FOOTNOTES

*1. Throughout this book, I will refer to this religion as both Santería and the Lucumí faith. The term Santería, which translates as “worship of the saints,” is actually a misnomer. Slave traders and masters applied this term in distaste for how the Africans seemingly worshiped and revered the holy Catholic saints over God himself. In truth, the Catholic saints are not worshiped in this religion, although they do have the adherents’ reverence for helping to save the worship of orishas from extinction. Many believers, however, retain their Catholic ties to some degree, using the term Santería for their beliefs affectionately. When I use Santería, I use it with this same affectionate spirit, and not as the slur that white and Hispanic slavers intended.

*2. The Catholic baptism is becoming a dying practice among the new generation of Lucumí priests. In the days before the faith came to the United States, not only would the initiate be baptized in the church before the weeklong consecration as an orisha priest or priestess, but also, after the consecration was completed, the godparent would take the iyawó (the “bride,” or new initiate) into a church so he or she could pay homage to the saints who helped save the faith from extinction. At this time, the iyawó would light a candle for the saints and pray while the godparent explained which orisha’s worship was hidden behind that persona’s face.

†3. This fear for loss of the slaves’ newfound religious freedom gave birth to the ironclad tradition of Lucumí secrecy. To survive, we had to hide. This, fortunately, is something we no longer endure.

*4. By reciting these lineages, Lucumí priests and priestesses can determine their relationships to each other within the religion. It is said that although our ranks increase geometrically, someone will “know someone who knows someone” or we will discover a common spiritual ancestor. Religiously, it is a very small world! Unfortunately, because of the politics behind the slave trade, not many initiates today can trace their lineage more than one or two generations into Africa. This, one day, might be an exciting area of research for someone with more time on his or her hands than myself.

†5. The godparent gives each priest or priestess who works at a iyawó’s initiation an envelope with a small derecho (the sacred fee for the energy they bring). Before the godparent hands out this envelope, however, each working priest or priestess is required to sign the initiate’s libreta, including the oriaté (an expert in Lucumí rituals). Therefore, if there are no signatures, there is no proof of initiation.

*6. I have put this information here for a very specific reason; once, someone very close and dear to me was defrauded of money by a priest who was, quite simply, a fake. Although the amount of money she paid for useless ritual services was minimal, the repercussions this event caused in my own family were irreparable. Forewarned is forearmed. Note that there is another way to verify the legitimacy of a santero’s orishas: If the asiento is done correctly and properly, a special piece is included with each orisha’s diloggún. The revelation of the identity of this special piece, however, is not to be found in this book.

†7. To honor our history in Cuba, some ilé ocha still require baptism as a Catholic before the reception of the elekes. This, again, is a dying practice among Lucumí adherents.

‡8. The concept of a guardian or crowning orisha is central to the Lucumí faith. It is believed that each person is ruled by one orisha, and when the ritual of asiento is given, that one spirit is put to the initiate’s head and is worn, briefly, as a crown. Afterward, the initiate becomes a iyawó (bride) of that spirit and is properly initiated into the mysteries.

*9. Aborishas, adherents who are not priests or priestesses, try to visit the godparent weekly to bring offerings to the godparent’s crowning orisha. If the guardian orisha of the aborisha is known, weekly worship of that spirit takes place in the godparent’s home as well.

*10. My information on the history of the religion and our oracle, the diloggún, is based on the oral history of my elders. In places, this information might differ from the scant documentation left by historians. Remembering that all history is written by the victors, in spite of what may exist in official documentation, I trust the oral version of these histories more than the written record. It is left up to the reader to do his or her own research among both written scholars and oral versions remaining in his or her own line of the religion. Somewhere between the two, perhaps the truth will be found.

*11. The Spanish word matanza translates to “slaughter” or “carnage.” Many credit the naming of this part of Cuba, Matanzas, to the number of slaves put to death there.

†12. When Octavio Sama moved to Havana in the late 1920s, he took the secrets for the direct crowning of Aganyú with him. It is believed that Mama Monserrate did not continue the custom of directly crowning with Aganyú in Matanzas, because no other priest or priestess of Aganyú was made by her hands during her lifetime. Most of the remaining Aganyú initiations done in Matanzas after Mama Monserrate’s death were performed via Oshún oro Aganyú.

‡13. Another ancestor of note is Eduardo Salako, who lived and died in Matanzas. While he had little to do with the structure of the diloggún (the focus of this book), Salako, under Mama Monserrate, became a major architect of many of our religious practices. He was a member of the Lucumí Society in Matanzas, which, we believe, owes it existence to the work of Monserrate as well.

