Under the head of religion, I have given a cursory view of the general habits of Tu’i Tonga, Veasi, and the priests. I shall now set forth, in a similar manner, those of the rest of society, as they regard chiefs, matapules, muas, tuas, women and children.
Respecting the general habits of chiefs, matapules, and muas: the higher chiefs seldom if ever associate freely together, unless at the morning kava parties, and those meetings are to be considered, in a great measure, as visits of custom and form. The matapules and muas freely associate with the chiefs to whom they belong; they are their necessary attendants at kava parties, etc. and form the bulk of their fighting men and followers. They not only associate freely with one another, but also with the followers of other high chiefs, and even with those high chiefs themselves, without any reserve, excepting the requisite ceremonies of respect which occasion may require.
Every high or governing chief has his kau-nofo (those who settle or dwell with him), or, as they are sometimes called, kaume’a (adherents), who consist of inferior chiefs and matapules. Each of these inferior chiefs has his kautangata, or body of fighting men, consisting chiefly of muas. The matapules have no kautangata. The retinue, or kau-nofo, of a great chief, therefore, consists of inferior chiefs (with their kautangatas) and matapules; and the retinue or kautangata of an inferior chief consists of muas, and perhaps, also, a few tuas, who have been found brave fellows. A great number of these kau-nofo, perhaps about eighty or ninety, actually dwell in and near the superior chief’s fencing (each fencing having many houses), while there are many others who sleep, and pass a great portion of their time at their own plantations; for not only inferior chiefs, but also matapules and muas have plantations of their own. The matapules, however, excepting, perhaps, two or three inspectors of the chief’s plantations, dwell always in or near his fencing, as their presence is so often required by him for the regulation of different matters. With respect to the inferior chiefs, they generally live at their plantations: but the greater part, or, at least, about half of the muas, dwell in the neighbourhood of the great chief, to whom they belong.
I shall now explain how these different individuals come to attach themselves to a particular chief. I shall suppose that the present king or any other great chief has a son six or seven years of age, his playmates are the sons of the inferior chiefs, matapules, and muas of his father’s establishment, who freely associate with him, accompany him upon excursions, and imitate, in many respects, the habits of their parents. He does not, however, designedly play the chief, and conduct himself with arrogance towards them; they know his superior rank without being reminded of it; and although they wrestle and box, and play all manner of games with him, they never fail before they eat to perform the ceremony of moemoe, to take off the taboo which his superior rank has imposed upon his inferior associates. In some of his country excursions, he, perhaps, meets with two or three of the sons of tuas, who by their strength and agility in wrestling, or bravery in boxing, or some other ostensible quality, recommend themselves to his notice, and therefore become also his companions. Thus they grow up in years together, and as the young chief approaches towards manhood, he does not exact, but he receives, with more or less affability, the respect and attention which his inferior associates readily pay him, and who now may be termed his kautangata, i.e. associates, supporters and defenders of his cause. He has not yet, however, any matapules in his train, for all these are in the immediate service of the old chief, and the son of a matapule cannot be a matapule till his father is dead, and then he would not perform the functions of a matapule, unless he were grown to man’s estate, and even then he would not be in the service of the younger chief, but of the elder. By and by the old chief dies, and the young one succeeds to his authority, and all the matapules of his father become his matapules, and the inferior chiefs and muas also enter his service in addition to those he had before; and though several of them upon this change may choose to retire to their plantations, they are, nevertheless, in his service whenever he may call upon them. In this order of things it happens, generally, that young superior chiefs have, for the most part, old matapules, and, as they grow older, they begin to have younger matapules, who succeed their deceased fathers.
In respect to the tuas, they may be subdivided into three ranks, namely those few who are warriors, and are part of the kautangata of chiefs; those who are professed cooks, in the service of chiefs; and those who till the ground. The latter live entirely in the country with their wives and families, and occupy themselves wholly in cultivating the land. Their wives and daughters make ngatu, mats, etc., but never till the ground, nor do any hard work.
The natives of Fiji, Samoa, and the Hawai’i Islands, who were resident at Tonga, used to say that it was not a good practice of the people of their islands to let their women lead such easy lives; the men, they said, had enough to do in matters of war, etc. and the women ought therefore to be made to work hard and till the ground. “No,” say the Tonga men, “it is not ngali fefine (consistent with the feminine character) to let them do hard work; women ought only to do what is feminine. Who loves a masculine woman? Besides, men are stronger, and therefore it is but proper that they should do the hard labour.” It seems to be a peculiar trait in the character of the Tonga people, when compared with that of the other natives of the South Seas, and with savage nations in general, that they do not consign the heaviest cares and burdens of life to the charge of the weaker sex; but, from the most generous motives, take upon themselves all those laborious or disagreeable tasks which they think inconsistent with the weakness and delicacy of the softer sex. If there is any exception to this in the South Seas, it is with the natives of Tahiti, but there neither men nor women work hard. The natives of this place appear altogether a soft effeminate race, strongly addicted to voluptuous habits; while in Tonga the men are of a more noble and manly character, and the women considerably more reserved.
Thus the women of Tonga, knowing how little their own sex in other islands are respected by the men, and how much better they themselves are treated by their countrymen, and feeling at the same time, from this and other causes a patriotic sentiment joined to their natural reserve, seldom associate with foreigners. Thus when the Port au Prince arrived at the Hawai’i Islands, the ship was crowded with women ready to barter their personal favors for any trinkets they could obtain; but how different at Lifuka! where only one woman came on board, and she was one of the lower order, who was in a manner obliged to come by order of a native, to whom she belonged as a prisoner of war, and who had been requested by one of the officers of the ship to send a female on board. Captain Cook, also, strongly noticed the reserve and modesty of the females of these islands; and the observations of this accurate narrator will serve to corroborate what I have been stating. I have already noticed the humane character of the Tonga females, and in addition I beg to observe, that their behaviour as daughters, wives, and mothers, is very far from being unworthy of imitation. Children consequently, are taken the utmost care of; they are never neglected either in respect to personal cleanliness or diet. As they grow older, the boys are made to exercise themselves in athletic sports; the girls are made occasionally to attend to the acquirement of suitable arts and manufactures, and of a number of little ornamental accomplishments which tend to render them agreeable companions, and proper objects of esteem. They are taught to plait various pretty and fanciful devices in flowers, etc. which they present to their fathers, brothers, and superior chiefs, denoting respect for those who fill higher circles than themselves. There is still one observation to be made in respect to females, and which is not of small importance, since it tends to prove that the women are by no means slaves to the men; it is, that the female chiefs are allowed to imitate the authority of the men, by having their kau fefine, as the male chiefs have their kautangata. Their kau fefine consists of the wives and daughters of inferior chiefs and matapules, and it may be easily conceived that such an association tends to support their rank and independence.
