in this instance, was undoubtedly much to blame in putting himself in such a violent rage, and I in danger of my life, on the occasion of an accident which might so easily have happened, and might have been so difficult to avoid, yet I being so much the inferior, you might suppose it to be my duty first to ask pardon for the offence so unintentionally committed. But this plan would be far from producing a good effect in the Tonga Islands; on the contrary, I would have been thought a mean-spirited fellow, ever willing to sink myself below the dignity of humanity, to purchase the pardon and friendship of a superior. And had I acted in this way, the King would most undoubtedly have thought meanly of me, and never again have made me a confidential friend, which always implies something of an equality.

In the evening (a few hours after my arrival at my plantation) a girl came with a message from my adopted mother, assuring me that I was perfectly safe, Finau having expressed his extreme sorrow for his own conduct. She advised me, however, not to return to the King till after several invitations, or even till he came in person to request a renewal of my friendship. Although it was dangerous in Tonga to be too haughty; on the other hand, too much submission would be as bad — upon the principle above alluded to. Besides, as she was shortly going to live at the Ha’apai Islands along with her father, she wished beforehand to see me safe against all future designs and insults from inferior chiefs, by thus counselling me to act with becoming dignity towards even the King himself, whose friendship and sentiments toward me she well knew. I accordingly took her advice, and remained at the plantation ten days, notwithstanding repeated messages from Finau, and entreaties to return. At last I so intimidated the messengers, by threatening to shoot them if they appeared again with that errand, that Finau at length resolved to fetch me himself; and accordingly one morning entered my house, and having awakened me, saluted me in the kindest and most affectionate manner, begged my pardon for his too hasty conduct, and wept abundantly. After this period we were inseparable friends.

During this reconciliation, Finau explained to me the cause of his unseasonable rage against him for sneezing. It was not that he had any superstitious idea of it as a bad omen, but that it might have this effect upon the minds of his men, and thus put off his intended ceremony.

In consequence of Tu’i Tonga’s death, the great obstacle to shutting up the communication with Ha’apai was, for a time at least, removed; but that it might be so more completely, the King came to a determination of having no more Tu’itongas, and thus to put a stop for ever to the ceremony of ‘Inasi; for he conceived that there was very little public utility in what was supposed to be the divine authority of Tu’i Tonga; but that it was, on the contrary, a great and useless expense to the people. This measure, as may be imagined, did not prove very objectionable to the wishes of the multitude, as it relieved them from the ‘Inasi, a very heavy tax; and, in times of scarcity, of course extremely oppressive. In regard to the religious objections which one might suppose would be started against the endeavor to set aside an institution so ancient, so venerable, and so sacred, as that of Tu’i Tonga’s divine authority, it must be noticed that the island of Tongatapu had, for many years, been deprived of the power, presence, and influence of Tu’i Tonga, owing to its political situation; and, notwithstanding, appeared in the eyes of Finau, and of all his chiefs, warriors, and subjects, to be not less favored with the bounties of heaven and of nature than the other islands, excepting the mischief and destruction which arose from human passion and disturbances: and if Tongatapu could exist without this divine chief, why not Vava’u, or any other island? This strong argument growing still stronger, upon a little reflection, brought the chiefs, matapules, and older members of society, to the resolution, that Tu’i Tonga was of no use at all; and the people themselves, ever willing to fall into measures that greatly promote their interest, notwithstanding a few religious scruples, very soon came to be of the same opinion too.

The holiday of the ‘Inasi was held in the middle of October when the first fruits of the spring of the year had ripened. Because the Tonga Islands lie at 20 degrees south of the equator, the month of October is equivalent to April in the northern hemisphere and marks the beginning of spring. The ‘Inasi and other organized systems of “gifts” was a Tongan form of tax to provide for the needs of the chiefs who did not work on the plantations. These affairs were conducted in a spirit of celebration. The ‘Inasi was thus a rite of spring.

The confrontation the people of Tonga had experienced with Westerners in the thirty-year period since Captain Cook’s lengthy visit had so disturbed the ancient customs, that new patterns in Tongan ways had begun to appear. The Tu’i Tonga line had diminished in importance in both the political and religious life of Tonga for some years before the arrival of the “Papalangi” (Europeans); but the superior arms and forces of the Europeans, as well as other new ideas of a world beyond themselves and methods of manufacture entirely new to them, gave the secular chiefs more importance in Tongan life than the religious chiefs. The new young Finau, a political opportunist, when he discontinued the office of the Tu’i Tonga, made yet another move toward the abandonment of some of the established patterns of Tongan culture.

