INTRODUCTION
1. The title continues: ac doctrina omnis, quae & Ismahelitaru, lex, & Alcoranvm dicitur, ex Arabica lingua ante CCCC annos In Latinam translata. That same year witnessed the publication in Paris of Guillaume Postel’s Alcorani seu legis Mahometi et Evangelistarum concordiae liber, which, notwithstanding its title (“concord”), stated that Islam was a heresy similar to Protestantism that could easily be defeated. See, however, Nancy Bisaha, who argues that Renaissance humanists examined Islam from a cultural and political rather than a religious perspective: Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia, 2004). See also Matthew Dimmocle, Mythologies of The Prophet Muhammad in Early Modern English Culture (Cambridge, 2013).
2. John Tolan, “European Accounts of Muhammad’s Life,” in Jonathan E. Brockopp, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Muhammad (New York, 2010), 226–250. See also Gunny, The Prophet Muhammad, ch. 1.
3. Shireen Khairallah, “Arabic Studies in England in the Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries” (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1972), 82.
4. P. M. Holt, “The Study of Arabic Historians in Seventeenth-Century England,” in Studies in the History of the Near East (London, 1973), 37, in 27–49.
5. All folio references are to the University of London manuscript. I have retained the spelling of the manuscript in the course of this introduction.
6. The only biography and study of Stubbe remains Jacob, Henry Stubbe. See also Wood, Athenae Oxonienses; Hill, The Experience of Defeat, 252–277; and Feingold, “Stubbe, Henry (1632–1676),” in ODNB.
7. G. J. Toomer, Eastern Wisedome and Learning: The Study of Arabic in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford, 1996), 224. Judging from their transliterations of Arabic words and phrases, neither Stubbe nor Prideaux knew Arabic. For a biography of Prideaux, see Khairallah, “Arabic Studies,” 132–157.
8. BL MS 32553, Letters from Stubbe to Hobbes, fols. 5 and 25v (8 July 1656 and 13 January 1657 respectively). The first letter in the collection is dated 8 July 1656 and the last is 6 May 1657. See also Nicastro, Lettere di Henry Stubbe a Thomas Hobbes. In that same year, 1657, Stubbe wrote in defense of Hobbes against Wallis, A Severe Enquiry into the late Oneirocritica; or, An Exact Accovnt of the Grammatical Part of the Controversy betwixt Mr. Hobbes and J. Wallis D.D. (London, 1657). Either Stubbe did not finish the translation or he never sent a copy to Hobbes, who, in 1668, translated and published a condensed version of Leviathan in Latin.
9. Thomas Hobbes, The Correspondence, ed. Noel Malcolm (Oxford, 1994), 2:782; Wood, Athenae, 3:1069.
11. Stubbe, The Common-wealth of Israel, 3.
12. Wood, Athenae, 3:1071.
13. See the preface to An Essay in Defence of the Good old Cause and A vindication of that most prudent and honourable knight, 1. This treatise was welcomed by John Locke, who wrote a letter to Stubbe in which he discussed the latter’s views on toleration. See Locke, Two Tracts on Government, 242–244.
14. Cook, “Physicians and the New Philosophy,” 251.
15. Stubbe, Legends no histories, 1—the second part. See the essay by Cook (in the previous note) on this confrontation.
17. Stubbe, Campanella revived, 17.
18. In May 1670 he wrote to Secretary of State Arlington hoping that his quarrel with the Royal Society would not “displease your lordship or any other English patriot, since it has no other design than to support the monarchy, the Protestant religion, and the peace and welfare of the nation; and to vindicate the two universities and my own family,” Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series, Charles II, with Addenda, 1660 to 1670, 10:224.
19. Stubbe, Campanella revived, 62.
21. Samuel Butler’s “The Elephant in the Moon,” in John Wilders and Hugh de Quehen, eds., Hudibras Parts I and II and Selected Other Writings (Oxford, 1973), 206, l.431. Because of these attacks, Westfall, in Science and Religion in Seventeenth-Century England, unfairly describes Stubbe as “a wholly venal scoundrel,” 237n17.