The subject we are now treating of naturally leads me to speak of the more domestic habits and manners of the people; but these may be considered in two points of view; first, on the grand and extensive scale, such as they are presented to foreigners, by way of showing themselves off to the best advantage; and secondly, in their more familiar, true, and unreserved state. In respect to the first, it would be difficult to give a more correct and descriptive account than has already been given in Cook’s Voyages, written principally by Mr. Anderson, and which I shall beg leave to quote, first, out of respect to its accuracy, and secondly, because it involves a most interesting point of time, that in which the natives had come to the resolution of assassinating Captain Cook and his companions. The date of the following circumstances is the 18th of May, 1777.
“Next morning early, Finau [This Finau (chief) that entertained Cook preceded and was the father of the Finau who was Mariner’s patron.] and Omai [Omai was a Tahitian man who had left Tahiti and sailed with Captain Cook to England and was now on his way back to Tahiti.], who scarcely ever quitted the chief, and now slept on shore, came on board. The object of their visit was to require my presence upon the island. After some time, I accompanied them; and upon landing was conducted to the same place where I had been seated the day before, and where I saw a large concourse of people already assembled. I guessed that something more than ordinary was in agitation, but could not tell what, nor could Omai inform me.
“I had not been long seated before near a hundred of the natives appeared in sight, and advance laden with yams, breadfruit, plantains, coconut, and sugarcanes. They deposited their burdens in two heaps or piles, upon our left, being the side they came from. Soon after arrived a number of others from the right, bearing the same kind of articles, which were collected into two piles on that side. To these were tied two pigs and six fowls, and those upon the left six pigs and two turtles. Earoupa seated himself before the several articles upon the left, and another chief before those upon the right, they being, as I judged, the two chiefs who had collected them by order of Finau, who seemed to be as implicitly obeyed here as he had been at Nomuka: and in consequence of his commanding superiority over the chiefs of Ha’apai, had laid this tax upon them for the present occasion.
“As soon as this munificent collection of provisions was laid down in order, and disposed to the best advantage, the bearers of it joined the multitude, who formed a large circle round the whole. Presently after, a number of men entered this circle or area before us, armed with clubs made of the green branches of the coconut tree. These paraded about for a few minutes and then retired; the one half to one side end the other half to the other side, seating themselves before the spectators. Soon after, they successively entered the lists, and entertained us with single combats. One champion rising up and stepping forward from one side, challenged those of the other side, by expressive gestures more than by words, to send one of their body to oppose him. If the challenge was accepted, which was generally the case, the two combatants put themselves in proper attitudes, and then began the engagement, which continued till one or other owned himself conquered, or till their weapons were broken. As soon as each combat was over, the victor squatted himself down facing the chief, then rose up and retired. At the same time, some old men who seemed to sit as judges, gave their plaudit in a few words; and the multitude, especially those on the side to which the victor belonged, celebrated the glory which he had acquired, in two or three huzzas.
“This entertainment was now and then suspended for a few minutes. During these intervals there were both wrestling and boxing matches. The first were performed in the same manner as at Tahiti, and the second differed very little from the method practiced in England. But what struck us with most surprise was, to see a couple of lusty wenches step forth and begin boxing without the least ceremony, and with as much art at the men. This contest, however, did not last above half a minute, before one of them gave it up. The conquering heroine received the same applause from the spectators which they bestowed upon the successful combatants of the other sex. We expressed some dislike at this part of the entertainment, which, however, did not prevent two other females from entering the lists. They seemed to be girls of spirit, and would certainly have given each other a good drubbing, if two old women had not interposed to part them. All these combats were exhibited in the midst of, at least, three thousand people, and were conducted with the greatest good humor on all sides; though some of the champions, women as well as men, received blows which doubtless they must have felt for some time after.
“As soon as these diversions were ended, the chiefs told me that the heaps of provisions on our right hand were a present to Omai, and that those on our left hand, being about two thirds of the whole quantity, were given to me. He added, that I might take them on board whenever it was convenient, but that there would be no occasion to set any of our people as guards over them, as I might be assured that not a single coconut would be taken away by the natives. So it proved, for I left everything behind and returned to the ship to dinner, carrying the chief with me, and when the provisions were removed on board in the afternoon, not a single article was missing. There was as much as loaded four boats, and I could not but be struck with the munificence of Finau, for this present far exceeded any I had ever received from any of the sovereigns of the various islands I had visited in the Pacific Ocean. I lost no time in convincing my friend that I was not insensible of his liberality; for before he quitted my ship I bestowed upon him such of our commodities as I guessed were most valuable in his estimation. And the return I made was so much to his satisfaction, that as soon as he got on shore, he left me still indebted to him, by sending me a fresh present, consisting of two large hogs, a considerable quantity of cloth, and some yams.”
Here follows an imperfect account of the dance called me’e tu’u paki [a dance with clubs] but which I shall now omit, and quote a fuller description of it afterwards. Other circumstances not necessary here to enumerate are also omitted. After describing an exhibition of fireworks, the account goes on thus:
“Our water and sky rockets, in particular, pleased and astonished them beyond all conception; and the scale was now turned in our favor. This, however, seemed only to furnish them with an additional motive to proceed to fresh exertions of their very singular dexterity, and our fireworks were no sooner ended than a succession of dances which Finau got ready for out entertainment began. As a prelude to them, a band of music, or chorus of eighteen men, seated themselves before us, in the centre of the circle composed by the numerous spectators, the area of which was to be the scene of the exhibitions. Four or five of this band had pieces of large bamboo, from three to five or six feet long, each managed by one man, who held it nearly in a vertical position, the upper end open, but the other end closed by one of the joints. With this close end the performers kept constantly striking the ground, though slowly, thus producing different notes according to the different lengths of the instruments, but all of them of the hollow or base sore; to counteract which a person kept striking quickly, and with two sticks, a piece of the same substance, split and laid along the ground, and by that means furnishing a tone as acute as those produced by the others were grave. The rest of the band, as well as those who performed upon the bamboos, sung a slow and soft air, which so much tempered the harsher notes of the above instruments, that no by-stander, however accustomed to hear the most perfect and varied modulations of sweet sounds, could avoid confessing the vast power and pleasing effect of this harmony.
