Introduction

Southern, Feminist, Queer: The Archive of Southern Lesbian Feminism

The genesis for The Lesbian South came in 2009, when I was reading a book of essays by Jane Rule. Rule explained why she moved from mainstream presses to feminist presses: “They have a growing network of bookstores all over North America, … they often sell large numbers of books through direct mail order, and their customers are people for whom books are important sources of nourishment.”1 Fed up with mainstream publishers, Rule decided to publish with “Naiad, a lesbian/feminist press in the States, run by Barbara Grier, whom I’ve known for twenty years.”2 Despite the press’s challenges, including amateurish book covers, Rule felt comfortable with Naiad because they were committed to selling books over time and making “a living for themselves and their writers.”3

Naiad books were a ubiquitous presence in gay bookstores when I came out. I still own the movie tie-in edition of Jane Rule’s Desert of the Heart—a subtle novel adapted into a spectacularly trashy movie in the 1980s. I had never thought about Naiad Press in any sustained way, other than with slight embarrassment, but it suddenly occurred to me: Naiad Press had been based in Tallahassee, Florida. This meant that the largest lesbian press in the United States had been located in the South. No one, as far as I could tell, had ever remarked on the press’s location, however. Making sense of that fact led, circuitously, to this book.

In some sense, though, I have been preparing to write this book for decades. My parents moved to Atlanta in 1989. I wandered into Charis Books, one of the oldest feminist bookstores in the country, by accident; my parents lived close by. Just one look at the Naiad paperbacks and crystals let me know that I had hit the jackpot. Whenever I visited Atlanta from then on, I would go to Charis. I was something of a gay bookstore connoisseur, so I noticed that Charis had books I had never seen anywhere else. Southern gay culture, I was learning, was both distinctive and fascinating. That early exposure to gay southern culture was excellent preparation for my campus visit to the University of Mississippi in 2003. Oxford, Mississippi felt right to me from my very first visit; I still remember having lunch at the now-defunct Downtown Grill (whose executive chef would become my partner twelve years later), looking out at the courthouse, and suddenly realizing that was where Benjy went the wrong way around the Square (in Faulkner’s The Sound and the Fury). And I was hooked. Despite my friends’ surprise, I was all in, ready to immerse myself in southern gay culture.

During my first semester, which was unsettling at best, I read John Howard’s Men Like That and discovered a vast, hidden network of queer southerners in places ranging from state rest stops to gay bars in Jackson, Mississippi. Howard queered the entire landscape of my new home, showing me gay Mississippi authors (including Hubert Creekmore from Water Valley, where I currently reside), ancient murder scandals, and a Mississippi Civil Rights leader caught red-handed in a gay bar. He gave me language to understand the strange “open secret” of queer acceptance in Mississippi: a tolerance for gay family members and friends that far surpassed that of the Mormon culture from which I sprang, a code of silence preventing anyone from actually calling those friends and family “gay,” and a total disconnect between the kind behavior of individuals and the homophobic voting patterns of the state as a whole (Mississippi, for example, passed its anti–gay marriage constitutional amendment in 2004 with an 88 percent majority). Howard made the point that what mattered in Mississippi was not if you were gay but if you were known. In small local communities, gay Mississippians, embedded in webs of kinship and friendship, lived quite comfortably, in a completely different pattern from the out gay neighborhoods of urban queers. National gay magazines frame queer life as a binary: out, liberated gays in urban areas in the North and West and oppressed, closeted queers in a homophobic South. But there is often a third way, one that Howard first articulated for me: “They were aware but rather chose to ignore.”4 I have lived in John Howard’s Mississippi ever since, and it has been as charming and welcoming as the man himself.

Naiad Press got me thinking differently about gay southern culture, however. Naiad Press marketed itself as “the biggest lesbian press in the world”; it was out, in the classic gay liberation sense of the word. Was this an aberration or a larger movement? That question led me to memoirs and bibliographies, used bookstores and interlibrary loans, archives and periodicals and unpublished dissertations, as I discovered a network of southern lesbian feminists who created a radical literary tradition. Southern lesbian feminist writers worked within a revolution in print culture known as the women in print (WIP) movement. Anchored in small feminist presses, feminist periodicals, and feminist bookstores, WIP distrusted mainstream publishing and felt that only an autonomous publishing system could allow women to build an authentic women’s culture. Feminist reading and writing communities welcomed and nurtured lesbian writers in unprecedented ways by providing a broader base of readership and promotion.