22. Stubbe, Campanella revived, 7.
24. See my study of Ross in Islam in Britain (Cambridge, 1999), ch. 3. For the earlier Latin translations of the Qur’ān, see Hartmut Bobzin, “Latin Translations of the Koran: A Short Overview,” Der Islam 70 (1993): 193–206.
25. Henry Stubbe, “To the Reader,” in A justification of the present war against the United Netherlands.
26. John Spurr, England in the 1670s: “This Masquerading Age” (Oxford, 2000), 34.
27. For a detailed discussion of these two treatises and Stubbe’s political stance, see chapter 6 in Jacob, Henry Stubbe.
28. The Edict of Milan, AD 313, in A further iustification of the present war against the United Netherlands, 34, 43.
30. Stubbe, Rosemary & Bayes, 4–5. See also James R. Jacob, “The Authorship of ‘An Account of the Rise and Progress of Mahometanims,’” N&Q 26 (1979): 10–11.
31. Wood, Athenae, 3:1071.
32. Even nonconformist contemporaries recognized the difference between the two: see the manifesto of fifteen nonconformists, including Richard Baxter, The Judgment of Non-conformists, of the Interest of Reason in matters of Religion (London, 1676), especially 6: “We deny not but some Non-conformists, and Conformists did cast out their suspitions of two very Learned rational Men, Mr. Hales, and Mr. Chillingworth, as if they had favoured Socinianisme, because they so much used, and Ascribed to Reason, in Judging of matters of Religion.”
33. Stubbe uses the new English term, Islamism, in a positive sense. Contrast its use with Thomas Warmstry’s The Baptized Turk; or, a Narrative of the happy Conversion of Signioer Rigep Dandulo (London, 1658), 117. See also Thomas Bedwell who used “Alesalem,” in “The Arabian Trudgman,” in Mohammedis Imposturae: That is, a Discovery of the Manifold Forgeries, Falshoods, and horrible impieties of the blasphemous seducer Mohammed (London 1615).
34. The National Archives (TNA): SP 29/275/276. See also the reference to two other short pieces on Queen Elizabeth and in defense of the king’s suspension of the “laws against conventicles by his declaration of March 15, 1672,” CSPD Charles II, October, 1672, to February, 1673, 14:350.
35. See Stubbe’s letter to Williamson on 8 July 1672 describing what he plans to write against the Dutch, CSPD, Charles II, May 18th to September 30, 1672, 13:319. But Stubbe was so eager to proclaim his royalism that he aligned himself with Samuel Parker—who, like him, had conformed to the Anglican Church after the Restoration and become a mouthpiece for the monarchy.
36. James and Mary were married by proxy in a Catholic ceremony on 20 September 1673. Stubbe’s piece argued against marriage by proxy and wondered “What benefits may accrue, or be justly expected from the Farreigner with whom such Alliance and Marriage is to be Contracted.”
37. Actually, a few months earlier, in A further justification, he had praised the “prudence of His Royal Highness” and criticized those “Inferiours” who “foment even just quarrels or resentments against their Suepriours” and “Men in Authority,” 83–85 (irregular pagination).
38. CSPD Charles II, March 1st to October 31st, 1673, 15:599.
39. Wood, Athenae, 3:1082.
40. BL MS 35835, 18 July 1674, fol. 276r in a cluster of fols. 269–276.
41. “This day there came in A Tun of Madeira wine, which I think will be excellent for your Lady: I have tasted it & presume to prescribe a pipe of it for physick for her Stomach. It is not hot in the mouth, but warm in the Stomach, it is as of good a body as Sack, and better tasted than Bourdeaux, but paler coloured, it is two years old. It will come for about 12 d a bottle. It is good at Meal, but not for a Debauch. It bears 272v water in a general proportion and so will be better for her than Beer. It is an excellent Table Wine, & will seem extraordinary in the Country. My Lord of Ossery hath half a Tun & Sir Hugh Cholmly a Tun. This wine seldom or never comes into England, but in the West Indies they could not live without it, or digest any meat.” BL MS 35835, fol. 272r–v.