“The concert having continued about a quarter of an hour, twenty women entered the circle. Most of them had upon their heads garlands of the crimson flowers of the China rose, or others: and many of them had ornamented their persons with leaves of trees, cut with a deal of nicety about the edges. They made a circle round the chorus, turning their faces toward it, and began by singing a soft air, to which responses were made by the chorus in the same tone, and these were repeated alternately. All this while the women accompanied their song with several graceful motions of their hands towards their faces, and in other directions, at the same time making constantly a step forward, and then back again with one foot, while the other was fixed. They then turned their faces to the assembly, sung some time, and retreated slowly in a body to that part of the circle which was opposite the hut where the principal spectators sat. After this, one of them advanced from each side, meeting and passing each other in the front, and continuing their progress round till they came to the rest: on which two advanced from each side, two of whom passed each other and returned as the former; but the other two remained, and to these came one from each side by intervals, till the whole number had again formed a circle about the chorus.
“Their manner of dancing was now changed to a quicker measure, in which they made a kind of half turn by leaping, and clapped their hands, and snapped their fingers, repeating some words in conjunction with the chorus. Toward the end, as the quickness of the music increased, their gestures and attitudes were varied with wonderful vigour and dexterity; and some of their motions, perhaps, would with us be reckoned rather indecent. Though this part of the performance, most probably, was not meant to convey any wanton ideas: but merely to display the astonishing variety of their movements.
“To this grand female ballet succeeded one performed by fifteen men. Some of them were old; but their age seemed to have altered little of their agility or ardor for the dance. They were disposed in a sort of circle, divided at the front, with their faces not turned out toward the assembly, nor inward to the chorus; but one half of the circle faced forward as they had advanced, and the other half in a contrary direction. They sometimes sung slowly in concert with the chorus; and while thus employed they also made several very fine motions with their hands, but different from those made by the women; at the same time inclining the body to either side alternately, by raising one leg which was stretched outward, and resting on the other: the arm of the same side being also stretched fully upward. At other times they recited sentences in a musical tone, which were answered by the chorus; and at intervals increased the measure of the dance, by clapping the hands, and quickening the motions of the feet, which, however, were never varied. At the end, the rapidity of the music and of the dancing increased so much, that it was scarcely possible to distinguish the different movements; though one might suppose the actors were now almost tired, as their performance had lasted near half an hour.
“After a considerable interval, another act, as we may call it, began. Twelve men now advanced, who placed themselves in double rows, fronting each other, but on opposite sides of the circle; and on one side a man was stationed, who, as if he had been a prompter, repeated several sentences, to which the twelve new performers and the chorus replied. They then sung slowly, and afterwards danced and sung more quickly for about a quarter of an hour, after the manner of the dancers whom they had succeeded.
“After this, we had a dance composed of the men who attended or had followed Finau. They formed a double circle (i.e. one within another), of twenty-four each, round the chorus, and began a gentle soothing song, with corresponding motions of the hands and head. This lasted a considerable time, and then changed to a much quicker measure, during which they repeated sentences either in conjunction with the chorus, or in answer to some spoken by that band. They then retreated to the back part of the circle as the women had done, and again advanced on each side in a triple row, till they formed a semicircle, which was done very slowly, by inclining the body on one leg, and advancing the other a little way as they put it down. They accompanied this with such a soft air as they had sung at the beginning, but soon changed it to repeat sentences in a harsher tone, at the same time quickening the dance very much, till they finished with a general shout and clap of the hands. The same was repeated several times; but at last they formed a double circle as at the beginning, danced and repeated very quickly, and finally closed with several very dexterous transpositions of the two circles.
“The entertainments of this memorable night concluded with a dance, in which the principal people present exhibited. It resembled the immediately preceding one in some respects, having the same number of performers, who began nearly in the same way: but their ending at each interval was different; for they increased their motions to a prodigious quickness, shaking their heads from shoulder to shoulder, with such force, that a spectator unaccustomed to the sight would suppose that they ran a risk of dislocating their necks. This was attended with a smart clapping of the hands, and a kind of savage holla! or shriek, not unlike what is sometimes practiced in the comic dances in our European theatres. They formed the triple semicircle as the preceding dancers had done, and a person who advanced at the head on one side of the semicircle began, by repeating something in a truly musical recitative, which was delivered with an air so graceful, as might put to the blush our most applauded performers. He was answered in the same manner by the person at the head of the opposite party. This being repeated several times, the whole body on one side joined in the responses to the whole corresponding body on the opposite side, as the semicircle advanced to the front; and they finished by singing and dancing, as they had begun.
“These two last dances were performed with so much spirit, and so great exactness, that they met with universal approbation. The native spectators, who, no doubt, were perfect judges whether the several performances were properly executed, could not withhold their applauses at some particular parts; and even a stranger who never saw the diversion before felt similar satisfaction at the same instant. For though, through the whole, the most strict concert was observed, some of the gestures were so expressive, that it might be said they spoke the language that accompanied them, if we allow that there is any connexion between motion and sound. At the same time it should be observed, that though the music of the chorus and that of the dancers corresponded, constant practice in these favorite amusements of our friends seems to have a great share in effecting the exact time they keep in their performances. For we observed that if any of them happened accidentally to be interrupted, they never found the smallest difficulty in recovering the proper place of the dance or song: and their perfect discipline was in no instance more remarkable than in the sudden transitions they so dexterously made from the ruder exertions and harsh sounds, to the softest airs and gentlest movements.
“About eleven o’clock (in the morning), they began to exhibit various dances, which they called me’e. The music consisted at first of seventy men as a chorus, who sat down, and amidst them were placed three instruments, which we called drums, though very unlike them. They are large cylindrical pieces of wood or trunks of trees, from three to four feet long, some twice as thick as an ordinary sized man, and some smaller, hollowed entirely out, but close at both ends, and open only by a chink about three inches broad, running almost the whole length of the drums: by which opening the rest of the wood is certainly hollowed, though the operation must be difficult. This instrument is called nafa; and, with the chink turned towards them, they sit and beat strongly upon it with two cylindrical pieces of hard wood, about a foot long, and as thick as the wrist: by which means they produce a rude, though loud and powerful sound. They vary the strength and rate of their beating at different parts of the dance, and also change their tones, by beating in the middle, or near the end of their drum.
“The first dance” (called me’e tu’u paki) “consisted of four ranks, of twenty-four men each, holding in their hands a little thin, light, wooden instrument, above two feet long, and in shape not unlike a small oblong paddle: with these, which are called paki. they make a great many different motions, such as pointing them toward the ground on one side at the same time inclining their bodies that way, from which they were shifted to the opposite side, in the same manner; then passing them quickly from one hand to the other, and twirling them about very dexterously; with a variety of other manoeuvres, all which were accompanied by corresponding attitudes of the body. Their motions were at first slow, but quickened as the drums beat faster; and they recited sentences in a musical tone the whole time, which were answered by the chorus; but at the end of a short space they all joined, and finished with a shout.