Southern writers, editors, and publishers were key players in this movement. Adopted southerner Barbara Grier ran Naiad Press. Daughters, Inc., one of the most prestigious women’s presses, was founded by Texan June Arnold and published Rita Mae Brown, Blanche McCrary Boyd, and Bertha Harris (from Florida, South Carolina, and North Carolina, respectively). Feminist collectives published numerous periodicals in the South, notably Charlotte’s Sinister Wisdom and Durham’s Feminary. These print venues nurtured southern lesbian feminist writers including Minnie Bruce Pratt, Ann Allen Shockley, Alice Walker, Mab Segrest, and Cris South. These writers published not only in southern outlets but also in national feminist publications and presses like off our backs, Ms. magazine, and Firebrand Books; they also attended national conferences and participated in feminist retreats across the country. Even southern lesbian writers only tenuously connected to the feminist movement, like Fannie Flagg, or overtly hostile to it, like Florence King, participated in and benefitted from the publishing possibilities that emerged from WIP. The emergence of a Dorothy Allison would have been impossible without the feminist print culture that nurtured her.

The Lesbian South constructs a genealogy of southern lesbian feminism, from its origins in pre-Stonewall lesbian publishing, through lesbian feminist print culture, to its legacies and aftermaths. It explores the archive of southern lesbian feminism, one deeply engaged with radical politics, queer sexuality, and liberatory space. In its analysis, The Lesbian South intervenes in three key critical traditions: southern studies, feminist history and theory, and queer theory. Recognizing the network of southern lesbian feminist writers challenges the narrative and theoretical concerns of each scholarly movement. Below, I discuss the relationship of The Lesbian South with southern studies, feminist history, lesbian feminism, and queer theory to frame the arguments and conversations of this book.

Southern Literature and the Lure of Southern Essentialism

Southern literature has always been a fraught specialty. The idea of southern exceptionalism was essential to the Confederacy’s defense of slavery, and that legacy haunts most invocations of “southern,” in literature as elsewhere. Michael Kreyling argues that southern literature was a politically inflected canon that disavowed its own investment in politics. The Southern Agrarians touted the South’s “organic integrity,”5 grounded in “a few universal, transcendent propositions: community, tradition, nature, and God woven over time into a ‘metaphysical dream.’ ”6 This idyllic construction of the community and honor of the South depended on a willful ignorance of the specifics of the real violence, rape, theft, and terrorism inherent in the plantation system, and the transmutation of that system into Jim Crow and the tenant farming system.

Whatever complexities the Southern Agrarians brought to political discourse (Martyn Bone, for example, argues that the Southern Agrarians offered a more complicated version of the South than the nostalgic “moonlight and magnolia” version of nineteenth-century regionalists7), southern literary critics preferred an “enhanced but essential South”8 that obscured the material conditions and noxious racial politics of its creation. Kreyling explains that “asymmetrical shapes of historical experience were converted to myth.”9 African American writers were largely excluded from this mythic tradition, as were other writers of color, white women writers, and queer writers, whose “perverse” interests were seen as antithetical to the traditional, heterosexual community of the South. Joel Peckham argued in 2013, for example, that “[Minnie Bruce] Pratt’s open lesbianism may have made her somewhat of a third rail to Southern scholars—not only because speaking about lesbianism in the context of Southern literature might be unsettling to traditional conceptions of the region, or because by being designated as lesbian she has been set apart, but also because openly lesbian Southern writers like Rita Mae Brown or Dorothy Allison seem a ‘new’ phenomenon, unprecedented, ahistorical.”10

The particularly southern construction of the literary has undergone extensive critique over the last several decades. Most recently, that critique has coalesced under the “new southern studies,” which, Leigh Anne Duck argues, seeks “more interesting ways to explore how region is produced, imagined and experienced and how cultural forms move, interact, and develop.”11 For Duck, the South is “a mutable space, with its unfixed, porous borders and widely diverse residents—many of whom maintain strong attachments to other places,” rather than “a thickly meaningful and binding regional culture.”12 New southern studies is interdisciplinary, transnational, and deeply suspicious of fixed geographical or identity categories. Transnational work has been particularly important, framing qualities understood as uniquely southern within larger networks and traditions, including plantation culture. Annette Trefzer’s and Kathryn McKee’s special issue of American Literature, “The Global South,” and Jon Smith and Deborah Cohn’s edited collection Look Away! The U.S. South in New World Studies are two examples from transnational southern studies.13