A new Tu’i Tonga was again appointed in 1827, but with this man’s death in 1865, the line permanently ended.

As soon as Finau had come to this determination, and to that of shutting up all communication with the Ha’apai people, it became necessary to acquaint Tongamana, at his next arrival, with this new regulation, and to forbid him ever to return to Vava’u again. In the meantime, however, as Finau had promised Tui Pulotu that his daughter (my adopted mother) should be allowed to proceed to him at Ha’apai, she was ordered to get herself and attendants ready to accompany Tongamana on his way back.

Now it happened this person had a great number of female attendants, many of whom were some of the handsomest women at Vava’u; and, as the leave granted to her to depart was equally a license for the departure of her attendants, Finau became apprehensive that the alienation of so many fine women from the country would occasion considerable discontent among his young men, and would perhaps tempt some of them to take the same step. He sent, however, for Mafi Hape, and told her, that, with her leave, he would contrive some means to keep back her women, whose departure might occasion so much disturbance. In this intention she perfectly coincided, as she should have little use for them hereafter, in the retired life she meant to lead with her father. Two favorite attendants, however, excepted, whom she begged to take with her. Matters being so far agreed on, Finau, to avoid the appearance of injustice on his part, gave me instructions how to act, with a view to bring about his object, as if it were a thought and impulse of my own. Accordingly, when Tongamana’s canoe was ready to depart, and everyone in it save Mafi Hape and her attendants, she was carried on board, and her two favorite attendants followed immediately. At this moment, when the rest of the women were about to proceed into the canoe, I who had purposely stationed myself close at hand with my musket, seized hold of the foremost, and threw her into the water, and forbad the rest to follow, at the peril of being shot. I then called out to Finau’s attendants, who were purposely seated on the beach, to come to my assistance, pretending to express my wonder at their folly, in permitting those women to leave them, for whose protection they had often hazarded their lives in battle. Upon this (as had been previously concerted) they ran forward, and effectually prevented any of them from departing. At this moment, while their lamentations rent the air, Finau came down to the beach; and inquiring the cause of this disturbance, they told him that Toki (the shortened form of my Tongan name) had used violent measures to prevent their accompanying their beloved mistress, and that the young chiefs had cruelly assisted him. One of these chiefs (Talo) then addressed Finau: “We have all agreed to lose our lives rather than suffer these women, for whom we have so often fought, to take leave of us for ever. There is good reason to suppose that we shall soon be invaded by the people of Ha’apai. Are we to suffer some of the finest of our women to go over to the men who will shortly become our enemies? Those women, the sight and recollection of whom have so often cheered our hearts in the time of danger, have enabled us to meet the bravest and fiercest enemies, and to put them to the rout? If our women are to be sent away send also the guns, the powder, and all our spears, our clubs, our bows and arrows, and every weapon of defense. With the departure of the women our wish to live departs also, for then we shall have nothing left worth protecting, and, having no motive to defend ourselves, it matters little how we die.”

Finau upon this was obliged to explain to Tongamana the necessity of yielding to the sentiments of these young chiefs, to prevent the discontent and disturbance which might otherwise take place. The canoe was now ordered to leave Vava’u for the last time, and never more to return, for if she or any other canoe should again make her appearance from Ha’apai, her approach would be considered hostile, and proper measures would accordingly be adopted. At this moment, the women on the beach earnestly petitioned Finau to be allowed to take a last farewell of their dear and beloved mistress, which on being agreed to, nearly two hours were taken up in this affecting scene.

From this time Finau devoted his attention to the cultivation of the island, and the exertions of this truly patriotic chief were so far successful that the country soon began to promise the appearance of a far more beautiful and cultivated state than ever. In the meantime he did not neglect those things which were necessary for the better defense of the place, and accordingly the fortress underwent frequent examination and improvements.

In the midst of these occupations, however, a circumstance happened which might have been the cause of much civil disturbance. It is well worth relating, as it affords an admirable character of one of the personages concerned, and shows a principle of honor and generosity of mind, which must afford the highest pleasure to those who love to hear of acts worthy the character of human nature.

