part0004

In December 1945, as Muhammad Ali of the al-Samman clan has told his story, several Egyptian fellahin, including Muhammad Ali himself, were riding their camels near the Jabal al-Tarif, a prominent cliff that flanks the Nile River in Upper Egypt near the modern city of Nag Hammadi. 1 The fellahin hobbled their camels at the foot of the Jabal al-Tarif and proceeded to dig around a large boulder that had fallen onto the talus, the slope of debris against the face of the cliff. They were looking for sabakh, natural fertilizer that may be gathered in such places, but to their surprise they discovered something else: a large storage jar, buried by the boulder, with a bowl sealed on the mouth of the jar as a lid. Muhammad Ali has noted that he paused before removing the lid, since he was concerned that the jar might contain a jinni, or spirit, that could do harm if released from the jar. Yet Muhammad Ali apparently also recalled stories about treasures hidden in the ground in that region, and his love of gold overcame his fear of jinn. As he has reported, he smashed the jar with his mattock, and something golden came out of the jar and disappeared into the air.

What Muhammad Ali saw, we now conclude, was not gold but rather papyrus fragments, golden in color, which were released from the confines of the jar into the sunlight. When he looked inside the jar, he was disappointed that there was no more gold remaining, but he found what scholars judge to be worth more than gold. There, in the jar, was a collection of ancient texts, thirteen codices of what we now call the Nag Hammadi library. 2 All the texts are written in Coptic, a late form of the Egyptian language. Within this small library are most of the gnostic gospels and related texts presented in this volume: the Gospel of Thomas, the Gospel of Philip, the Gospel of Truth, the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit (also known as the Egyptian Gospel), the Secret Book of John, the Secret Book of James, the Book of Thomas, the Dialogue of the Savior, and the Second Discourse of Great Seth.

A few decades earlier, in January 1896, a dealer in manuscripts in Cairo had offered to sell a papyrus codex to a German scholar named Carl Reinhardt. 3 The book, like the dealer, may have come from Akhmim, Egypt, but precisely where the codex was discovered remains uncertain. It may have been buried in a cemetery or somewhere else near Akhmim, if the book’s editor, Carl Schmidt, is correct. Reinhardt bought the codex in Cairo and took it to Berlin, where it was housed in the Ägyptisches Museum. Today it is frequently called BG 8502, for Codex Berolinensis Gnosticus 8502, or Berlin Gnostic Codex 8502.

Carl Schmidt was prepared to publish this papyrus book in 1912, but curses fit for the legendary stories of Egyptian magic began to afflict the lives of those working on the codex. A water pipe burst at the print shop in Leipzig and destroyed the pages being prepared for publication. World War I broke out and delayed the publication of the book. Carl Schmidt died. World War II further hindered the book’s appearance. And the Nag Hammadi library was discovered in 1945 and distracted scholars from their work on the Berlin codex. At last, in 1955, Walter C. Till, who assumed editorial responsibility for the Berlin codex after the death of Carl Schmidt, saw the German critical edition of BG 8502 through the press, and finally the book was made available.

Within Berlin Gnostic Codex 8502 are four texts, also written in Coptic. The first text is the incomplete but fascinating Gospel of Mary, which is included in this volume. The other texts are the Secret Book of John (the shorter version), the Wisdom of Jesus Christ (also found in the Nag Hammadi library), and the Act of Peter (compare the Acts of Peter). 4

Other ancient texts have also contributed to the collection of gnostic gospels and related texts presented in this volume. From a rubbish heap at ancient Oxyrhynchus (modern Bahnasa) in Egypt archaeologists have uncovered thousands of papyri, among them Greek fragments of the Gospel of Thomas (Papyrus Oxyrhynchus[P. Oxy.] 1, 654, 655) and the Gospel of Mary (Papyrus Oxyrhynchus [P. Oxy.] 3525 and Papyrus Rylands [P. Ryl.] 463). Within the Refutation of All Heresies of Hippolytus of Rome, scholars have identified quotations from a version of the Gospel of Thomas 5 and long passages from the Book of Baruch, a gnostic text authored by a certain Justin. And in the Acts of John there is a section, termed the Round Dance of the Cross (or, the Hymn of Jesus), that provides a gnostic interpretation of Jesus, the nature of suffering, and the destiny of people.