“After ceasing about two or three minutes, they began as before, and continued with short intervals above a quarter of an hour, when the rear rank dividing, shifted themselves very slowly round each end, and meeting in the front, formed the first rank: the whole number continuing to recite the sentences as before. The other ranks did the same successively, till that which at first was the front became the rear; and the evolution continued in the same manner till the last rank regained its first situation. They then began a much quicker dance (though slow at first), and sung for about ten minutes, when the whole body divided into two parts, retreated a little, and then approached, forming a sort of circular figure, which finished the dance; the drums being removed, and the chorus going off the field at the same time.
“The second dance had only two drums, with forty men for a chorus; and the dancers, or rather actors, consisted of two ranks, the foremost having seventeen, and the other fifteen persons. Finau was at their head, or in the middle of the front rank, which is the principal place in these cases. They danced and recited sentences, with some very short intervals, for about half an hour, sometimes quickly, sometimes more slowly, but with such a degree of exactness as if all the motions were made by one man, which did them great credit. Near the close, the back rank divided, came round, and took the place of the front, which again resumed its situation, as in the first dance; and when they finished, the drums and chorus, as before, went off.
“Three drums (which at least took two, and sometimes three men to carry them), were now brought in; and seventy men sat down, as a chorus to the third dance. This consisted of two ranks, of sixteen persons each, with young Tupou at their head, who was richly ornamented with a sort of garment covered with red feathers. These danced, sung, and twirled the paki as before; but in general much quicker, and performed so well, that they had the constant applauses of the spectators. A motion that met with particular approbation was one in which they held the face aside as if ashamed, and the paki before it. The back rank closed before the front one, and that again resumed its place, as in the two former dances; but then they began again, formed a triple row, divided, retreated to each end of the area, and left the greatest part of the ground clear. At this instant two men entered very hastily, and exercised the clubs which they use in battle. They did this by first twirling them in their hands, and making circular strokes before them with great force and quickness; but so skilfully managed, that, though standing quite close, they never interfered. They shifted their clubs from hand to hand with great dexterity; and, after continuing a little time, kneeled, and made different motions, tossing the clubs up in the air, which they caught as they fell; and then went off as hastily as they entered. Their heads were covered with pieces of white cloth, tied at the crown (almost like a night-cap) with a wreath of foliage round the forehead; but they had only very small pieces of white cloth tied about the waists; probably that they might be cool, and free from every incumbrance or weight.”
This exhibition with the clubs, as well as the following one with a spear, are practices of Samoa at which the natives of that place are said to be very expert. They are occasionally adopted at Tonga by way of interludes, but they do not form an essential part of the above performance. The particular dress which these performers had on, was the war dress of the Samoa Islands.
“A person with a spear, dressed like the former, then came in, and the same hasty manner; looking about eagerly, as if in search of somebody to throw it at. He then ran hastily to one side of the crowd in the front, and put himself in a threatening attitude, as if he meant to strike with his spear at one of them, bending the knee a little, and trembling, as it were, with rage. He continued in this manner only a few seconds, when he moved to the other side, and having stood in the same posture there, for the same short time, retreated from the ground as fast as when he made his appearance. The dancers, who had divided into two parties, kept repeating something slowly; and now advanced, and joined again, ending with universal applause. It should seem that this dance was considered as one of their capital performances, if we might judge from some of the principal people being engaged in it; for one of their drums was beat by Futtafaihe, the brother of Poulaho, another by Finau, and the third, which did not belong to the chorus, by Mareewagee himself, at the entrance of his hut.”
It must here be noticed that it is a difficult matter to beat these drums properly, consequently it is considered a great accomplishment, and never practiced by the lower orders. It must also be observed, that whenever among the dancers there are principal chiefs, as, no doubt, there were on the above occasion; the drums are always beaten by persons of the first consequence.
“It is with regret I mention that we could not understand what was spoken, while we were able to see what was acted in these amusements. This, doubtless, would have afforded us much information as to the genius and customs of these people. It was observable, that though the spectators always approved of the various motions when well made, a great share of the pleasure they received seemed to arise from the sentimental part, or what the performers delivered in their speeches. However, the mere acting part, independently of the sentences repeated, was well worth our notice, both with respect to the extensive plan in which it was executed, and to the various motions, as well as the exact unity with which they were performed. Neither pencil nor pen can describe the numerous actions and motions, the singularity of which was not greater than was the ease and gracefulness with which they were performed”.
All the dances where the paddle is used are borrowed from the natives of the islands of Niua Toputapu situated between Vava’u and Samoa. The accompanying songs are in the language of Samoa, whence the people of Niua Toputapu have borrowed them, and both dances and songs have been thus adopted at Tonga; but as very few of the Tonga people understand the Samoa language, it is presumed that the applause of the people on the above occasion was not excited by the sentiment, but by the music and general performance.
“In expectation of this evening show, the circle of natives about our tent being pretty large, they engaged in wrestling and boxing: the first of which exercises they call fangatua, and the second fuhu. When any of them chooses to wrestle, he gets up from one side of the ring, and crosses the ground in a sort of measured pace, clapping smartly on the elbow joint of one arm, which is bent, and produces a hollow sound; that is reckoned the challenge. If no person comes out from the opposite side to engage him, he returns in the same manner, and sits down; but sometimes stands clapping in the midst of the ground, to provoke someone to come out. If an opponent appear, they come together with marks of the greatest good nature, generally smiling, and taking time to adjust the piece of cloth which is fastened round the waist. They then lay hold of each other by this girdle, with a hand on each side, and he who succeeds in drawing his antagonist to him, immediately tries to lift him upon his breast, and throw him upon his back; and if he be able to turn round with him two or three times in that position, before he throws him, his dexterity never fails of procuring plaudits from the spectators. If they be more equally matched, they close soon, and endeavor to throw each other by entwining their legs, or lifting each other from the ground; in which struggles they show a prodigious exertion of strength, every muscle, as it were, being ready to burst with straining. When one is thrown, he immediately quits the field: but the victor sits down for a few seconds, then gets up, and goes to the side he came from, who proclaim the victory aloud, in a sentence delivered slowly, and in a musical cadence. After sitting a short space, he rises again and challenges, when sometimes several antagonists make their appearance; but he has the privilege of choosing which of them he pleases, to wrestle with; and has likewise the preference of challenging again, if he should throw his adversary, until he himself be vanquished; and then the opposite side sing the song of victory in favor of their champion. If also often happens, that five or six rise from each side, and challenge together; in which case it is common to see three or four couple engaged on the field at once. But it is astonishing to see what temper they preserve in this exercise: for we observed no instances of their leaving the spot with the least displeasure in their countenances. When they find that they are so equally matched as not to be likely to throw each other, they leave off by mutual consent. And if the fall of one is not fair, or if it does not appear very clearly who has had the advantage, both sides sing the victory, and then they engage again; but no person who has been vanquished can engage with his conqueror a second time.