42. BL Sloane 35 is a posthumous inventory of his books.
43. Joseph Glanvill, “To the Reader,” in A further discovery of M. Stubbe (London, 1671).
44. Volunteers at the abbey kindly showed me the recent and “comprehensive” inventory of all the names on memorials and gravestones inside the church (26 July 2012). There was no record of Henry Stubbe.
45. For studies of Stubbe, see Jacob, Henry Stubbe; Kaplan, “Greatrakes the Stroker; Champion, “Legislators, Imposters” and The Pillars of Priestcraft Shaken, ch. 4; Kontler, “‘Mahometan Christianity’”; Birchwood, “Vindicating the Prophet”; Rose, “Royal Ecclesiastical Supremacy and the Restoration Church”; Garcia, “A Hungarian Revolution in Restoration England” and Islam and the English Enlightenment.
46. Jacob, Henry Stubbe, 2.
47. Ibid., 6, 129, and 139–160.
48. Hill, The Experience of Defeat, 263.
49. Champion. The Pillars of Priestcraft Shaken, ch. 4. See also idem, “’I remember a Mohometan Story of Ahmed ben Idris’,” which focuses on Stubbe and Toland.
50. See also Garcia, “Islam and the English Protestant Imagination, 1660–1830” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2007).
51. Holt, A Seventeenth-Century Defender of Islam, 29.
52. See my “A Note on Alexander Ross and the English Translation of the Qur’ān,” Journal of Islamic Studies 23 (2011): 76–84.
53. For a study of Milton’s familiarity with Islam, see Eid Abdallah Dahiyat, John Milton and the Arab-Islamic Culture (Amman, 1987), revised as Once Upon the Orient Wave: Milton and the Arab Muslim World (London, 2012). See also William G. Kenton III, “English Liberty and Turkish Tyranny: The Symbolic Function of the East in Milton’s Poetry and Prose” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 2005), 119–134 (“Satan as Sultan”).
54. In so doing, Stubbe advanced the Islamic interpretation, which Johann Hottinger had called “errore plane intolerabili,” Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1660), 38.
55. See C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Prophet Vindicated: A Restoration Treatise on Islam and Muhammad,” Religion 6 (1976): 11 in 1–12.
56. H. John McLachlan, Socinianism in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford, 1951), 55. As he continues, Chillingworth and other Laudian clergy were accused of Socinianism as early as 1643, 164. See also John Marshall, John Locke, Toleration and Early Enlightenment Culture (Cambridge, 2006) for a discussion of Chillingworth and anti-Trinitarianism in ch. 7.
57. Champion, The Pillars of Priestcraft Shaken, 107, 110.
58. Quoted by Christopher Hill, Milton and the English Revolution (London, 1977), 295, from A Censure upon Certain Passages Contained in the History of the Royal Society (1670). See also Hill’s discussion of “Anti-Trinitarianism,” ibid., 285–296.
59. Jacob, Henry Stubbe, 75.
60. See the English translation, Giovanni Paolo Marana, The eight volumes of letters writ by a Turkish spy, trans. Daniel Saltmarsh (London, 1694).
61. Cited by Jacob, Henry Stubbe 159. Humerto Garcia states that Stubbe’s work was “implicit” in John Toland’s Nazarenus because Magney compared Toland’s “‘Mahometan Christianity’ to The Rise and Progress of Mahometanism.” Garcia, Islam and the English Enlightenment, 52. Magney mentions the “Physician of some note” (Stubbe), but he does not quote him at all, relying instead on Hottinger, Warner, and Reeland, the first two of whom were widely used by Stubbe. The reason he ignores Stubbe is because the latter had praised Muḥammad, while Hottinger and Warner had not. And, of course, Magney is vitriolic in his description of the Prophet and of Islam, as that chapter shows.