“Gnosticism” currently is a most compelling and controversial term. The word “gnosticism” was apparently coined in the seventeenth century, and it was employed for anti-Catholic polemical purposes. 6 However, the Greek words gn

sis, “knowledge,” and gn

stikos, “knower” or “gnostic,” were used much earlier. The word gn

sis is a common term in texts from antiquity and late antiquity, and both gn

sis and gn

stikos are found throughout the writings of the heresiologists, who set out to combat and expose as heresy what they perceived to be inappropriate thought and action.

Hence, because of the polemical purposes inherent in most of the discussions of gn

sis, gnostics, and gnosticism, some scholars have recommended that we abandon these terms altogether. Leading the charge in the attack on these terms are Michael A. Williams and Karen L. King, and the arguments of both of these scholars merit serious consideration.

In his book Rethinking “Gnosticism,” Michael Williams argues that he intends to dismantle “a dubious category,” that category being gnosticism itself. Williams surveys a wide variety of attempts on the part of scholars to define and describe gnosticism, and he finds all the attempts to be wanting. “The term ‘gnosticism,’” Williams observes, “has indeed ultimately brought more confusion than clarification.” 7 In the wake of scholarly confusion and obfuscation regarding gnosticism, Williams proposes a new category to replace gnosticism: biblical demiurgical traditions. He writes,

By “demiurgical” traditions I mean all those that ascribe the creation and management of the cosmos to some lower entity or entities, distinct from the highest God. This would include most of ancient Platonism, of course. But if we add the adjective “biblical,” to denote demiurgical traditions that also incorporate or adopt traditions from Jewish or Christian Scripture, the category is narrowed significantly. 8

Karen King, in her book What Is Gnosticism? agrees with Michael Williams that the term “gnosticism” is problematic and may well be set aside, but her approach is somewhat different. King notes problems with definitions in general (“Definitions tend to produce static and reified entities and hide the rhetorical and ideological interests of their fabricators”), 9 but in the case of the term “gnosticism” the problems of definition are compounded. The term “gnosticism” and related terms, King states, are only rhetorical constructs used, from the days of the heresiologists to the present, to designate “the other” and to describe it as heresy, and these designations have been shaped by anti-Catholic, anti-Jewish, colonialist, and evolutionary interests. King suggests that we need new and different discussions of gnosticism in our pluralistic and postmodern world:

The analysis I propose here aims to get at practice rather than at origins and essence. It offers no larger connected totality but rather a set of episodes no longer linked in any causal-linear frame of origins and development…. These twenty-first-century historical practices would without doubt result in more than one possible, legitimate narrative of Christianity, based as they would be not only in the different perspectives of scholars and the communities to which they are accountable, but also in different ethical orientations. 10

These thoughtful contributions by Michael Williams and Karen King should make us pause to acknowledge the polemical baggage that accompanies the discussion of gnosticism. After Williams and King, the study of gnosticism must be undertaken with a new perspective, and we are indebted to them for their contributions.

Nevertheless, I remain confident that the terms gn

sis, “gnostic,” and “gnosticism” may still be used in a meaningful way to designate a series of religious movements that have existed since ancient times. After all, the word gn

sis is commonly attested in gnostic and heresiological texts, and heresiological references to such expressions as “falsely so-called knowledge ( gn

sis )” in Irenaeus of Lyon and elsewhere make it clear that a battle was being waged over whose knowledge is true knowledge. The word “gnostic” is also used in heresiological sources, often with polemical intent, as we have seen, but occasionally Irenaeus seems to concede in his work Against Heresies that some of his opponents, particularly Sethians (or, Barbelognostics) and followers of a certain female teacher named Marcellina, referred to themselves as gnostics. 11