Given the ideological roots of “the South” and southern literature’s ability to incorporate African American and white women writers without transforming its essentialist paradigm,14 some critics have argued that invoking “the South” at all is to embrace an irredeemable term of chauvinism.15 In her essay “Southern Nonidentity,” Duck notes that the particular history of racial segregation in conceptions of the southern regional identity raise a “concern as to whether the concept of ‘Southern identity’ might be inherently treacherous.”16 Of course, it is true, as Duck argues, that “in articulating identity, [scholars] uncover nonidentity: members of a purported or even self-proclaimed group who lack shared characteristics, individuals who do not identify with the beliefs and behaviors they reveal to the public, and even persons with identical belief systems signifying diametrically opposed psychological dynamics.”17 And it is also true that cultural others sometimes accessed political power by forging coalitions with white supremacists.

Avoiding southern as a term of analysis, however, doesn’t prevent it from functioning as a disciplinary tool. Scholars have been contesting the meaning of southernness, notably in recent investigations of black southern identity. The notion of diaspora allows a broader investigation of southernness by including expatriate black southerners, and their descendants, as an essential part of the southern African American experience. Thadious Davis’s 2011 Southscapes, for example, investigates “the South” with African American experience at the center without eliding the realities of racial apartheid and racial terror.18 This broad interest in the particularities of black southern identity is apparent in the work of other scholars as well.19 Critiquing the ideological problems of the South as a raced and classed term doesn’t prevent these scholars from redefining and using the term in their own analyses.

Similarly, queer studies scholars construct subversive versions of the South. Books by Gary Richards, Michael Bibler, Scott Herring, E. Patrick Johnson, and Mary Gray20 challenge the metronormativity of queer studies in its oversight of southern and rural experience. That focus continues to complicate the popular view of the South as a site of abjection for racial and sexual minorities, detailing histories of resistance and reconstruction.

As part of this larger revisionist body of work, I have made southern a key term of analysis in The Lesbian South. That doesn’t mean, however, that the particular writers I investigate all had the same understanding of or investment in southernness. Florence King and Blanche McCrary Boyd had a conservative, nostalgic notion of the South; even self-proclaimed radical Rita Mae Brown often shows evidence of the lure of concepts like honor and community as unchanging southern virtues. Some identified the South with political radicalism, not political conservatism (as I discuss in chapter 2). Alice Walker identifies only with black southern culture, rejecting the white South. For some, being southern inspired their radicalism and their lesbianism; for others, southernnness was an obstacle to both. Fannie Flagg and Dorothy Allison made southern identity primary to their personas, and for others, it was secondary. Some performed stereotypic southernness for cultural cachet; Rita Mae Brown, for example, used her southernness to buttress her poor, working-class credentials. For Dorothy Allison, southernness communicated her cultural outsiderness and allowed her to embody nonassimilation. To complicate things even further, some writers in this study embody contradictory relationships to southernness simultaneously.

These differences make a coherent definition of the South impossible to posit. Rather than adjudicating between these multiple positions, I represent each writer’s perspective as I discuss her work, without taking sides about the “right” way to do southern identity or southern literature. Chapters 2, 3, and 4, however, articulate how the archive of southern lesbian feminism challenges and reimagines three common claims about the “essential South.” Where the Fugitives positived a conservative, traditional South, southern lesbian feminists created a radical South; where the Fugitives embraced a normative view of family, southern lesbian feminists embraced transgressive sexuality; where the Fugitives celebrated a “sense of place”—a mystical connection to an unchanging landscape—southern lesbian feminists viewed space as malleable and changeable. The themes of chapters 2, 3, and 4—radical politics, queer sexuality, queer space—point to a distinctive recalibration of southern letters and southern identity that the archive of southern lesbian feminism accomplished. That collective synthesis is The Lesbian South’s contribution to the larger scholarly conversation about the meaning of the South. In The Lesbian South, “southern” includes expatriates, carpetbaggers, scalawags, outside agitators, race traitors, queers, and the nonwhite southerners who are so consistently erased from prescriptive notions of southern identity. Diasporic southerners are part of the story, as are immigrant southerners, whether they come from the Midwest, New York, or California; Barbara Grier’s role in shaping popular notions of lesbian literature, especially through the Tallahassee-based Naiad Press, makes her an essential part of the story of The Lesbian South. One can be southern and many other things—Latina, African American, Midwestern, queer, radical—and the subjects of The Lesbian South complicate southern identity in multiple ways. Yet for most of the writers discussed in this book, southern identity remained an important term of self-identification, one which they used to connect with each other. Struggling against the implicit racism, classism, and small-mindedness of their southern inheritance was a quixotic and generative gesture; the archive of southern lesbian feminism was invested in creating a South that was radical, queer, and free, even as some of its writers were simultaneously drawn to its reactionary pull. Such contradictions made this literary movement dynamic, flawed, and interesting.