“The boxers advance sideways, changing the side at every pace, with one arm stretched fully out before, the other behind; and holding a piece of cord in one hand, which they wrap firmly about it when they find an antagonist, or else have done so before they enter. This I imagine they do to prevent a dislocation of the hand or fingers. Their blows are directed chiefly to the head, but sometimes to the sides; and are dealt out with great activity. They shift sides, and box equally well with both hands. But one of their favorite and most dexterous blows is, to turn round on their heel just as they have struck their antagonist, and to give him another very smart one with the other hand, backward.
“The boxing matches seldom last long; and the parties either leave off together, or one acknowledges his being beat. But they never sing the song of victory in these cases, unless one strikes his adversary to the ground, which shows, that, of the two, wrestling is their most approved diversion.” (This inference [of Captain Cook] is not correct: the circumstance above alluded to, means merely to say, that when a man is knocked down, he may be considered as dead, for it certainly is in the power of the other to kill him if he pleases, and for this reason only he has a right to the song of victory.)
“Not only boys engage in both the exercises, but frequently little girls box very obstinately for a short time. In all which cases it doth not appear that they ever consider it as the smallest disgrace to be vanquished; and the person overcome sits down with as much indifference, as if he had never entered the lists. Some of our people ventured to contend with them in both exercises, but were always worsted; except in a few instances, where it appeared that the fear they were in of offending us contributed more to the victory than the superiority of the person they engaged.”
Such is the account we read in Cook’s Voyages; and the accuracy with which every thing is stated evinces a spirit of observation and facility of description deserving of the highest credit. The last remark which he makes in regard to the contention between the English people and the natives is a tolerably just one. The natives themselves mentioned the circumstance to me stating, that they allowed the Papalangies to get the victory sometimes, because they did not like to beat the poor fellows so much. There was probably, at the same time a little apprehension of offending their visitors; for it is certain, that when a man is engaged singly with a chief much superior to him, he sometimes allows himself to be beaten, or rather yields out of respect to his opponent; and the sign by which he shows his disposition to do so, is a sudden toss of the head on one side, upon which his antagonist immediately retires to his seat. There is something admirable in the perfect good humor and forbearance of temper which is always manifested on these occasions, sufficiently so to astonish natives of European countries; for on occasions when there is a general combat, even Tu’i Tonga sometimes gets miserably handled by one of the lowest fellows in the island; but nevertheless he retires from the games without the least inimical spirit, although perhaps with his eyes black, his mouth and nose dreadfully swelled, and, it may happen, with his arm broken; all done by a man over whom he has the power of life and death; for it must be observed, that when there is a general combat, no quarter is given on either side.
In the account given by Cook, there is only mention made of two principal dances, namely me’e-laufola and me’e tu’u paki; but there are two others of some note, called hea and ula. [This dance ia also called the hulohula, from which comes the English word, hula-hula via the Hawaiian equivalent.] The first is one of the most ancient dances of Tonga, and is practiced only by chiefs and superior matapules; and is a dance very difficult to execute, not only on account of the accompanying gesture, but also of the singing. The chorus is composed of ten or twelve of the chiefs or principal matapules, in the middle of whom sits one who beats time upon a loose flat piece of hardwood, about three feet long, and an inch and a half square, fastened only at one end upon another similar piece. This is struck by two small sticks, one in each hand, and produces a rattling sound. The difficulty of keeping the time is owing to the extreme velocity with which they beat, particularly towards the latter end. The dancers, who are all men, in the meanwhile perform their evolutions round the chorus, exhibiting a vast variety of very graceful movements with the arms and head, accompanied by expressions of countenance suitable to the character of the dance, which is that (abstractedly) of a manly and noble spirit, consistent with the mind and habits of a superior person, and therefore it is deemed essential that every chief and matapule should learn it. As among the ancient Greeks, it was thought inconsistent with the character of a gentleman not to know how to strike the lyre, so among the Tonga people it would be considered a mark of great ignorance to be unaccomplished in the graceful, manly, and expressive movements of this dance.
The night dance called ula is a very ancient one in Tonga, though borrowed no doubt originally from the people of Samoa. This dance was formerly only adopted in the Tonga islands among the lower orders of people; but of late, some Tonga chiefs, on a visit to Samoa, were so pleased with the superior gracefulness of the ula, which was danced there, that they afterwards brought it into fashion among the higher classes in Tonga, with many improvements and graceful embellishments borrowed from the former place. Since which, the ula of Tonga is grown quite out of use, even among the lower orders, though it was once danced in my time, by order of the present king, on purpose to contrast it with the ula of Samoa; but is was a very awkward exhibition in comparison with the Samoan refinements, and probably will never be introduced again. There are no particular figures in this dance different from what have already been described in the other dances; but the arrangements of the movements is very different. The whole dance is considerably more quick throughout, and there are several other motions of the feet and postures of the body. The night dance which Captain Cook saw (the me’e-laufola) is perhaps the only one which can be considered of Tonga invention, and is the only one accompanied throughout with Tonga songs. The rest belong to Samoa and Niua Toputapu, and are accompanied chiefly with Samoan songs; for although the dance called hea is considered a very ancient Tonga one, there is not much doubt of its being of Samoan extraction, and accordingly most of its songs are in that language. The me’e tu’u paki is a Niua Toputapu dance, but the songs accompanying it are Samoan.
The principal public dances are the four following:
Me’e-laufola: i.e. a dance with the arms outspread, a night dance.
Me’e tu’u paki: i.e. a dance standing up with paddles, a day dance.
Hea: Sometimes a day dance, but mostly a night dance.
Ula: A night dance.
These public exhibitions of dances naturally leads me to speak of their music and poetry. In regard to their musical instruments: they have already been mentioned, except the fanguangu, which is a sort of flute blown by the nose. It is always filled by the right nostril, the left being closed with the thumb of the left hand. There are generally five holes for the fingers, and one underneath for the thumb; though some have six holes for the fingers, and others only four. The sound of them is soft and grave. They are only used as an accompaniment to one species of song called ‘upe [A variety of lullaby.]. At all concerts where there is not dancing, the singers sit during the whole time. The following are the different kinds of songs used among them.
Laufola: This is only used with the dance so called, and is in the Tonga language.
Lave: Of a similar character with the above; sung without dancing, but accompanied with motions of the hands; also in the Tongan language.