If the Sethians, who are represented by at least two texts in this volume (the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit and the Secret Book of John), used “gnostic” as a term of self-designation, this may function as the historical foundation for the legitimate and meaningful use of gn

sis, gnostic, and gnosticism. It turns out that we are in possession of what is a classic text of Sethian gn

sis, the Secret Book of John, 12 and when we identify the leading themes of that text, we may dare to describe them as gnostic themes. Further, since Sethian texts appear to be linked to other texts historically (for example, Valentinian texts) and resemble still other traditions phenomenologically (that is, in terms of themes and characteristics), the term “gnostic” may be extended beyond Sethian texts to Valentinian and other texts. The precise extent to which any particular text reflects gnostic themes and characteristics may be determined through a careful study of the text. 13

From the Secret Book of John, then, I suggest several themes to be indicative of the traits of gnostic religions, and I propose the following description of gnosticism:

Gnosticism is a religious tradition that emphasizes the primary place of gnosis, or mystical knowledge, understood through aspects of wisdom (often personified wisdom) presented in creation stories, particularly stories based on the Genesis accounts, and interpreted by means of a variety of religious and philosophical traditions, including Platonism, in order to proclaim a radically enlightened way and life of knowledge. 14

In this volume, gnostic gospels and related texts are understood to be literary works that fit, to some extent, this description of gnosticism. The extent to which they are gnostic is discussed here in the general Introduction and in the introductions to the individual texts.

Five of the texts included in this volume are explicitly referred to as gospels in the manuscripts themselves. The Gospel of Thomas, the Gospel of Mary, the Gospel of Philip, the Gospel of Truth, and the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit (or the Egyptian Gospel) are called gospels, though the Gospel of Thomas is also identified in its incipit, or opening section, as a collection of “hidden sayings” of Jesus, the Gospel of Truth is so entitled on the basis of its incipit, and the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit is said to be a gospel only secondarily, in a copyist’s note at the conclusion of the text. 15

These five texts are all entitled, in one way or another, gospels, as an indication that they are works of “good news” or “proclamation.” The modern English word “gospel” derives from the Old English “godspel,” a translation of the Latin evangelium and Greek euangelion, “good news.” The earliest known use of the Greek term in early Christian literature is in the writings of Paul. In Galatians 1:11–12 Paul explains the good news or gospel he preaches, and he maintains that it came from a revelation of Christ. Paul’s gospel is the content of Paul’s preaching, and from what he writes elsewhere (for instance, 1 Corinthians 15), his gospel is a gospel of the cross. 16

Of the four New Testament gospels, the Gospel of Mark is almost certainly the earliest composition. It presents the term “gospel” in its incipit (“The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ…”), and from the incipit the term eventually found its way into the later title, the Gospel According to Mark. Since the other two synoptic gospels, 17 Matthew and Luke, depend literarily upon Mark, and there is also some sort of relationship between Mark and John, the term “gospel” eventually was applied to the titles of the other three gospels as well. All four New Testament gospels focus attention upon the crucifixion of Jesus, and in all four gospels the passion narratives are the culmination of the gospel story.

If Paul preached a gospel of the cross, the New Testament gospel authors each composed a gospel of the cross, so that, as one scholarly commentator observed, the New Testament gospels are passion narratives with long introductions. 18

Some scholars have sought to define the Christian genre of gospel exclusively with reference to the New Testament gospels of the cross, but such texts as the gnostic gospels included in this volume indicate that a wider diversity of Christian texts can be called gospels or proclamations of good news. In this volume a collection of sayings of Jesus, a dialogue featuring Mary of Magdala, an anthology of meditations about Jesus and the Christian life, a Christian sermon on salvation through knowledge, and a mythological and mystical handbook on baptism may all equally be called gospels. They are not gospels of the cross, but they are gospels nonetheless, and as Christian gospels they show the rich variety of ways a Christian message can be articulated. There were, and there still are, multiple gospels, multiple proclamations of good news, multiple ways of understanding Jesus.