The southern lesbian feminists of this study understood that simply dropping the term southern, or absenting oneself from the South, doesn’t erase its ideological power. Deconstructing it doesn’t take away its affective power, either, as Scott Romine argues.21 Instead, the archive of southern lesbian feminism created alternative myths to counteract the “enhanced but essential South” of an emerging southern literature. The creation of a South grounded in different ideologies and notions of power, one in which “radical,” “queer,” and “southern” are not mutually exclusive, is the most lasting legacy of southern lesbian feminist writers, in their explorations of radical politics, transgressive sexuality, and queer space.

Women’s Liberation and the Historicizing of Feminist History

Like southern, feminist is a term fraught with ideological weight. Unlike southern, feminist is generally not used with nostalgia and longing. How we have historicized women’s liberation, and how that narrative continues to inform, and misinform, our understanding of it, is a story of competing narratives and self-interested selection. Clare Hemmings’s Why Stories Matter is an excellent dissection of the three mutually exclusive narratives we share about feminism: progress (away from essentialism and toward deconstruction), return (to the politically invested feminism of old), or loss (of the commitment and unity of early feminism).22 Of these, the progress narrative is by far the most common: women’s liberation was middle-class, essentialist, and ignorant of race and class issues, and only later did larger questions of diversity—most recently, trans identity—become important in feminism. Only the rise of critiques of lesbians and women of color, and then critiques of the nature of identity itself, saved feminism from its own racist and essentialist origins.

Hemmings analyzes how these narratives of feminism make their own perspective logical and the rest unsupportable. She also suggests the consequences of such metanarratives—they oversimplify, erase, and sometimes falsify the complex and multiple movements all competing under the moniker “women’s liberation”: “Implicitly or explicitly, too, each decade is understood to house particular schools of thought and particular theorists, irrespective of whether or not their work spans much longer periods.… Whether positively or negatively inflected, the chronology remains the same, the decades overburdened yet curiously flattened, despite each story’s unique truth claims.”23 The full complexity of women’s liberation, then, is elided in all these narratives.

The problem of seeing feminism as dominated by discrete “waves” is a problem of “generational logic,” as Jack Halberstam defines it. When Susan Faludi used a mother-daughter metaphor to describe the relationships of older and younger feminists (and the young’s lack of respect for their foremothers), Halberstam questioned this insistence on placing feminism in discrete generations. “Faludi,” Halberstam argued, “ignored the many challenges made to generational logics within a recent wave of queer theory on temporality.… Theorists … have elaborated more mobile notions of intergenerational exchange, arguing that the old does not always have to give way for the new, the new does not have to completely break with the old, and that these waves of influence need not be thought of always and only as parental.”24 It is a testament to the lure of such generational narratives, however, that Halberstam, on the very next page, branded Faludi “out of date”25 compared to her own version of “gaga” feminism that was, she maintained, more fun and relevant to the young folks at the conference.

I thoroughly agree with both Hemmings and Halberstam that we need to complicate our temporal narratives of progress and remember that gender variance, pop culture interventions, “what if” musings, and deconstructionist performativity were a strand of women’s liberation from its earliest incarnations. Hemmings’s insistence on complexity and simultaneity came through an encounter with the archive:

My own entry into this project arose partly from the experience of disjuncture between the linear stories told about the recent past of Western feminist theory and my encounters with multiple feminisms and feminist debates through this forty-to-fifty-year period. I still remember my surprise when I first visited a feminist archive, perused newsletters and magazines from activist groups, and realized that discussions about sadomasochism in the lesbian community had been raging long before the sex wars and that black feminist and transnational critique had been a consistent component of feminist theory, rather than one initiated in the late 1970s or 1980s.26

Any trip to the archive, any perusal of a periodical from the time itself (as opposed to books about a particular era) yields similar complications and surprises. Many topics we consider contemporary concerns in feminism—such as intersectionality, polyamory, and transnationalism—were debated from the earliest days of the movement. Women’s liberation was a combative, simultaneous, and complicated braid of multiple conversations, movements, and manifestos.