On one of the days of the ceremony known by the name of Tautau which is an offering to the God of weather, beginning at the time when the yams are full grown, and is performed every tenth day for eighty days and is celebrated on the mala’e, with wrestling, boxing, etc., a young chief, by the name of Talo, entered into a wrestling match with Hala’api’api (the young chief who, as may be recalled, I mentioned on the occasion of Tupouniua’s assassination). A few days before, these two had held a debate upon some subject or another, in which neither could convince the other. It is usual on such an occasion, to prevent all future fruitless argument upon the subject, to settle the affair by wrestling. Not that this mode is considered in the light of a knock-down argument, perfectly convincing in its nature, but it is the custom for those who hold a fruitless contention in argument, to end the affair the next opportunity, by a contention in physical strength, after which the one who is beaten seldom presumes to intrude his opinion again on the other, at least not upon the same subject. Hala’api’api therefore challenged Talo on the spot. For a long time the contest was doubtful — both well made, both men of great strength. At length, however, it was the fate of Talo to fall, and thus the contest ended. The fallen chief, chagrined at this event, could not allow, in his own mind, that his antagonist had overcome him by superior strength, but rather owing to an accidental slip of his own foot; and consequently resolved to enter the lists with him again at some future and favorable opportunity. This occasion of the ceremony of the Tautau presenting itself, Talo left his companions and seated himself immediately opposite Hala’api’api; a conduct which plainly indicated his wish that the latter in particular should engage him, This conduct, though sometimes adopted, is generally considered indicative of a quarrelsome disposition, because the challenge ought not to be made to one in particular, but to any individual among those of a different place or party who chooses to accept it. As soon as Hala’api’api and his friends perceived this, it was agreed among them that he alone should oppose him. In a short time Talo arose and advanced; Hala’api’api immediately closed with him and threw him, with a severe fall. At this moment the shouts of the people so exasperated Talo, (for he had made sure in his own mind of gaining a victory) that, on the impulse of passion, he struck his antagonist, while rising off him, a violent blow in the face; on which Hala’api’api threw himself in a posture of defense, and demanded if he wished to box with him. Talo, without returning an answer, snatched a tokotoko [A pole used to propel a boat by pushing against the bottom. As many of the islands are surrounded by shallow, flat, stone reefs, the use of this pole is as common as the paddle.], and would evidently have run him through the body if he had not been withheld. Hala’api’api, with a nobleness of spirit worthy of admiration, seemed to take no notice of this, but smiling returned to his seat amid the acclamations of the whole assembly. All applauded his greatness of soul, as conspicuous now as on other occasions; Finau in particular showed signs of much satisfaction, and in the evening, when he was drinking kava with the matapules, while this noble chief had the honor to wait on them, the King addressed himself to him, returning thanks for the presence of mind which he had proved, and his coolness of temper; which conduct had placed his superiority and bravery in a far more splendid light than if he had given way to resentment. As to his retiring, without seeking further to prolong the quarrel, he was convinced (he said) that he had in view nothing but the peace and happiness of the people, which would undoubtedly have been disturbed by an open rupture with a man who was at the head of so powerful a party. To this the young chief made only this reply: “Ko ho mo’one.” (Meaning, “It is your truth.” That is, “What you say is true.”), and appeared overcome by a noble modesty, at being so much praised (contrary to custom) before so large an assembly.

In the meanwhile, Talo, conscious of his error, and ashamed to appear in public, retired to one of his plantations called Mote. [A district in the village of Leimatu’a on Vava’u. This is a Fijian word meaning, sleep. The airport on Vava’u is now located near here. No longer is it a place for sleep!]. Hala’api’api, imagining what must be the distress of Talo’s feelings, resolved upon a reconciliation, and having intimated this to his men, he desired them to go armed, in case any misunderstanding should accidentally arise. Accordingly, one morning he and his men left the mu’a, after having given out that he was going up the country to kill some hogs of his that were running wild. This he said lest the circumstance of his men being armed should give rise to false and dangerous suspicions respecting his intention; and, at the same time, he invited several of Finau’s men to come and partake of the feast. As soon as they had left the fortress, he imparted to them all his real intention to offer Talo his former friendship, and to assure him that he had forgotten the late affair. When they arrived near the plantation, Hala’api’api went on a short distance before, and on entering the house found Talo fast asleep, attended only by his wife and one of her servants. They were both employed in fanning him. He left his spear on the outside of the house, and carried his club in with him. The noise he made on entering awoke Talo; who, imagining that the other had come to assassinate him, started up, seizing his club, rushed out of the house, and fled. Hala’api’api pursued him, taking with him his spear. His feelings now being greatly hurt to see one fly him so cowardly, who of late had matched himself as his equal, he at length became so exasperated that he threw his spear at him; which, however, fortunately got entangled in some bushes. At this moment Talo was considerably in advance, in consequence of the time which it took the other to go back to the door for his spear. He was noted, however, for his swiftness, and conscious that he should overtake him, he continued the pursuit. Before Talo had crossed the field of high grass adjoining his house, he was under the necessity of throwing off his ngatu, and very shortly after he threw away his club too. Hala’api’api stopped to pick it up, and thus loaded with two clubs he bounded after him with such extraordinary fleetness, that before they had half crossed the next field he overtook him, and catching hold of him by a wreath of flowers that hung round his neck, exclaimed with generous indignation, “Where did you expect to escape to? Are you a bird that you can fly to the skies; or a spirit that you can vanish to Pulotu? Here is your club, which you so cowardly threw away; take it, and learn that I come not to deprive you of life, but to proffer you again my friendship, which you once prized so highly.” With that he embraced him, and tearing his own ngatu, gave him half to wear. By this time Hala’api’api men coming up, he dispatched them immediately to the garrison, to prevent any disturbances which might arise from a false report of this adventure.