In addition to the five texts in this volume that are named gospels, seven more texts, not given the title of gospel but similar in content to gnostic gospels, merit inclusion. The Secret Book of John, the classic of Sethian spirituality, was apparently composed as a Jewish gnostic text and subsequently Christianized as a revelation that Jesus taught to his disciple John, son of Zebedee. This text helps to clarify the perspective of the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit, and it has been interpreted by Karen King, in a Society of Biblical Literature presentation, to be understood as the second part of the Gospel of John. 19 The Secret Book of James—that is, of James the righteous, brother of Jesus and leader of the church in Jerusalem—describes itself as a book comparable to other books, perhaps gospel books, attributed to the twelve disciples. The Book of Thomas is closely related to the Gospel of Thomas, as is the Dialogue of the Savior. The Second Discourse of Great Seth is ostensibly an interpretation of gnostic salvation provided by Jesus himself, who utters his message in first-person singular (“I”) about the word, baptism, and the true meaning of the crucifixion. Jesus criticizes those people who (like those who preach a gospel of the cross) “proclaim the doctrine of a dead man”—namely, the crucified Christ—instead of the truth of the living savior. The Book of Baruch, disentangled from the pages of the heresiologist Hippolytus, may be one of the earliest gnostic texts. Its hierarchy of angels seems to anticipate the fuller ranks of angels and powers in texts like the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit and the Secret Book of John, and its plot climaxes in the account of the angel Baruch coming to Jesus of Nazareth, who remains faithful to Baruch and ascends to the Good. Finally, the Round Dance of the Cross, taken from the Acts of John, depicts the liturgical song Jesus taught his disciples in order to explain what suffering is and how to escape it.

The twelve gnostic gospels and related texts in this volume provide a broad spectrum of gnostic perspectives. The texts fall roughly into four groups.

The first group of texts includes the Gospel of Thomas and the other texts in the Thomas tradition, the Book of Thomas and the Dialogue of the Savior. The Gospel of Thomas is a collection of sayings of Jesus that may be compared with the sayings gospel Q 20 and that presents Jesus as a proclaimer of wisdom. Some of the sayings of Jesus in the Gospel of Thomas, like those in Q, may come from the historical Jesus himself, while others are expansions of Jesus traditions. In my opinion, the Gospel of Thomas cannot be called a gnostic text without considerable qualification. I prefer to describe it as a text with an incipient gnostic perspective. The Book of Thomas and the Dialogue of the Savior incorporate some of the sayings materials from the Thomas tradition, and they make use of them in a more gnosticizing manner within a framework that involves the questions and answers characteristic of a dialogue of Jesus with his disciples.

The second group of texts in this volume consists of Sethian texts, particularly the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit and the Secret Book of John. Sethian texts frequently portray the glorious fullness (pl

ma ) of the divine in graphic detail, and they highlight the fall of the divine, through wisdom’s folly, as the source of the creation, fall, and redemption of the world of humankind. Such Sethian texts make good use of the creation accounts in Genesis, and they interpret these creation stories in an innovative fashion and blend their revolutionary interpretations with Greek philosophical ideas. The result is a combination of Jewish and Greek (and especially Platonic) themes. Sethian texts build on reflections upon Seth, son of Adam and Eve, as a paradigmatic human being. In these texts Seth is the primal human being above who reveals saving knowledge below. Where, in the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit and the (slightly Christianized) Secret Book of John, the Sethian message is given as Christian wisdom, Jesus becomes a revealer of knowledge and a manifestation of Seth. The Second Discourse of Great Seth may also be influenced by Sethian ideas (though, conversely, the title may be the most obvious Sethian aspect of the text). 21