Poet Minnie Bruce Pratt expressed something similar in an oral history interview:

I think it’s important, again, that Southern experiences of things not being so split up. So, for instance, when I went to the great Southeast Lesbian Conference in Atlanta in 1975, … we went to one of the theaters in the Little Five Points area—don’t remember which one. There were about 300 lesbians in this theater.

Before the entertainment started, we were all singing, “I’ve been cheated, been mistreated, when will I be loved.” And then the entertainment was the Dykes of the American Revolution, the DAR. They identified themselves as a socialist feminist group, right? And the people in this group did a drag show.… It was a lesbian feminist drag show with a butch and a femme.… Um, the concept of butch and femme was floating around. I knew, for instance, when I got together with Cris, that I was getting together with a butch, you know. She was all butch, comb in her back pocket.27

The simultaneity of this scene violates all the decade-based logic of histories of feminism. The essentialism of an emerging lesbian feminism coexists with “older” butch-femme roles and “anticipatory” work on the performativity of gender—lesbian feminist drag. Camp and humor coexist with serious political critique. The portrait Pratt paints here gets even more complex when you realize that Cris, the butch with a comb in her back pocket, would later come out as a bottom in sadomasochistic (S/M) culture. None of the paradigms Hemmings deconstructs so thoroughly can make sense of the simultaneity of this scene from 1975.

So what is the solution? Hemmings resists writing a counternarrative that “corrects” the oversimplifications, because, as she writes, “I have been persuaded by feminist historiographers’ insistence that which story one tells about the past is always motivated by the position one occupies or wishes to occupy in the present. Since fullness in representations of the past can never be reached, a corrective approach will always be likely to erase the conditions of its own construction, particularly if it purports to be the final word.”28 But what if one doesn’t “erase the conditions of its own construction,” and doesn’t purport to be the final word? Such complicated narratives, carefully delineated and framed, have been emerging over the last decade, along with memoirs and reprints that begin to provide a more nuanced understanding of women’s liberation. Essay collections like Feminist Coalitions and No Permanent Waves emphasize the continuities between our “histories” of feminism and the fact that feminist activism has multiple genealogies, including disarmament and peace activism and other work that isn’t just “women’s issues.”29 Anne M. Valk’s Radical Sisters investigates the many sites of feminist activism in one bounded geographic place in Washington, D.C., including radical feminist groups like the Furies and African American community activism.30 Numerous studies of feminist activism across the South further complicate these simplistic narratives of feminism’s failures.31

The Lesbian South contributes to this larger project of feminist history and genealogy. Through autobiographical framing and contemporary ruminations on the queer South, I make visible the position I occupy, to account for the conditions of this particular historical revision. And, like Hemmings, I make my own disruptive encounter with archives central to my narrative of southern lesbian feminist writers. The “archive” has become a productive site of analysis in queer scholarship, from Ann Cvetcovitch’s An Archive of Feeling to Amy Stone and Jaime Cantrell’s Out of the Closets, into the Archives.32 Scholars’ attempts to broaden what counts as an archive for queer investigation, to include, for example, oral histories, are laudable; they have influenced my decision to call this collective writing tradition the “archive” of southern lesbian feminism. Immersing myself in printed material from the 1970s and 1980s—periodicals, book jacket copy, original book publications, and especially letters, unfinished manuscripts, and other collected material from author archives—helped me to encounter a historical moment in all its complexity, without the mediations of subsequent conventional wisdom or movement history. Book history allowed me to access writers’ understanding of movements and events when women’s liberation wasn’t fixed but was still, in a very real sense, being invented. In The Lesbian South, I try to recapture the sense of experimental possibility in early women’s liberation, its sense of unfixity, possibility, and futurity.