A few of Talo’s men being near the house, and mistaking Hala’api’api intention, imagined the fate of their chief inevitable, and had betaken themselves immediately to the garrison, with a view to excite the adherents of Talo to revenge his death; for he was a powerful chief, had belonged to the former garrison, and would undoubtedly have had most of the chiefs of Vava’u for the avengers of his cause. The two chiefs returned as soon as possible to Feletoa, to show the people that they had entered again into a friendly alliance. When they arrived they found the whole place in such a state of disturbance, all being up in arms, party against party, that in all probability if they had arrived a little later, war would already have broken out. At the sight of them, matters were soon adjusted; and their mutual friendship became stronger than ever.

A short time after this, the people of Ha’apai clearly showed their intention of commencing hostilities; but were defeated in the very act by the vigilance and bravery of some of Finau’s young warriors, among whom I had the honor to take an active part. One day most of the large sailing canoes were launched, for the double purpose of procuring from some of the outer islands a quantity of coarse sand, and to convey those whose business it was to cut flagstones for the grave of Tu’i Tonga, to different places for that end. Owing, however, to contrary winds, we were not able to make the shores of Vava’u that evening; and, in consequence, Finau, who was with us, proposed to remain at the island of Taunga during the night. A short time after, they received intelligence from a fisherman that a canoe, apparently from Ha’apai, was approaching, and, as was supposed, with an hostile intent, as she had a quantity of arms on board, and many men. In consequence of this, the young warriors requested of Finau leave to proceed in a number of small canoes (as the wind was unfavorable for large ones), and endeavor to cut them off. After a due consultation this was granted; and eleven canoes, manned with the choicest warriors, paddled towards the island of Taunga. As it was a moonlight night, the enemy saw them, and prepared to receive them, concealing themselves behind certain bushes at a small distance from the beach, where they supposed Finau’s men would land. They were right in their conjecture, and, as soon as Finau’s warriors were landed, the enemy rushed upon them with their usual yell, and occasioned much disorder and alarm; but soon rallying, they pressed on them in return so closely and bravely, that they were obliged to retreat towards the place where their canoe lay; and here a most severe conflict ensued. Unfortunately, in hurrying on shore from the canoes, my ammunition got wet, which rendered my musket of little use, hence I was obliged to employ only a bow and arrows. The enemy, finding themselves so well matched, and thinking they might soon be attacked by forces from the main land (Vava’u), they embarked as speedily as they could; but, in doing which, they lost ten or twelve men. I again tried to use my musket, and, after repeated trials, succeeded in shooting the two men that steered (it being a double canoe), after which I returned with my own party to our canoes, leaving nineteen of the enemy dead on the field, besides the two killed in the canoe, Our own loss were four, killed on the spot, and three others, who died afterwards of their wounds. The enemy were about sixty in number; ourselves about fifty. In this affair I unfortunately received a violent blow on the knee by a stone from a sling, which lamed me for a considerable length of time. It appeared from the account of a boy, who was wounded and taken prisoner, that the enemy intended to proceed as secretly as possible to the westward of Vava’u, and, under cover of the night, to make incursions on shore, and do all the mischief in their power.

For the space of about two months after this affair, no circumstance worthy of note took place. No other attack from the people of Ha’apai was attempted, and all seemed peaceable and quiet.