§14. Nicolas Angarica was born sometime in 1901. His date of death is unknown to us; however, Manual del Orihate was published in 1952, and we know Angarica was not alive at that time.

*15. Timotea Albear married Bernabe Menocal, a famous babalawo, and moved to Havana; there, she was regarded as the first great Havana oriaté. She died sometime in 1935. Her children, and her children’s children, still practice the religion; some migrated to the States in the early 1950s.

†16. Note that while Albear’s contributions to Lucumí liturgy were phenomenal, she was by no means the only influential oriaté initiated and tutored by the prolific Octavio Sama. Others who came along from Octavio’s work include Tomas Romero, Liberato Valdez, and Nicolas Angarica, among others less noted.

‡17. Though I am not able to retain a copy of Ferminita’s libretas myself, I have been given several opportunities to read and study her writings. They are an unmatched contribution to our religious practices.

*18. In Lucumí worship, to properly learn the oracle one must undergo an apprenticeship with a competent italero or a period of study with an oriaté. Books such as this one are valuable guides and study texts for the casting of diloggún, yet they cannot replace the intimate environment provided by a novice-elder relationship.

†19. Not all diviners agree with this setup. No matter how the working area is prepared, at the very least the jícara of water, the shells, and the ibó are necessary. The rest of the elements laid out depends on the diviner’s beliefs and preferences.

*20. Eshu Laroye is one of the many avatars of Elegguá. Many orishas have different avatars, also known as paths. The avatars are related to the orishas’ many incarnations on the earth; many orishas have spent mortal lives among humans. One of the mysteries of the asiento is that when an aleyo is crowned and becomes a iyawó, in some ways he or she also becomes an avatar of the guardian orisha. Only those avatars of significant religious, historical, or political importance are remembered specifically and become paths of that orisha. Note that while many specific avatars are agreed upon by most believers, the subject itself is one of considerable debate among the more knowledgeable ilé ocha.

*21. Elelegba is a Lucumí contraction that means “the dead priests and priestesses of Elegguá.” To describe the priests and priestesses of the other orishas, use with the orisha’s name the prefix ol (for a name beginning with a vowel) or olo (for a name beginning with a consonant). Examples: olobatalá, oloshún, oloshangó, oloyá, oloyemayá, ologún, olochosi. In the case of the orishas who are not crowned on the head but are given oro in santo (crowned through the ritual of another orisha), the prefix omo is used, with a hyphen. Examples: omo-Ibeyi, omo-Ainá, omo-Inle, and so on.

*22. Note that while all eight ibó are standard among diviners, there are variations as to how one employs these tools. Divination with cowries is a learned skill with specific rules; however, many priests and priestesses employ their own artistic flourishes when utilizing the eight ibó. That is why, before marking anything with the shells, one identifies the positive and negative symbols to the orisha with the initial prayer described. By doing this, there is never any confusion among the diviner, the orisha, or the client’s orí.

*23. Some diviners will, toward the end of a session, allow the client to ask secret questions of the oracle. To do so, a diviner will place the two ibó reverently in the client’s hands and allow him to whisper his concerns to the orishas (having first instructed the client that only questions with yes or no answers are appropriate). Once finished, the client returns the symbols to the diviner so he may touch them to the diloggún and complete the process.

*24. Two special notes concerning the hands during this process: First, the right hand is considered younger than the left hand. This serves as a good device for remembering the hand to be chosen. Second, an answer found in the left hand not only is stronger but also will be made more immediately manifest than if it were found in the right hand. An iré marked in the left hand is a good blessing; if an osogbo is marked in the left hand, we say that the curse is already upon this person.

*25. If the otá is found in the chosen hand, the answer to “Iré ni?” is no; the odu comes with misfortunes. When this happens, one begins the process for extracting the exact misfortune predicted. For this procedure, turn to “When the Reading Opens in Osogbo”.

*26. When the diviner cannot mark a specific iré, the odu promises a blessing, but the blessing is not specified. When this happens, the diviner continues his questioning of the oracle as if it has fallen in an osogbo. Immediately, he begins the process of extracting an ebó to harmonize the client with the odu. For this procedure, turn to “Marking the Eboses, or Remedies of Odu”.

†27. An additional note: The spirits of ará onú do not include “familiar spirits” or those types of spirits seated in the nganga (pot or cauldron) of the palero (there are odu that point out the workings of these types of beings). Any spirit tied or bound to any object or any place cannot be said to exist in heaven. They are earthbound spirits and can bring few blessings on their own.