As part of this attempt to immerse myself in that moment of becoming, I decided not to do contemporary interviews with the surviving writers discussed in this study. This is not to say that such interviews cannot be illuminating, as the work of Julie Enszer on Conditions and feminist presses shows.33 Sometimes, however, with the passage of time and subjects’ political evolutions, assessments of their experience and careers now differ significantly from their experience as it happened.34 I wanted to encounter their experience as far from the “settled” narratives of feminist history as possible.

This decision imposed limitations on this study, but it also meant that I discovered networks, alliances, and friendships that I never could have anticipated—not only relationships between the subjects of The Lesbian South, but also connections to other figures and movements that are often seen as totally separate. I looked at their novels, essays, and poetry, read oral histories by Dorothy Allison and Minnie Bruce Pratt, and went through the considerable archival holdings of Naiad Press, Dorothy Allison, Minnie Bruce Pratt, Blanche McCrary Boyd, Mab Segrest, and Catherine Nicholson. I discovered friendships and alliances between many of the figures in this book; southern lesbian feminists, it seems, kept tabs on each other. I also discovered alliances between the archive of southern lesbian feminism and other movements often studied in isolation. As I discuss in chapters 2 and 3, many key figures in what we now call “women of color feminism,” for example, including Barbara Smith and Cherrie Moraga, were closely aligned with southern lesbian feminists like Dorothy Allison and Minnie Bruce Pratt; Moraga was also part of the Barnard Sex Conference that became such a flash point for the lesbian sex wars, even though we usually don’t include women of color in that particular fight. Smith and Moraga were, for a time, a couple, and other feminists of color were also lesbians, enmeshing ethnicity and sexuality in complicated ways that we also simplify in our narratives. The Lesbian South suggests many such intertwining strands between schools of thought and feminist groups that we tend to consider in isolation. While The Lesbian South creates its own limits (with its southern focus and its methodological choices), I hope to gesture toward more complicated webs and more porous boundaries in my own narrative.

Lesbian Feminism and Queer History

In The Lesbian South, I use both lesbian feminist and queer to describe the writers I analyze. Lesbian feminism is a movement with a terrible reputation. Many contemporary feminist historians blame lesbian feminism, and the “women’s culture” it fostered, for the “failure” of feminism.35 Feminists of color criticized lesbian feminists for their separatism and their inadequate attention to issues of race.36 The “sex wars” of the 1980s further destroyed the reputation of lesbian feminists, who rejected butch/femme and S/M lesbians for their “male-identified” and “violent” sexuality; in turn, the activists cast out of the movement criticized prescriptive notions of “women’s sexuality.”37 Queer theorists have rejected lesbian feminism as frumpy, sexphobic, transphobic, and essentialist, the foil to queer theory’s antinormative, radical, and cool rebellion.

I didn’t set out to investigate lesbian feminism, but it was an unavoidable element of the women’s liberation scene when the women in the book were writing and publishing; whether embracing, tolerating, or resisting lesbian feminism, the southern lesbian feminist writers of The Lesbian South produced their work under its shadow. Lesbian feminism informed their publication venues, their themes, their sense of audience, and their sense of identity and purpose. It was the reading and writing community that made them. To understand and reclaim these southern writers, I had to come to terms with lesbian feminism.

When I was coming out in the early 1990s, lesbian feminism was already a throwback, a place where earnest, unfunny politicos lectured you about eating meat and howled at the moon on the winter solstice. I thought I knew what lesbian feminism was. I had read Adrienne Rich’s “Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence”; I had checked out Mary Daly’s Beyond God the Father, which was kept in a locked box at Brigham Young University’s library (and had to be liberated by a disapproving librarian with a secret key); I had browsed Clarissa Pinkola Estés’s Women Who Run with the Wolves at my local lesbian bookstore, before buying Jeannette Winterson’s Written on the Body (featuring a first-person protagonist whose gender is unknown but whose lust for women is lyrical). I wasn’t hostile to lesbian feminism, but I thought it was essentialist and old-fashioned.

When I read Bertha Harris’s introduction to the 1993 reprint of Lover, however, I discovered that there was more to lesbian feminism. Harris mentions many women who influenced her, including Jill Johnston, a dance critic for the Village Voice who came out in the late 1960s and was known as a hilarious provocateur. Nothing in Audre Lorde’s and Adrienne Rich’s beautiful, serious writing prepared me for Johnston’s performance in Town Bloody Hall, a documentary about Norman Mailer’s town hall on feminism in 1971. Johnston was funny and irreverent, reading a stream-of-consciousness manifesto that delighted the audience. And when she ran over time and Mailer tried to muscle her off the stage, she neither acquiesced nor ranted. She laughed at him. Then she rolled around on the stage with two friends and hugged one suggestively right next to the podium, where Mailer tried to introduce the next speaker. I laugh every time I watch that clip of her speech and Mailer’s blustery attempts to regain control of “his” forum. The irreverence of Johnston’s lesbian feminism surprised me.