The third group of texts published here are Valentinian texts: the Gospel of Truth, the Gospel of Philip, the Secret Book of James, and perhaps the Round Dance of the Cross. Valentinian gnostics were followers of the great teacher Valentinus (ca. 100–ca. 175), an Egyptian convert to Christianity who became a brilliant teacher and author. Valentinus went to Rome, and it is said that he hoped to become bishop of Rome—that is to say, in contemporary terms, the pope of the Christian church. Valentinus himself may well be the author of the Gospel of Truth, and Valentinian meditations on Jesus and Christian wisdom comprise the Gospel of Philip. Valentinian gnostics apparently relied upon insights from New Testament traditions, Thomas materials, and Sethian texts, and they composed gospels, biblical commentaries, letters, and other works. The Valentinians loved pleromatic speculation about the fullness of the divine no less than the Sethians, and they were also able to bring such speculation down to earth to speak to the lives of everyday Christians, as in the Gospel of Truth. 22

Two other texts in this volume form a fourth group, a group of texts that defy classification. The Gospel of Mary is fragmentary and fascinating, and whether it is gnostic is disputed by scholars. It may be assigned an early date, and it follows Mary of Magdala, the disciple close to Jesus, as she reveals her understanding of the meaning and message of Jesus. The Book of Baruch is thoroughly Jewish in its approach to gn

sis, yet it also finds room for Heracles as a prophet from the gentiles and Jesus as the final messenger of Baruch and revealer of the Good.

In the texts in this volume Jesus emerges as a teacher of wisdom and a revealer of knowledge. The figure of Jesus in gnostic gospels and related texts is developed from earlier materials about Jesus, and some of the features of Jesus in gnostic gospels may be linked to the historical Jesus. The historical Jesus, in my understanding, was a Jewish teacher and storyteller, in the tradition of Jewish wisdom, who used parables, aphorisms, and other utterances to tell of God’s presence and God’s reign. The earliest evidence for sayings of Jesus is to be found in Q, the New Testament gospels, and the Gospel of Thomas. Representative of Jewish wisdom, the sayings of Jesus relate well to themes in Jewish wisdom literature; and upon occasion, even in the earliest sources, Jesus is associated with wisdom.

In the Jewish world wisdom frequently refers to the personified wisdom of God: Hokhmah or Sophia. 23 Already in Q there are reflections upon Jesus and personified wisdom. According to the Lukan version of Q 11:49, the wisdom of God offers a saying about those sent forth; in the Matthean version it is Jesus who speaks. Again, according to the Lukan version of Q 7:35, Jesus refers to wisdom being vindicated by her children, John the baptizer and Jesus; in the Matthean version wisdom is vindicated by her deeds. And in Paul, in 1 Corinthians 2, wisdom and the rulers of this aeon are portrayed within the context of true wisdom, which Paul calls the wisdom of God.

Within gnostic gospels and related texts, especially in the Secret Book of John, Sophia plays a prominent role as the personified wisdom of God, but in gnostic texts she is radicalized. In these texts she creates, reveals, falls, and is restored. Divine wisdom saves and is saved, and with her human beings are saved and restored. Yet, whether personified or not, wisdom plays a central role in gnostic accounts of salvation.

In gnostic gospels and related texts, Jesus reveals wisdom and knowledge. What I have written in The Gospel of Thomas about Jesus is applicable to a number of gnostic gospels. In the Gospel of Thomas Jesus performs no physical miracles, he discloses no fulfillment of prophecy, he announces no apocalyptic kingdom that will disrupt the world order, and he dies for no one’s sins. Instead, he reveals wisdom and knowledge so that people may be enlightened. 24

The wisdom and knowledge revealed by Jesus in the gnostic gospels is a mystical knowledge, an insight into the connectedness of Jesus the revealer with those to whom revelation is given, and ultimately the connectedness of the light and life of God with the light and life within people. Because such knowledge is the flash of enlightenment that sheds light on one’s own being, Jesus in the Gospel of Thomas can even be made to deny that he is, properly speaking, a teacher. Jesus in the Gospel of Thomas is “the living Jesus” who lives through his sayings, his words. Nevertheless, Jesus says, “I am not your teacher. Because you have drunk, you have become intoxicated from the bubbling spring that I have tended” (13:5). Jesus is not a teacher in the conventional sense, according to the Gospel of Thomas, because people must come to knowledge themselves. Jesus is more like a bartender, in that he serves the intoxicating drink of knowledge, but people must drink for themselves. 25