*28. An untimely death, not death itself, is a curse. Realize that not everyone comes into the world with the promise of a long, full life. Some agree before Olódumare (God) to be born and die young, just as some agree to hard, meaningless lives. Destiny is a personal thing, and it is never easy to divine. While it is possible to extend one’s destiny and grow beyond what one was promised in heaven, this is not the only goal of divination. The ability to change one’s destiny is an exception, not a rule. What is promised is that each of us, if we listen to the orisha’s advice and make ebó, will live the full amount of time that we were granted by Olódumare before our descent to earth. And if a hard life is our lot, to some degree that, too, can be lessened. Those who truly live and grow while working through their destiny can have their burden in life lessened and enjoy more than what was originally bargained for in heaven.

*29. If there are no priests or priestesses present at the reading other than the diviner, he does not ask this question.

*30. Note that not all diviners employ the art of storytelling in their craft. Unfortunately, the recitation of these patakís during the divination process is a dying custom among priests. It is, in my opinion, one that should be thoroughly revived, for it is through these stories that one learns about the orishas in this religion.

*31. If the prescribed larishe was igboro larishe (which means the remedy will come from an initiate at the mat), now the initiates present may begin to advise the client based not only on their own experiences with the odu, but also on the eboses they might have done in the past to help appease the letter that fell. This conversation begins with the eldest head present and continues until everyone who desires to speak has had a chance. The advice given by the initiates is noted in the reading’s record.

†32. Many diviners will repeat the questioning that begins with “Larishe si?” only one additional time during the course of a session. If two larishes have been marked and still the odu refuses closure, they turn to the many eboses contained in the open odu. In our house, however, we let the oracle take us through this phase of questioning as many times as it will allow. In this manner, we feel, the orisha’s diloggún is allowed to speak, marking only those things that are truly essential to the client’s evolution. This point, however, cannot be argued; each diviner must do what he or she feels is proper.

*33. Godparents should always be in attendance at a godchild’s diloggún session. If they cannot go, a stand-in should be appointed.

†34. The odu are living organisms of energy, and if the client has the name and numbers of an odu in his possession, he can unwittingly call that energy to himself again and again, creating devolution instead of evolution. Once the eboses for a letter are done, the client should no longer dwell upon the odu that opened. There are two exceptions to this rule: the reading of itá and the reading of the head. Itá, given when a client makes ocha and becomes a iyawó, will affect this person for life; the letters revealed at itá mark and mold his destiny. The reading of the head is like an itá for an aleyo or aborisha: It is the main energy pattern that rules his life until ocha is made.

*35. When this odu opened, the diviner folded up the derecho, crossed himself, and returned it to the client. In Irosun Ogbe, the diviner may not charge the client for the reading, nor may he charge for the work he does in performing prescribed eboses. All his work must be done for free, with the client providing only the material for the ebó. Many diviners have become unscrupulous in their manipulations of Irosun Ogbe, delivering the many eboses that can be marked in this sign as advice instead of actual ebó. In this way, they feel they can get around the prohibition of not charging for their work. This is an unethical practice among santeros, and to my knowledge all who do this lose many times more than they gain financially when the orishas later prescribe outrageously expensive eboses for the simplest of their own problems brought to the diloggún.

*36. While egun are not orishas, many of the orishas were once egun. That is, some orishas lived mortal lives and died. For this reason, one’s egun have the option to speak in many odu. One should keep in mind, however, that the egun are not orishas, and not all orishas have been egun.

*37. Ócháni Lele, The Secrets of Afro-Cuban Divination: How to Cast the Diloggún, the Oracle of the Orishas (Rochester, Vt.: Destiny Books, 2000), 56.

†38. Awó Fá’Lokun Fatunmbi, Awó: Ifá and the Theology of Orisha Divination (New York: Original Publications, 1992), 129–30.

*39. These cleansings and eboses are necessary so that only the client will face what his odu brings. Remember: All those present for a reading are affected, temporarily, by the odu opened. At the mat, it enfolds them all with its energies.

*40. Many consider it foolish to read odu for a client more than once every three months; some diviners make their clients wait six months before they may be seen again. Initiations are potent, powerful milestones in one’s life; do not give them haphazardly but at specific points in a client’s evolution. In this way, initiations can make the monumental changes for which they are meant. In casting diloggún and prescribing ebó, remember one important rule: Less is always more.

*41. The seeds themselves make a wonderful adimú to egun, who may also need propitiation in this family of odu. Save them in a small bowl, and put the seeds to the bóveda (the altar set up to honor and propitiate egun) after the tower is presented to Aganyú.

*42. If the guardian orishas of the children are not known, these rogaciónes may be done at the feet of Obatalá.