Lesbian feminism was also intensely sexual. Lesbian feminists were always contrasted negatively with the “sex-positive” feminists of the 1980s and 1990s, which made them, by default, “sex-negative.” But that first generation of lesbian feminists were committed nonmonogamists, perceived as hypersexual, even predatory. As I discuss in chapter 3, transgressive sexuality of all kinds erupts continually in the archive of southern lesbian feminism; it is a discourse that lesbian feminism initially fostered and then could not contain. The term lesbian, in the earliest days of women’s liberation, functioned much as queer functions today—as a radical, disruptive force that claimed a “universalist” critique of existing social structures like the family, and even constructions of gender themselves. As Victoria Hesford suggests in her discussion of Kate Millet, “Lesbianism, for Millett and for others in the early years of the women’s liberation movement, as we have seen, was not necessarily an identity to be celebrated as a thing in itself, nor was it simply an ‘issue’ among others within the larger political project of feminism.… Rather, it was something closer to what we now call queer—a practice of subverting existing social identities and of anticipating future forms of social and sexual life.”38 The “lesbian” in early women’s liberation was a perverse, hypersexualized figure who disrupted the mainstreaming of feminism. Indeed, the lesbian was a nonassimilationist queer before that term even existed. In an age when, as Bonnie Morris argues, the term lesbian seems to be disappearing (as those who in a previous generation might have identified as lesbian are more likely to identify as bisexual, or genderqueer, or transgendered),39 remembering the connection of lesbian to radical political critique, sexual nonconformity, and utopian myth making is more important than ever.

In The Lesbian South, I look at a diverse group of writers for whom lesbian feminism was important to their identities as southern lesbians and to their development as writers. Southerners made a significant contribution to lesbian feminist discourse in the development of the women in print movement (chapter 1) and in the creation of a literary archive involving radical politics (chapter 2), queer sexuality (chapter 3), and the queering of space (chapter 4). Lesbian feminism had a generative role in the distinctively out and queer southern literary tradition investigated in this book. The Lesbian South thus contributes to a more nuanced understanding of lesbian feminism, one that acknowledges its influence on queer theory, recognizes its possibilities as well as its failures, and investigates particular reading and writing communities within lesbian feminism.

Queer genealogical narratives tend to scapegoat lesbian feminism, seeing it as an inferior discourse that gave way to the more sophisticated, transgressive, and transformative potential of queer theory. It is easy to see how destructive and unnecessary those lesbian feminist battles were; it is harder to see how similar infighting continues to circulate in queer theory today. Battles over pinkwashing, homonormativity, and queer history rage at conferences, in print, and in social media.40 Michael Warner, one of the early scholars of queer theory, critiqued this infighting in an op-ed retrospective on queer theory for the Chronicle of Higher Education: “Queer theory in this broader sense now has so many branches, and has developed in so many disciplines, that it resists synthesis. The differences have often enough become bitter, sometimes occasioning the kind of queerer-than-thou competitiveness that is the telltale sign of scarcity in resources and recognition.… And given queer theory’s strong suspicion of any politics of purity, it is ironic that queer theorists can often strike postures of righteous purity in denouncing one another.”41 Obviously, queer theory is more diverse than a few gatekeepers or well-publicized skirmishes. So, too, was lesbian feminism more than its well-documented failures. Moving beyond “queerer-than-thou” dismissals opens up more nuanced considerations of a host of cultural and literary phenomena, including the legacy of lesbian feminism itself. Using lesbian feminist as a descriptive term emphasizes continuities between the lesbian feminist and the queer and complicates, I hope, our more simplistic histories of the movement.

The Lesbian South is informed by the complex field of queer studies, as my subsequent chapters on radical politics, queer sexuality, and queer space demonstrate. It will, I hope, make a contribution to queer studies, grounded as it is in literary criticism, in the particularities of lesbian feminist print culture, and in the diverse range and variety of southern lesbian feminist literary experiments.