Thus, the Gospel of Thomas and other gnostic texts often call upon readers to know themselves. In gnostic texts, unlike gospels of the cross, knowledge is more important than faith, and knowledge of oneself leads to salvation. In the Gospel of Thomas 3:4 Jesus says, “When you know yourselves, then you will be known, and you will understand that you are children of the living father” in the Book of Thomas 138 Thomas himself is described as “one who knows oneself.” The imperative gn

thi sauton, “Know yourself,” was among the Greek inscriptions at the oracular center dedicated to Apollo at Delphi, and this saying is discussed by Plato in Alcibiades I and by Plutarch in his essay On the E at Delphi. The Gospel of Philip also reflects upon this saying (76). In the Secret Book of James, Jesus tells the disciples to know themselves (12), and he adds that they should save themselves (11). For if knowledge in gnostic thought is salvation, then knowing oneself is coming to salvation through oneself. That is the gn

sis of Jesus.

In these gnostic gospels and related texts, the human problem that is addressed is not sin but rather ignorance, and hence Jesus does not save people from their sins but rather communicates knowledge to address human ignorance and bring about enlightenment. People in this world of mortality—this underworld—are confused, and they have grown forgetful, have fallen asleep, have been seduced by the deceptive pleasures and pains of the world. People have become mixed up in this world of death, and they no longer remember who they are: they have forgotten that they are children of the divine, with the light of the divine within. 26 As the Gospel of Mary has Jesus tell the disciples, “There is no such thing as sin, but you create sin when you mingle as in adultery, and this is called sin” (7). In this and other gnostic gospels, people are called upon to recall who they are, open their minds, and think, and in this way they can experience salvation.

This is the good news of the gnostic texts. These gospels are gospels of wisdom, not gospels of the cross; the Jesus of this good news is the source of wisdom and knowledge, not first and foremost the crucified savior; and people come to salvation through insight and creative thought, not primarily through faith.

Elaine Pagels, in Beyond Belief, emphasizes the centrality of such insight and creative thinking in gnostic texts by discussing the role of epinoia, which may be translated “insight,” “afterthought,” “creativity,” or the like, in the Secret Book of John. In the Secret Book of John Jesus reveals the story of epinoia . Jesus describes epinoia personified as an aspect of the divine mind that comes to expression within humankind and enables people to engage in creative thinking, and he interprets the Genesis story of Eve coming out of Adam as the story of epinoia coming to aid humankind. The Secret Book of John reads,

This human—and divine—capacity for thought is what enables people to encounter the wisdom and knowledge of Jesus in an insightful and creative manner.

According to the gnostic gospels and related texts, the knowledge communicated through the sayings of Jesus with his disciples is often explicitly mystical. In the Gospel of Thomas Jesus says, “Whoever drinks from my mouth will become like me; I myself shall become that person, and the hidden things will be revealed to that person” (108). In the Gospel of Philip it is claimed that in the realm of truth “you have seen Christ and have become Christ, you have seen the [father] and will become father” (61), and the person who receives the name of God in the chrism is said no longer to be a Christian “but is Christ” (67). In the Second Discourse of Great Seth, Jesus himself announces, in a word from scripture, “I am in you and you are in me, just as the father is in me <and in> you, with no guile at all” (49–50).

At the same time, the knowledge Jesus communicates in the gnostic gospels and related texts is a knowledge both of what is outside and of what is inside. The more mythological texts included in this volume (for example, the Gospel of Mary, the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit, and the Secret Book of John) provide cosmological speculations on the universe outside us and provocative interpretations of the creation stories of Genesis. These mythological and cosmological passages are reflective of ancient and late antique metaphysics and astronomy, and they describe the nature, origin, and extent of the cosmos in order to explain the place of human beings in the larger scheme of things. While these accounts may present challenges to modern readers, they are not fundamentally different from contemporary metaphysical and astronomical reflections upon the stars, the universe, and the ultimate limit—or limitlessness—of things.