†43. Note that many old libretas have said that the true secret of this odu is to present a rooster to Elegguá, ask for the opposite of what one desires, and then take away that rooster, so that Elegguá is not fed at all. Therefore, in anger Elegguá will make sure the client does not receive what he asked for. This is dangerous, and those who have given an ebó to Elegguá in such a manner have seen their lives fall apart, ruined beyond belief. It’s true that they received the opposite of what they asked for. However, Elegguá is an orisha and knows what lies in our hearts. To deceive him is to deceive ourselves, and Elegguá will find a way to get the sacrifice that was denied, and more.

*44. Consider the reception of Yewá only if the client’s life represents the fullest and harshest osogbo of Okana. Yewá is a severe spirit, making the most dramatic changes and demands in one’s life.

*45. The protocol for giving drums to the spirits is that one must give a drum to one’s godparent’s guardian orisha (from whom one’s spiritual consciousness was born) before playing a drum for any of one’s own orishas.

*46. Okana Ejioko can also mark the need for an aborisha to attend a tambor given by another initiate. If this sign refuses closure, this prescription may be made.

*47. The Lucumí mass involves the use of espiritistas, who extract from egun their wishes and advice for the supplicant.

*48. If the odu comes in a severe osogbo and will not close, Ogún may *The Lucumí mass involves the use of espiritistas, who extract from be demanding that all should be cleansed to him as well. This is the egun their wishes and advice for the supplicant. exception, and not the rule.

*49. In both cases, proper medical and supportive care must be sought out as well, for while Oshún removes the spiritual causes of disease in this sign, the body and mind will need professional care to support the healing processes invoked.

*50. A rogación known as sodidé (a Lucumí word meaning “to arise”) should be performed for the client if the osogbo is severe. Sodidé not only cleanses one’s head but also elevates one’s soul. To give a rogación sodidé, the priest begins at the feet, not the head, and works upward to the head. In the odu Okana, a rogación sodidé should always be given at the shrine of either Obatalá or the guardian orisha.

†51. Again, if the osogbo of 1-6 is severe, perform the rogación sodidé to elevate each child’s soul.

*52. Like Eleggua, Yemaya has many avatars. Asesu is one of them.

*53. If this ebó is prescribed for a client who likes to fish and eat fish, prohibit the act of fishing and the consumption of fish for three months. If this reading is an itá, this prohibition might become necessary for life.

*54. Eji Ogbe (eight mouths) was the first odu born; it is said to stand in the east.

*55. Awó Fá’Lokun Fatunmbi, Awó: Ifá and the Theology of Orisha Divination (New York: Original Publications, 1992), 6.

†56. Fatunmbi, Awó, 131.

*57. Ócháni Lele, The Secrets of Afro-Cuban Divination: How to Cast the Diloggún, the Oracle of the Orishas (Rochester, Vt.: Destiny Books, 2000), 74–75.

*58. The usual elekes ceremony calls only for the necklaces of Obatalá, Yemayá, Oshún, and Shangó. When the elekes are prescribed through the odu Eji Oko, however, Ochosi’s eleke is given as well. For now, he acts as the client’s guide to evolution.

*59. Only orishas considered royalty, such as Shangó, Yemayá, Oshún, Obatalá, Oyá, and Elegguá, may wear crowns. If the client’s guardian orisha is not royalty, do not ask this question.

*60. Even if the client has received Elegguá, he may not make this ebó to him. It must go to Eshu in the street.

†61. If the client has received Elegguá, this sacrifice is made to his own Elegguá.

*62. Initiates do not normally receive the shells of Ogun when making ocha; these are given at a separate time, usually after the year and seven days of white are complete. The reception of Ogun’s shells bestows upon the initiate the right to sacrifice feathered animals. He may, however, kill only those animals whose life can be taken quickly with his bare hands.

*63. When treating illness, there are two types of interventions—medical and surgical. Medical interventions are based on drugs and lifestyle changes, while surgical interventions rely on the mechanical resectioning of diseased tissues. When Ogundá comes, it emphasizes the need for medical over surgical interventions when possible.

*64. If a dog is found wandering in the street, feed this meat to him.

*65. Not all ramas of ocha (spiritual lines) give a stone for Ochosi in Ogún’s cauldron. Ochosi is a separate orisha that must be received after the ocha ceremony. However, a single stone washed for this orisha does have aché. Some lines give only a crossbow and arrow to symbolize the pact between Ogún and Ochosi to work together. It is only one of the minor differences among the different ramas of ocha.

*66. Because one’s head belongs to an orisha (and probably not to the one to whom the bath is consecrated), it must be protected from the initial pouring of water. One must never pour a spiritual bath over the head. However, if the head becomes wet later during the cleansing process, that is fine; it will refresh the orí.