The Queer South and the Archive of Southern Lesbian Feminism

What follows is an exploration of the archive of southern lesbian feminism. In chapter 1, “Creating a Southern Lesbian Feminist Culture,” I introduce the main players of this literary movement and their relationship with feminist print culture. The Ladder was an important precursor, as was the rise of pulp paperbacks, which democratized access to literature through alternative distribution systems. The chapter traces the rise of book publishers, periodicals, bookstores, writers, and readers in a print culture network, with a focus on publishers Barbara Grier (the Ladder and Naiad Press) and June Arnold (Daughters, Inc.), the periodicals Amazon Quarterly, Sinister Wisdom, and Feminary, and a host of southern lesbian feminist writers including Bertha Harris, Rita Mae Brown, and Dorothy Allison. It chronicles the invention of a southern lesbian feminist culture through a battle of the literary between the experimental, led by June Arnold, who believed feminist (and lesbian) writing should be dramatically different from the status quo, and the popular, led by Barbara Grier, who embraced feminist and lesbian characters within familiar, accessible forms. The avant-garde/popular debate inspired the diverse literary production of southern lesbian feminists. By telling the story of the women in print movement through a genealogy of southern lesbian feminism, I set up the theoretical and literary investigations of The Lesbian South.

In the next three chapters I consider how this literary tradition engages radicalism, sexuality, and utopian spaces. In chapter 2, “The Radical South,” I explore the engagement of southern lesbian feminists in radical politics and southern identity, with particular attention to the antiracist coalitions that emerged in the 1980s. The South has a long tradition of radical social movements, from Reconstruction to civil rights, but somehow the notion of an innately conservative South never goes away. Southern lesbian feminists were invested in recovering a radical history and creating their own radical legacies. This chapter analyzes the evolving approach to radical politics in the archive of southern lesbian feminism, from the radical poetic experiments of Rita Mae Brown and Pat Parker to intersectional antiracist coalitions like the collectives Conditions (which included Dorothy Allison) and Feminary (which included Cris South, Mab Segrest, and Minnie Bruce Pratt). The chapter analyzes how the archive of southern lesbian feminism created alternative narratives to make the South a hotbed of social and political change.

In chapter 3, “Queer Sexuality and the Lesbian Feminist South,” I explore the central role of transgressive sexuality in the literary creations of southern lesbian feminists—both their embrace of grotesque sexual southernness and their critiques of the intersection of sexuality and power. The South has long been associated with deviant sexuality, most notably with the rise of the southern gothic and its inescapable queerness. This creates an unexpected bridge between the South and queer theory, for which deviance is a site of resistance against the normative. Most southern lesbian feminist writers in this study embraced the southern grotesque as a way to explore a wide range of hitherto unspeakable sexual practices. This chapter investigates the many nonnormative sexualities in the archive of Southern lesbian-feminism, including polyandry, incest, intergenerational sex, and rape.

In chapter 4, “Women’s Space, Queer Space,” I explore the spatial reimaginations of southern lesbian feminists, from communes to queer contact zones. “Sense of place” has often been a traditional way of understanding the distinctiveness of the South, but feminist and queer geographers have shown how space is anything but natural; the organization and imagination of space is deeply implicated in existing power structures and ideologies. This chapter uses geography to reassess the “landyke” movement and its appearance in the archive of southern lesbian feminism, through utopian novels, novels specifically about lesbian communes, and novels that explore reconstructions of space within a larger hegemonic system.

The conclusion considers some of the legacies of this literary and political movement. The rise of megabookstores and ebooks transformed the feminist bookstore–led ecology of the women in print movement, but lesbian writers continue to write. Absent the productive tension of literary, popular, and political within a small-press system, the contemporary scene features underground lesbian presses, self-published lesbian writers, and queer book festivals to create a new system of distribution, one less linked to radical political movements but no less effective as an underground network of the queer South.

In The Lesbian South, I construct a literary history of a group of writers who, when remembered at all, tend to be approached in isolation. These sassy, talented, resourceful, and often hilarious southern lesbian feminists deserve to be remembered as the remarkable tribe they were. I hope I have done them justice in this book. It is part memoir, part literary history and criticism, but it is, finally, a love letter to the South—my South, going on fifteen years now, full of sexual deviants and political radicals, scalawags and carpetbaggers, potheads and drunkards, embracing racial mixing, excess, and unadulterated kindness.