Langi me’e tu’u paki: That which is always used with the dance so called: in the Samoan language.
Hea: That kind of singing which is accompanied by the dance so called: to this the annexed specimen belongs, generally in the Samoan language. [See musical notation of this song]
Fakaniua: Or the Niua fashion of singing. This is never accompanied with dancing, and is always sung in the Tongan language. Most of their songs are descriptive of scenery, but some of these are descriptive of past events, or of places which are out of their reach, such as Pulotu and Papalangi. The accounts they give of the Papalangi place are ludicrous enough. The poet describes, among other things, the animals belonging to the country, stating that in the fields there are large pigs with horns, that eat grass, and at the mu’a there are houses that are pulled along by enormous birds. The women are described to be so covered with dress, that a native of Tonga coming into a house takes a lady for a bundle of Papalangi ngatu, (linen, etc.) and accordingly places it across his shoulder to carry it away, when to his great amazement the bundle jumps down and runs off. One of these songs describes the principal events that happened during Captain Cook’s visit, and which, excepting a little exaggeration, is tolerably correct. Another describes the visit of Admiral d’Entrecasteaux; another the revolution of Tonga; and the famous battle that was there fought, etc. The song of Vava’u Tu’a Liku previously reported belongs to this class of musical composition. Some of these songs have neither regular measure nor rhyme, but other have both.
‘Upe: This kind of singing is always accompanied with the fangufangu, (or nose-flute): the subjects of the song are much the same as those last described, but the style of music is different, being more monotonous and grave. It is now very seldom sung.
Tau’a’alo: It is never accompanied with instrumental music; they are mostly short songs, sung in canoes when paddling, the strokes of the paddle being coincident with the cadence of the tune. They are very frequently sung on leaving Vava’u, while paddling out of the inlet. It may not be unacceptable to give the following as an example. It is a very usual one, and expresses regret at leaving Vava’u and its beautiful prospects, famous for the manufacture of superior tuki hea (ngatu stained with the hea,) to go to the islands of Tofua and Kao, noted for making coarse mats.
‘Oiaue! kuo mau teu folau
Kae tuku Mo’ungalafa, pea mo Talau!
Kuo te holi ke nofo; ko hai te ne ‘alu?
Kae tuku ‘a Vava’u, mo e motulalo;
Liku’one, mo e Vao ‘akau;
Mo e halavai ki Makapapa;
Mataloko, mo e vao maile,
‘Ana ‘a Toutai, pea Mofue; —
‘Ikai te u tu’u ki he hifonga;
Sio hifo ki he folau tafa’anga;
Tuku e tukihea ‘a Ha’afuluhao
Ke vala he ngafingafi ‘a Tofua mo Kao.
Alas! we are entering upon our voyage
By leaving Mo’ungalafa and Talau!
Anxious am I to stay; — who can wish to go?
Departing from Vava’u and her neighboring isles,
And Liku’one, and Vao ‘akau
The road of springs near Makapapa,
Mataloko and the myrtle plain,
The cave of Toutai, the beach of Mofue, —
No longer can I stand upon high places*,
And look downwards on the fleet of small canoes.
We must leave the crimson ngatu of Ha’afuluhao
To wear the coarse mats of Tofua and Kao!
The above is a translation as literal as the sense will allow of this song. It must not, however, be taken as a specimen of the best; it is given because it is the only one of this kind that I am acquainted with.
Such are the names of their different kinds of songs, some of which are to be considered pieces of recitative, particularly those according to the Niua mode. Others again have a considerable variety of tone, and approach to the character of European music: such for example is the latter part of that which I have given the notation of. They have no distinction of terms between recitative and actual singing, they call it all hiva (to sing); this word happens to mean also the number nine.
*This alludes to the Ha’apai islands being for the most part flat, and although Tofua and Kao are both high islands, yet they have not such steep descents as are common at Vava’u.
Those who are skilled in the composition of songs and music often retire for several days to the most romantic and retired spots of Vava’u, to indulge their poetic genius, and then return to the mu’a with several new compositions, which they introduce at the first opportunity. The man who is related to have cut off his own leg, was very expert in the composition of humorous pieces; but a man of the name Tenge was famous for the higher order of composition. He was one of the lowest muas belonging too Hala’ap’api, but he was much esteemed for his abilities. He was principal instructor of one of the classes (or bands) of singers.
The specimen of their music belongs to the kind called ula. It is always accompanied by the dance. The first part, as will be seen, is a sort of recitative, and appears to be merely introductory to the rest, for the dancing only commences with the second part. What for distinction’s sake I call the first part ends with the word “ne-a-oo-e,” in a sort of flourish difficult to describe, but in a louder tone of voice than the rest, and very abruptly, as if significant of a sudden rush or assault. Immediately the second part commences, with dancing, and is repeated several times ad libitum. After which the third in like manner. Then the whole is sung over again with a different introduction probably, but of the same character. The words are in the Samoan language; part of them I have forgotten, and the meaning of the rest I do not know. They are spelled according to the system I have laid down.
This song was re-created by modern Tongan musicians and recorded in Tonga by Mr. Luis Marden of the National Geographic Society staff. This song, together with a fine collection of Tongan music, can be heard on the National Geographic Society’s phonograph record #3516, The Music of Tonga.
The games and familiar pastimes in use among them are numerous, and I shall give a short account of each, according to the order in which they are generally esteemed.
A few strains of Tongan music as recalled by William Mariner. Credit: From Martin, John. Author’s collection
Liaki. This is the first and most important of all Tonga games. It is one which every chief and matapule is expected to be well acquainted with; and no others ever attempt to learn it. It is played either by two persons, or four: for simplicity’s sake, we will first suppose that two are playing. They sit opposite to each other, and make signs with the hands simultaneously. The one whose turn it is to count making one or other of three signs, i.e. by a sudden jerk of his arm, presenting either his open hand, his closed hand, or the extended index finger, (the others and the thumb being clinched), his opponent at the same moment also makes a sign, and if it happens to be the same, it becomes his turn to play, and first gains nothing; but if he succeeds in making one or other of these three signs, without his opponent making the same, five different times running, he throws down a little stick, of which he holds five in his left hand. It is now the other’s turn to play, and he must endeavor to do the same; and whichever in this manner disposes of his five sticks first, wins the game. But if the other imitates him before he can make five signs, I will suppose at the fourth, he has a right to demand what were the three other movements on each side; and if his opponent cannot mention them in the order in which they happened, and give a feigned reason for every individual motion on both sides, in the technical language of the game, according to a certain invariable system laid down, he may begin his count again. Giving these supposed or artificial reasons for each move is the most difficult part of the game, because it will vary according to the order of each of the moves that preceded it. When four play, they sit as in our game of whist, but each is the antagonist of the one opposite to him; and when one has got out his five sticks, he assists his partner by taking one or two of his sticks, and continuing to play. The rapidity with which these motions are made is almost incredible, and no inexperienced eye can catch one of them. The eagerness with which they play, the enthusiasm which they work themselves into, the readiness with which those that are clever give the requisite explanation to every combination of signs, always appear very extraordinary to a stranger.