*67. Ócháni Lele, The Secrets of Afro-Cuban Divination: How to Cast the Diloggún, the Oracle of the Orishas (Rochester, Vt.: Destiny Books, 2000), 290.

*68. Most ilé ocha give a special children’s party in honor of the Ibeyi after their birth; others save this tradition for use only as ebó. The preferences of one’s godparents should be obeyed when these two orishas are received.

*69. The traditional Yoruba recipe for this adimú is given.

*70. If a bajado has been done for the client, or a planté (life reading) with Ifá, the client salutes his guardian orisha. If this information is not known, the client salutes Obatalá, because he owns all heads, even though not all heads are destined for his priesthood.

*71. If Oché comes in a severe osogbo for a woman, the diviner should question her about possible past abortions. Those who use abortions in lieu of birth control anger Oshún, and serious ebó is needed to overcome her anger.

*72. In our house, the one at the mat may initiate children of the other orishas and still give the orisha for whom Oché Meji fell.

*73. If this reading is an itá with Yemayá and Inle’s reception is marked for the initiate, hereafter Inle must always sit at Yemayá’s feet.

*74. Awó Fá’Lokun Fatunmbi, Awó: Ifá and the Theology of Orisha Divination (New York: Original Publications, 1992), 136–37.

*75. If a composite odu of Obara marks kofá for a woman who has never had a reading or who has not had a bajado, she could be Shangó’s daughter. Since Obatalá and Shangó are always close, Obatalá offers his protection as well.

*76. If Obara Ogundá comes for an initiate of Shangó during an itá in either Elegguá or Shangó, or for an initiate of Ogún during an itá in either Elegguá or Ogún, this ebó must be done every year on the initiate’s birthday.

*77. Óchani Lele, The Secrets of Afro-Cuban Divination: How to Cast the Diloggún, the Oracle of the Orishas (Rochester, Vt.: Destiny Books, 2000), 185–86.

*78. Some say Odí is so vast that no gesture is capable of encapsulating its mystery. For this reason, many associate no pantomime with its opening.

*79. Note that a protocol exists between Orisha Oko and Korikoto. While those who do not have Korikoto may receive Orisha Oko, those who do not have Orisha Oko may not receive Korikoto. If the odu marks iré elese Korikoto, the client must receive Orisha Oko first. Only after his reception may the client receive Korikoto.

*80. Okra is not native to American shores; it was brought over by slaves as they were forced to endure the Middle Passage. The seeds were smuggled onto the ships by a small group of African women; they hid the seeds in their hair, and if the traders saw them, they thought it was only “dirt” embedded in their curls. Once these women were in the New World, they planted the seeds of the okra to remind them of their native lands, and okra soon became an important element in many eboses to the orishas, especially Shangó, Aganyú, and egun. It also became a staple food in the Americas; whenever one eats okra or uses it in a recipe, it is available only because of the ancestors.

*81. These eboses for Yemayá should be discarded in the ocean. If the ocean is not nearby, any large body of water will do.

*82. Author’s note: I myself do not follow this custom, yet it is so prevalent that it is worth explaining. As always, one must follow the customs of one’s house.

†83. For a iyawó, this sign hints that he was born on a good Friday or during a solar or lunar eclipse. If this is true for the iyawó, he is destined for great things.

‡84. Keep in mind that life itself is often thought of as a marketplace. In an osogbo of ano or ikú, Oyá’s children are in danger. If Oyá’s diloggún is being consulted and gives Odí Meji during an itá, it is always a warning against lies, false love, and adultery.

§85. There is another version of this story in which Odí was the woman who faked her own death. Even though Odí tried to disguise herself, her son recognized her by her long, extravagantly painted nails. Those who tell this version of the story prohibit women from growing their nails long and painting them.

*86. Awó Fa’Lokun Fatunmbi, Awó: Ifá and the Theology of Orisha Divination (New York: Original Publications, 1992), 138.

*87. Although it is said that in certain situations one should not make ocha, such as if one is elderly or chronically ill/weakened, this odu in iré demands that the client go through initiation in time. If the guardian orisha is too strong for the weakened head to receive, the client should be crowned with Obatalá and the true guardian orisha will step down to become the complementary mother or father of the iyawó.

*88. This ebó works only in this odu, as Elegguá owns all wind instruments and would take this ebó as an offense at any other time! If this is marked in itá for Elegguá, it is a powerful spell that the iyawó may do whenever he is in dire need.

*89. Some houses make the mistake of giving a tiger skin to Shangó when this odu falls, and this is a big mistake! The tiger is of Indian origin, not African. The ancient Yoruba knew nothing about this animal and would never have offered it to Shangó.