These more mythological gnostic texts discuss cosmic realities outside us, but they may show, simultaneously, an interest in how what is outside may also be within. In the Gospel of Thomas Jesus says that the kingdom is inside and outside (3:3), and the inner may be like the outer and the outer like the inner (22:4). Mary of Magdala recounts her vision in the Gospel of Mary, and it is apparent that the cosmic powers through which the soul must pass on her 28 celestial journey are also the inner dispositions that a person must overcome: darkness, desire, ignorance, wrath. In the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit and the Secret Book of John, the emanations and expressions of the divine One are mental characteristics and capabilities, mind (nous ), forethought (pronoia ), thought (ennoia ), insight (epinoia ), wisdom (sophia ), even mindlessness (aponoia ). Hence, the story of the unfolding of the divine One is as much a story about psychology as it is about mythology and metaphysics. Additionally, in the Gospel of Truth, many of the technical terms commonly used to portray aeons and entities in the realm of divine fullness and characters involved in the story of the cosmic fall (fullness, depth, thought, grace, mind, truth, word, error) are incorporated into a sermon that proclaims salvation and life in the everyday world of Valentinian Christians.

Another Valentinian gospel, the Gospel of Philip, gives a meditation on the outer and the inner. Based on an utterance of Jesus very much like Gospel of Thomas 22:4, this meditation maintains it is actually more fitting to focus attention upon what is within, what is innermost. The world of the pl

ma, the fullness of God, thought by many to be the divine realm above, truly is within. In the words of the Gospel of Philip, “What is innermost is the fullness, and there is nothing further within” (68). If the fullness is within, so, in the Gospel of Thomas, is the kingdom within, or spread out upon the earth, unseen by people (3:3; 113:4), and so also, in the Gospel of Mary, is the child of humankind (or son of man) within. As Jesus says to the disciples in the Gospel of Mary, “Follow that. Those who seek it will find it” (8). 29

The gnostic gospels and related texts may not be gospels of the cross, but the historical tradition of the crucifixion of Jesus does not go completely unnoticed in these texts. How the gnostic gospels deal with the crucifixion, however, is another matter. Some of these texts, like the Gospel of Thomas, pay little or no attention to the cross; the sole reference to the cross in the Gospel of Thomas occurs in saying 55, where the image of one bearing a cross seems to be used in a metaphorical sense.

Other gnostic texts, particularly Valentinian texts, incorporate significant references to the crucifixion of Jesus and reiterate more familiar Christological and soteriological formulations, but they often interpret the crucifixion in a more symbolic fashion. In these texts the emphasis is not upon a doctrine of atonement through the death of Jesus on the cross, and there is no sacrifice of Jesus for the sins of the world. A statement in the Gospel of Truth declares that in reality the crucifixion means the public disclosure of the will of the father and the revelation of the incorruptibility of the savior:

Still other gnostic texts, like the Second Discourse of Great Seth, may deny the reality of the crucifixion of Christ in graphic terms. This text asserts that the true Christ did not suffer at all, for the powers of the world are blind, and they made a mistake. They got the wrong person. As for the living Christ, he himself states, “I was on high, poking fun at all the excesses of the rulers and the fruit of their error and conceit. I was laughing at their ignorance” (56). This tradition of the crucifixion that never really happened to the true Christ is known from other sources as well—for example, the Nag Hammadi Revelation of Peter, Basilides according to Irenaeus of Lyon, and perhaps the Book of Baruch—and Christ without the cross may also be present in the Islamic heritage. When in Qur’an sura 4 it is said that ‘Isa (Jesus) was crucified only in appearance, the translation remains difficult, but within the Muslim tradition it has commonly been suggested that another person was crucified instead of Jesus. 30

The suffering of Jesus and of all people is pursued further in the Round Dance of the Cross. There Jesus sings and dances with his disciples in a scene that is said to take place just before the crucifixion. Jesus utters paradoxical lines (“I will be wounded and I will wound”), and the disciples respond by singing “Amen.” Thereafter Jesus proceeds to explain the passion that is at hand, and he says, “Yours is the human passion I am to suffer.” Jesus goes on to explain the true meaning of suffering: to understand suffering is to be free of it. Jesus concludes,