Mariner may have attributed an incorrect name to the interesting game played with the hands. “Liaki” is the name of a special form of wrestling where the object is not to pin the opponent but to toss him aside, similar sumo or perhaps judo. The other meaning of liaki is to toss or to fling.
Varieties of the game with the hands are played by children of today. The author (PWD) can recall playing it in school using exactly the same three positions of the fingers as were used in ancient Tonga. The three positions were called: paper, scissors, and stone. Could it have been brought to New England and the United States by whalers who learned it during the course of their cruises in the South Pacific? But the authors, Opie and Opie say the game was known in ancient Egypt. Are we to believe that the game originated repetitively, or that it traveled from one culture to another?
Fana Kalae. The sport of shooting the kalae bird.
Sia [heu] lupe. Catching pigeons with a net. This is not a very usual sport at present, though formerly it used to be. The net used for the purpose is small, with a narrow opening, affixed to the end of a rod of about twelve feet in length. The sportsman who holds it is concealed in a small cabin about five feet high, nearly in form of a beehive, in which there is a perpendicular slit dividing it quite in half, by which he can move his rod completely from side to side. There are eight or nine of these cabins, in each of which perhaps there is a sportsman with his net. The only mode of entrance is by separating the two halves of the cabin from each other. These receptacles are usually situated round the upper part of a raised mount. On the outside of each there is a trained pigeon tied by the leg, and near at hand stands an attendant with another trained bird, tied in like manner to the end of a very long line, which is suffered to fly out to the whole extent of the string, the other end being held by the man. The pigeon thus describes a considerable circle in the air round the mount beneath. The flight of this bird, and the constant cooing of those below, attract a number of wild pigeons to the neighbourhood, when the man by checking the string calls in his pigeon, which immediately perches upon his finger. He then conceals himself with the other attendants, in a sort of alcove at the top of the mount. The wild pigeons now approaching the tame ones, are caught in the nets by the dexterous management of the sportsmen.
Alo, catching Bonito. This is performed by a line and hook affixed to a long bamboo, and is so placed that the line falls very near the stern of the canoe, and the hook just touches the surface of the water, upon which it skims along as the canoe proceeds with velocity. The hook is not barbed, and there is no bait attached to it. The moment the fish is hooked, the fisherman, by a dexterous turn of the rod, gives the line a sweep round, and the fish swings into his hand.
The drawings from Labillardiere’s account of the voyage of D’Entrecasteaux show some very neat fish hooks with tufts of feathers worked into the hook to make an artificial lure. See illustration.
Tolo, throwing up a heavy spear, with intent that it shall fall on, and stick into the top of a piece of soft wood fixed on the end of a post. There are generally six or eight players on each side, and whichever party in three throws sticks in most spears wins the game. The post is about five or six feet high, and the surface of the soft wood is about nine inches in diameter. The thrower may stand at what distance he pleases.
Fanifo, swimming in the surf. This bold and manly exercise has been well described by Cook, as seen by him at the Hawaiian Islands; but the natives of Tonga use no board.
Fangatua, wrestling; fetakai, club-fighting; fuhu, boxing; toutakao, a general boxing match, already described.
Lafo, or pitching beans upon a mat, with endeavors to strike off others that have been pitched there before.
Taupapa, or throwing false spears at one another, to practice the eye in avoiding them.
They have a sport, the name of which I have forgotten; but it consists in carrying a large stone under water ten feet deep, from one post to another, at the distance of seventy yards; the party carries the stone running along the bottom. The difficulty is to pursue a straight course. A person may thus run twice as fast as another can swim. [The name of this sport which Mariner did not recall is kavasaki,]
Matua, This game is somewhat similar to liagi, but there is not discussion about the: moves. It is usually practiced by the lower orders.
Hiko, throwing up balls, five in number, discharging them from the left hand, catching them in the right, and transferring them to the left again, and so on in constant succession, keeping always four balls in the air at once. This is usually practiced by women. They recite verses at the same time, each ejaculation from the right to the left hand being coincident with the cadence of the verse. For every verse that she finishes without missing she counts one. Sometimes seven or eight play alternately.
Hapo: This is a game similar to cup and ball, and is also practiced by women only.
The natives very often amuse themselves with these games. When any dispute arises in their play, the women decide it by spinning a coconut, and the men by a wrestling-match. As to a serious quarrel from this source. I never witnessed one during the whole time I was there. Conversation with people who have travelled is another great source of amusement to them. They are very fond of tales and anecdotes, and there are many individuals who are tolerable skillful in inventing these things, which are then mostly of a burlesque or humorous tendency, but always given as fables. The kind of conversation which appears to afford them most pleasure is, concerning the manners and customs of the people of Papalangi, as being not only strange and wonderful, but also true! They employ themselves in conversation, not only at any time during the day, but also at night. If one wakes, and is not disposed to go to sleep again, he wakens his neighbour to have some talk. By and by, perhaps, they are all roused, and join in the conversation. Sometimes two or three, at other times thirty or forty, may be sleeping in the same house.
It sometimes happens that the chief has ordered his cooks, in the evening, to bake a pig, or some fish, and bring it in hot in the middle of the night, with some yams. In this case the torches are lighted, and they all get up to eat their share after which they retire to their mats; the torches are put out; some go to sleep, and others, perhaps, talk till daylight. The first appearance of day is the time of rising. They then get up, wrap their ngatus round them, and go out to bathe either in the sea or in a pond; or, if neither is at hand, they have water poured over them out of coconut shells. They are very particular in cleaning their mouths, and frequently rub their teeth either with coconut husk or charcoal. They dry themselves with a piece of ngatu, wrap their dress loosely round them, return to their houses, and oil themselves all over, generally with oil scented with the aroma of flowers; great chiefs frequently use sandalwood oil. When bathing, they either wear an apron of ngatu, or of the leaves of the si tree. When they have bathed and oiled themselves, they put on their dress with all possible neatness. That of the men consists but of one piece of ngatu, measuring about eight feet by five or six; this is folded round the body in a very neat manner. There are two or three modes, but the one which is considered the most elegant, and therefore the most usual among chiefs, is represented in the etching of myself so dressed. That part which circles round the waist is readily loosened, and brought over the head and shoulders, in case it should be necessary to go out at night. There is a band which goes round the body just above the hips, made also of ngatu, but which is, for the most part, concealed by the folds that go round the waist. There is some little difference in the way in which females adjust their ngatus, but the chief distinction of their dress is a small mat, which they wear round the middle, and is about a foot in breadth. It would be considered highly indecorous for the females to appear without this mat. Pregnant women, and old women, wear their dress in front so as to cover the breasts. Children are not encumbered with dress when at home till they are about two years old. When they go out, they have a piece of ngatu wrapped round them.