*90. Note that there are those who attribute the birth of marriage to the odu Odí Obara (7-6). Yet because Olokun and Orisha Oko were married in this letter (some say Yemayá and Orisha Oko), many attribute marriage to this pattern as well. As always, one should check the customs and beliefs of one’s elders when exploring religious dogma.

*91. Note that if the reception of an orisha is marked and the godparent does not have that orisha, the initiate needing that spirit must pay two derechos: one for the godparent to receive the orisha and one so he can receive it himself.

*92. William Bascom, Ifá Divination: Communication between Gods and Men in West Africa (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991).

*93. Having offered this ebó, the client is now prohibited ever to wear black again unless he is making this ebó.

*94. When santo lavado is given, the guardian orisha is given to the head but not into the head. This is a mystery that can be done only when ocha is made. The spirit, however, will want to be inside the client’s head, and unless Obatalá, who is the owner of all heads, is also given and first put to the head, the guardian orisha’s desire will cause problems for the client. At the very least, the guardian orisha’s desire to make ocha will be overwhelming. At its most dangerous level, the guardian orisha can cause overwhelming mental disturbances. Obatalá will ensure that only iré, and not osogbo, comes from the reception of the parent.

*95. For more information on how this religious misconception arose, see the description of the composite odu Ogbe Osá. Knowledge of the patakís told there is essential to understanding how the erroneous belief in a war between Yemayá and Oyá arose; it is also essential to understanding the true reason why priests of one orisha cannot initiate children of the other.

*96. Óchani Lele, The Secrets of Afro-Cuban Divination: How to Cast the Diloggún, the Oracle of the Orishas (Rochester, Vt.: Destiny Books, 2000), 233.

*97. Unless the client is an initiate or an aborisha who has been involved in this religion for quite some time, the diviner should not consider this option when divining with the diloggún. While iré ashegunota can bring vast blessings, it creates too many issues for an aleyo who is new to the religion or a casual client who does not wish to go deeply into our mysteries. Remember: An aleyo is a client with nothing of ocha. Often, an aleyo will not have the loyalty, love, or respect for this religion that an aborisha or initiate would have; to put such sacred objects into the hands of such a person can bring more harm than good.

*98. In Osá, the diviner should try to mark the disposal of the rogación in a place representative of Osá’s energy, such as a cemetery, flea market, outdoor fruit stand, mall, carnival, or a place of commerce or quick change. For orí, the diviner should try to mark the disposal of eborí in a place representative of the client’s guardian orisha, such as the woods for Obatalá, the river for Oshún, or the sea for Yemayá. Places that tend to absorb negativity—hospitals, nursing homes, police stations, trash receptacles—are also beneficial for the disposal of eborí.

*99. This adimú is also a staple for one’s egun.

*100. Another option is for the godparent to receive Orisha Oko immediately. With his reception, he should have several elekes already prepared to wash with this orisha. This way, no one but the godparent has to touch the client’s head.

*101. If the italero is also tata nkisi, during the course of this reading he may make definitive judgments on the client’s need for rayado or a nganga. If the italero is not a tata nkisi, he may only suggest these as options flagged by odu, and he should have the client consult with a tata as soon as possible on these matters.

†102. While many priests in this religion feel that there is animosity between Yemayá and Oyá, this is not true; the misunderstanding arises from Oyá’s betrayal by the ram in Ogbe Osá;.

*103. The rogación uses nine items sacred to Obatalá; nine items are used because Osá Meji marks nine in its eboses. However, Obatalá’s sacred number is eight, and so eight items are used in the white bath to provide the client with more of Obatalá’s cool, forgiving essence. Still, nine of these baths should be taken, one every morning after a rogación.

*104. Note that if the godparent does not have Babaluaiye, he must find an initiate who does to give this necklace. Additionally, this marks the godparent for this orisha’s reception, as the godchild may not possess an aché that the godfather does not.

*105. If the client does not have a bóveda or an opá ikú, he must have these prepared for him by his godparent.

*106. Through Osá one of the initiate’s godchildren can be marked for ocha, and this might be the reason his own guardian orisha is standing up for a crown. If the diviner wants to pursue this, he should try to mark one of the heads of those who are already in the client’s ilé. The person marked is said to have a mazo thrown over his neck.

*107. The seriousness of iré dedewan t’Olokun in the family of Ofún arises from the unfinished business between the babalawos and Olokun in the odu Ofún Ogbe. See for an explanation of what happened in 1958 when this odu opened as the letter of the year for Cuba.