The last words of Jesus in the Round Dance of the Cross reveal how to be free from suffering. As Elaine Pagels notes, here the wisdom of Jesus resembles the wisdom of the Buddha, and both Jesus and the Buddha teach that a true understanding of suffering leads to liberation from suffering. 31

Finally, Jesus, or Christ, emerges in gnostic gospels and related texts as a heavenly redeemer who speaks to rouse people to knowledge and self-understanding. His is a divine voice, and his call is a wake-up call from God. The Gospel of Philip states that Christ brings bread from heaven to nourish people (55). The Gospel of Truth announces that Christ enlightens people who are in darkness on account of forgetfulness (18). As the son of the father, Christ has the name of the father, and he reveals the father’s name and the father’s will. In the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit the living Jesus is a manifestation of heavenly Seth, and in the Secret Book of John Jesus is the one sent by the father from the perfect eternal realm to disclose eternal things. In the Second Discourse of Great Seth Christ comes from above, passes through the gates of the cosmic rulers, adopts a human body, and proceeds to disclose the nature of this world of impermanence over against the eternal world of the divine. Elsewhere in gnostic texts, the role of the revealer can be assumed by Seth, divine forethought ( pronoia ), or insight (epinoia ) in Sethian texts; by Derdekeas (“the child”) in the Paraphrase of Shem; by Manda dHayye (the personified “knowledge of life”) in Mandaean traditions; even by the heavenly letter that becomes speech in the Hymn of the Pearl (in the Acts of Thomas). In gnostic gospels and Christian texts, the revealer is said to be Christ.

In these mystical texts that maintain the oneness of the divine outside a person with the divine within a person, the divine voice of Christ is the divine voice within, and the call from without is the call from within. Whoever awakens to that call and listens to that voice finds true life. As Jesus—and divine forethought—proclaim at the end of the Secret Book of John,

This volume is intended to make available fresh English translations of twelve gnostic gospels and related texts. 32 The translations are meant to be as accurate as possible, and at the same time I have tried to present them in felicitous English. I have adopted several conventions for these translations. I use inclusive language when such language communicates the spirit of the text (for example, I use “child of humankind” for the title traditionally translated “son of man”), though I have attempted to avoid compromising thereby the accuracy of the translations. Coptic texts from the Nag Hammadi library are notorious for the ambiguity of pronouns and their antecedents, and I have resolved many such ambiguities by supplying the nouns that are the most likely antecedents of pronouns. Unlike many other translations, these translations make minimal use of capitalization, even in the case of personified mental attributes in the divine pl

ma, in order to indicate the nature of such personified attributes as both mythic characters in a cosmic drama and mental capacities in the story of the origin and destiny of mind and thought.

Within the translations, relevant numbers of sections and Coptic manuscript pages, given within square brackets, are included for ease of reference. Square brackets also indicate textual restorations, and pointed brackets indicate textual emendations; I have tried, however, to be modest in the number of emendations adopted. When a textual restoration remains uncertain, a note indicates that the restoration is tentative. Ellipsis dots are employed to indicate an unrestored lacuna in the text or a gap in the flow of the text. The subheadings given in italics within the translations are not in the texts themselves but have been supplied by the translator. When multiple titles of texts are listed, the first title is the primary or preferred title and the other titles are secondary titles or titles used in the scholarly literature. Notes have been added to explain difficult passages and refer to parallel passages.

Most of the translations in this volume were undertaken within the context of a larger project on the Nag Hammadi library. The members of the advisory board of that project, Wolf-Peter Funk, Paul-Hubert Poirier, and James M. Robinson, along with two collaborators, Birger A. Pearson and John D. Turner, provided assistance in suggesting translational policies and offering comments on the translations themselves. To them I offer particular thanks for their valuable contributions.