Having bathed, oiled, and dressed themselves, the chiefs hold kava parties, at which women seldom attend, for, as they are no great kava drinkers, they generally form a circle of their own, and eat a meal; they take kava, however, at the same time, in a small quantity; while the men, on the contrary, take a large quantity of kava, and most of them very little food, as they generally eat a hearty meal about the middle of the day. The morning kava party usually lasts from two to five hours, according to the pleasure of the chiefs. After kava, the old men generally retire to their houses to sleep, or to amuse themselves with further conversation. The younger ones follow the example or wishes of their superior chiefs, and make an excursion with them to some distant part of the island. While an entertainment is preparing for them at the plantation of some friend or relation, they amuse themselves at some game, or, perhaps, in inspecting the building of a canoe, or a large house, or examining the state of the plantations; or in sailing about, if near the sea, or in fishing; or in practising dancing and singing. In these excursions the unmarried women generally accompany them. The married women, and those who choose to stay at the mu’a, in the meantime employ themselves in one or other of the occupations suitable to their sex, or, if their husbands make an excursion to another island, they usually take a trip with them. The very young girls are generally employed in the early part of the day in making wreaths of flowers, which they have been out to gather in the morning before sunrise, while the dew was yet on them; for, being plucked at that time, they remain longer fresh.
About midday it is usual to have another meal, when the chiefs receive a number of presents, of different kinds of provisions, from their dependants or friends, which the matapules share out. In the afternoon some again join in conversation, others go out shooting rats, etc. In the evening they have dancing and singing, which is often continued till very late at night, on which occasion they burn torches, each being held by a female domestic, who, after a time, is relieved by another. These dances are generally kept up for about four hours after dark. When no dances are proposed, they retire to rest at sunset, after bathing and oiling themselves. It cannot be strictly said that they have any fixed times for meals, though it generally happens to be in the morning, about noon, and again in the evening; but it depends greatly upon how the chiefs are occupied, or what presents have been made to them. It frequently happens that several presents come at the same time from different quarters; then they have a feast. Whatever they have, whether much or little, it is always shared out to all present, each having a portion according to his rank. Strangers and females generally obtain somewhat more than is due to their rank. Those who get more than they want never fail to supply others who have not enough. Selfishness is a very rare quality among them. If a man has a piece of yam, though it be not enough for a meal, he will readily give half away to anyone who may want it; and if anybody else comes afterwards in like need, with the greatest good nature he will give half the remainder; scarcely saving himself any, though he may be very hungry.
If, during the day, a chief, matapule, or mua, but particularly a chief, finds himself fatigued with walking, or any other exercise, he lies down, and some of his attendants come and perform one of the three following operations upon him, namely: tukituki mili, or fota, i.e. being gently beaten upon, or having the skin rubbed, or having it compressed. These several operations are generally performed about the feet and legs; the first by constant and gentle beating with the fist; the second by rubbing with the palm of the hand; and the last by compressing or grasping the integuments with the fingers and thumb. They all serve to relieve pain, general lassitude, and fatigue; they are mostly performed by the wives or domestics of the party, and it is certain that they give very great ease, producing a soothing effect upon the system, and lulling to sleep. Headache is found to be greatly relieved by compressing the skin of the forehead and scalp in general. Sometimes, when a man is much fatigued, he will lie on the ground while three or four little children ramble upon him all over; and the relief which this operation gives is very great.
Such is the history of the politics, religion, and knowledge; and the manners, customs, and habits of the people of the Tonga Islands; and all that remains now to be done is to furnish an account of their language. For this purpose I have constructed a grammar and dictionary, or, at least, an extensive vocabulary, which contains, it is presumed, more than eight-tenths of the genuine Tonga words, accentuated as they are pronounced by chiefs and those who think it an honor to speak correctly. The greater part of those words which are omitted are such as may be termed technical, belonging to their arts, and which, therefore, are easily forgotten, as expressing objects and actions which I am no longer accustomed to. At the same time it must be confessed that there are a few other objects which are more familiar, but of which, also, by an unaccountable lapse of memory, the Tongan is forgotten; among these I may mention the rainbow, the word for which I have in vain endeavored to recover. These are imperfections to which all human endeavors are liable. If it be asked what is the use to us of a grammar and dictionary of the language of an uncivilized people, with whom cultivated nations have so little concern, the answer is, that as the structure of their speech forms part of the history of the human mind, it may be found in some degree interesting to the philologist, and still more so to the philosopher.
The grammar and dictionary that Mr. William Mariner prepared after his return to London with the assistance of Dr. John Martin can be found in the second volume of their published book: An Account of The Natives of The Tonga Islands. in The South Pacific, with An Original Grammar and Vocabulary of Their Language.
Dr. Martin and Mr. Mariner worked together and established between themselves a phonetic system for recording and spelling the Tongan words as spoken by Mariner. Together they prepared the first Tongan-English and English-Tongan dictionary as well as the first description of Tongan grammar. Working as they did from such a distance and from memory alone, it is remarkable that their system differs little from that in current use, and the differences are matters of easy translation. Phonetics is a matter of an individual’s hearing and is not easily settled upon. Mariner’s orthography has substantial validity and it is possible that some words are not spoken today as they were in 1806.
Mariner used the double o, oo, to express the sound as it is heard in the word, taboo; in current Tongan practice, the letter, u, is used. The sound of, b, in taboo in Tonga is a sound halfway between the sounds of, b, and, p. Currently the p is used, but Mariner used the b. Thus in Mariner’s system the word, taboo, was spelled as we currently spell it in English; but in modern Tonga it is spelled, tapu. Mariner used the letter, c, for the sound heard in the English word, cat; whereas modern Tongan uses only the letter, k. The letters, b, c, d, j, q, r, w, x, y, and z, are not used at all in the present-day alphabet for Tongan words.
The symbol, ‘, is not a punctuation mark, but indicates the sound of a short glottal hesitation in speech. It only occurs before a vowel. This sound is heard when one properly says, “Hawai’i,” wherein the two i’s are separated by this speech pattern. In Hawai’i this symbol is called, ‘okina; in Tonga it is called, fakau’a. Mariner did not identify this sound.