*108. Note that the composite opened will give clues as to what type of spirit this is. If the omo odu speaks heavily about the faith Palo Mayombe, the entity guiding the client could be a Congolese spirit. Also, the secondary letter that modifies Ofún will give clues as to this spirit’s nature. For example, if iré elese ará onú opens for the sign Ofún Oché (10-5), the diviner may assume that this spirit has qualities similar to those of the orisha Oshún. If Ofún Ejila opens, the spirit could have qualities similar to those of Elegguá. And in the case of Ofún Ogbe, an elevated spirit sharing Obatalá’s nature could be close to this person.

*109. If the odu is marked for a volatile iré in Ofún, that source is equally strong. Spiritually, the client must brace himself for the worst before the best will come.

*110. Obatalá’s number for ebó is eight; however, one placates not only him but also Ofún with this ebó. Therefore, ten meringues are made and presented to the orisha for his blessing before administering the bath.

*111. Note that if the tambor is marked during a iyawó’s itá through either Elegguá or the orisha of the head, that client is marked to play to all his orishas in time. Also, proper protocol must be followed in giving this ebó: The godparent’s orisha (from whom the iyawó’s head is born) must be given a drum before the client can play for his own orishas.

*112. Note that because the client brought Ofún Merinla to the diviner’s home, he must pay for the priest to make this ebó; until it is done, the diviner can do nothing for the client. Also, if the diviner does not make ebó for the client, the law will not come.

*113. Awó Fá’Lokun Fatunmbi, Awó: Ifá and the Theology of Orisha Divination (Bronx, N.Y.: Original Publications, 1992), 144.

†114. Author’s note: Because of the syncretism of Babaluaiye with the Catholic saint Lazarus (the poor man from the parable of the rich man and the poor man), many associate leprosy with Babaluaiye. In truth, leprosy is a scourge of Orisha Oko, who suffered as a leper while living among mortals. Babaluaiye was afflicted with smallpox, and he spread this disease around the globe when humans and orishas made fun of him. From this disease he received one of his many names: Sòpònná (the Yoruba word, and spelling, for smallpox). While Babaluaiye can be associated with leprosy because he has aché over all skin afflictions, he was never a leper.

‡115. Fatunmbi, Awó, 141.

*116. Fatunmbi, Awó, 142.

†117. For this reason, this chapter does not deal with any composites beyond Owani Ejila. These signs contain too many variables with which a book of this scope cannot deal. Only training with an elder oriaté will give the initiate the skills necessary to manipulate these composite odu.

*118. The diviner is cautioned to not read for anyone else that day until after he has read for himself; the eboses prescribed in his own reading will serve to remove all harm that the volatile energies these last four composite odu can bring.

*119. The initiate will have already received Elegguá. However, through Owani, Elegguá might stand up to demand that the initiate receive a new Eshu. If this is the case, as part of the ebó the diviner must mark the path of Eshu to be received.

*120. If one could not change one’s destiny or environment, there would be no need for an oracle such as this. Always, the diloggún is a tool for transformation, and even those who are hopeless have hope when they come to the orishas for help.

†121. Remember: While all the odu of itá are important, three signs outweigh all the rest. The first is Elegguá’s odu. The second is the guardian orisha’s odu. The third consists of Elegguá’s first letter (this becomes the parent odu of the client’s destiny) paired with the first letter of the guardian orisha’s odu (this becomes the omo odu of the client’s destiny). For example, 6-2 in Elegguá and 5-8 in the guardian orisha equates to the iyawó being born under 6-5.

*122. Note that adolescents and prepubescent children who come under Owani’s influence are marked for poltergeist phenomena. These intrusions come from not only spirits but also the child’s innate psychic powers. Puberty is a time for physical, emotional, and spiritual development. The vast reservoir of energy in this child will attract many foreign spirits, some malefic. The diviner must deal with these as they occur; he should make sure the child has adequate spiritual and emotional support. Many children outgrow these powers, but if they can be contained and controlled, they can be maintained, usefully, into adulthood.

*123. Keep in mind, always, these two proverbs for Owani: “When water is carried in a basket, it drips between the reeds” and “Water cannot be carried in a basket.” Baskets are an important part of ebó to any orisha in this family of odu. One gives the orisha the basket so that the client does not carry empty baskets, or baskets with holes, in his life.

*124. This sacrifice may be prescribed for an aborisha as well, but only as a last resort.

*125. If this ebó is offered to the godparent’s warriors, do not include the godparent’s Ósun in the ebó. Ósun is a personal symbol and works only for its owner.

†126. In some lines of Lucumí it is customary to give a light brown otá to Ogún’s cauldron to represent Ochosi as he walks with Ogún. In this case, the two pigeons for Ogún are shared with Ochosi’s otá as well. If no otá is present for Ochosi, feed the crossbow and arrow that represent Ochosi with Ogún’s otá.

*127. Many taboos accompany the wearing of elekes or carrying of any charm of the orishas. One must not go to bars or “seedy” places while they are in one’s possession. One should not drink or take illegal intoxicants while wearing them. Nor should one wear them when engaging in sexual activity or during one’s menses. After sex or after the menses, one should shower or bathe before wearing them again. One must observe proper legal, ethical, and moral conduct when wearing or carrying anything of ocha.

*128. An acquaintance of mine, the late Dr. Mary Curry (ibaé), assured me of this: In Lagos, Nigeria, it is now the custom of many Yoruba cowrie shell diviners to read composite odu as they are read in Ifá. While some say it is the Lucumí influence that caused this development (Dr. Curry’s own godfather moved to Lagos for business reasons almost twenty years ago and began working the religion there in the Lucumí style), others say that it was brought about by the inevitable evolution of orisha worship. Dr. Curry told me that her godfather found this composite divination style already in place when he moved to Lagos, and while he shared Lucumí doctrine and methods with some of his friends there, they, in turn, shared their methods and information with him.

†129. In most areas of Nigeria, the names of the parent odu are similar to those of our diloggún. In his works, William Bascom documents, to the best of his ability, minor regional variations, some of which carried over to Cuba. Realize, however, that many credit these variations to poor scholarship on the part of Bascom and one of his research subjects, Salako.

‡130. Our sister religion in Brazil, Candomblé, evolved in a similar fashion to Lucumí, without Cuban intervention. There, Ifá disappeared entirely; there were no babalawos, and many said that Orúnmila fled the nation for his home, Nigeria. The Candomblé system of divination, known as los buzios, evolved to include composite odu similar to that of the diloggún.

ß131. By now, the reader should have realized that in my writings, I identify a santero without the skill of an oriaté as an italero. Some believe the titles of italero and oriaté to be interchangeable, but I have been taught that an italero is a diviner without the skills of an oriaté. It is the italero that this book aspires to inform. Therefore, it teaches all composites from Okana through Owani, plus those numerical composites Owani Okana (11-1) through Owani Ejila (11-12) and Ejila Okana (12-1) through Ejila Meji (12-12).

*132. It is important to note that in Cuba and the United States, Opira is recognized as an odu, and a powerful one. The oriaté, however, is the only priest who has both the knowledge and the skill to manipulate this sign. Therefore, it is not covered in this book.

†133. Although this patakís is well known in the Lucumí religion, no one can offer any evidence that it existed across the Atlantic, among the Yoruba. Perhaps it is one of the stories born from our own religious evolution. It is true, however, that the Yoruba believed Orúnmila and Yemayá were married; their marriage, however, did not last long. The story of Yemayá’s usage of Orúnmila’s opele was adapted into the diloggún from Cuban Ifá, so perhaps it was conceived by babalawos to explain why an orisha priest should not divine beyond Ejila Shebora.

*134. It is important to make this saraeko if Ejila Shebora falls as an orisha’s birth odu cast after lavatorio (the single “birth cry” given by an orisha when born, consisting of a single cast of the diloggún). The spirit just born has come to fight a war, and this war will get hot. Always, it is better to drown than to burn!

†135. For this reason this chapter does not deal with any composites beyond Ejila Meji. These signs contain too many variables with which a book of this scope cannot deal. Only training with an elder oriaté will give the initiate the skills necessary to manipulate these odu.

‡136. The diviner is cautioned not to read for anyone else that day until after he has read for himself; the eboses prescribed in his own reading will serve to remove all harm that the volatile energies from these last four letters can bring.

§137. Awó Fá’Lokun Fatunmbi, Awó: Ifá and the Theology of Orisha Divination (Bronx, N.Y.: Original Publications, 1992), 142.

*138. Fatunmbi, Awó, 143.

*139. If the client has an otá de muerto, the diviner feeds it with the tree and the staff and makes sure that the client’s shadow falls on it during the sacrifice. The client takes the otá home with him as well.

*140. When a volcano erupts at midday, the atmospheric currents gather fine ash, spreading it thickly and blotting out the sun. This is volcanic night; and it is born here of Aganyú and Oyá’s union.

†141. Oyá shares her nine colors with her sister, Ayao, and her children, egun; but here she and Aganyú made the pact to use all nine together as well.

*142. If the client is an aleyo and the diviner exhausts the options for eboses under the parent odu, the diviner may then question the reception of Iroko.