62. Jacob invokes this episode in support of his view of Stubbe’s “Socinian” leanings. Jacob, Henry Stubbe, 155. But there is no evidence that Stubbe belonged to the group that, five years after the death of Stubbe, approached the ambassador. See my discussion of this episode in Britain and Barbary, 1589–1689 (Gainesville, 2005), 158–159.
63. Wood, Athenae, 3:1071.
64. Quoted by Humberto Garcia, “Islam in the English Radical Protestant Imagination, 1660–1830,” 52.
65. Ibid., 51. The view had been advanced by Jacob, Henry Stubbe, 139–142, and repeated by Hill, The Experience of Defeat, 277.
66. Jacob, Henry Stubbe, 121.
67. For a general discussion of Restoration theological arguments, see Gerard Reedy, S. J., The Bible and Reason: Anglicans and Scripture in Late Seventeenth-Century England (Philadelphia, 1985). See the sermon by Barrow, “Of the Impiety and Imposture of Paganism and Mahometanism,” Theological Works of Isaac Barrow, 8 vols. (Oxford, 1830), esp. 5:24–31. Interestingly, his Latin treatise on “Epitome fidei et religionis Turcicae, a Muhameto Kureischita, arabum propheta” is less hostile. Barrow uses the term Islam rather than Mahometanism, ibid., 8:145 ff.
68. He actually lumped the Socinians with “Atheists” and “Papists”: A Specimen of some animadversions upon a book entituled, Plus ultra (London, 1670), 13.
69. None of these names appear in Jacob’s study. Stubbe kept a 1649 copy of Salmasius’s Defensio Regia, pro Carolo I till the day he died (BL MS Sloane 35, fol. 18r). See also Champion, who counted the number of references to some of these writers in Stubbe’s 1701 manuscript: Hottinger, thirty-six times and Pococke fifty-six times: “‘I remember a Mahometan Story of Ahmed Ben Edris,’” 464 and note 59.
70. See G. J. Toomer, “John Selden, the Levant and the Netherlands,” in Alastair Hamilton, Maurits H. Van Den Boogert, and Bart Westerweel, eds., The Republic of Letters and the Levant (Leiden, 2005), 53–76.
71. Hobbes, The Correspondence, 2:759–763.
72. Gunny believes that Prideaux may have intended his account as a refutation of Stubbe (The Prophet Muhammad, 51). The propinquity between Stubbe’s and Prideaux’s accounts lies in the common sources that they used, especially Hottinger, Pococke, Rycaut, and Erpenius/al-Makīn. For references to Stubbe after his death, see Jacob, Henry Stubbe, ch. 8.
73. See my discussion of this treatise in Europe Through Arab Eyes, 1578–1727 (New York, 2009), 96–98. See also Adrian Reeland, A Defence of the Mahometans from Several Charges fully laid against them by Christians in Four treatises concerning the doctrine, discipline and worship of the Mahometans (London, 1712), 185, note c.
74. Rijk Smitskamp, Philologia Orientalis: A Description of Books Illustrating the Study and Printing of Oriental Languages in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe (Leiden, 1992), 287.
75. As Loop shows, in his “Johann Heinrich Hottinger (1620–1667) and the Historia Orientalis,” Hottinger used his extensive study of the Qur’ān and of various Arabic manuscripts to present a Protestant interpretation of church history. Jan Loop, Church History and Religious Culture 88 (2008): 169–203.
76. In The Present State of the Ottoman Empire, Rycaut stated that as “Mahometanism” was first revealed, “it found a great part of the World illuminated with Christianity, endued with active Graces, Zeal and Devotion, and established within it self with purity of Doctrine, Union, and firm profession of Faith,” The Present State of the Ottoman Empire (London, 1668), 98.
77. G. J. Toomer’s Eastern Wisedome and learning: the Study of Arabic in Seventeenth-Century England remains the most important book on the subject. See also the Panizzi Lectures of 1996 by Charles Burnett, The Introduction of Arabic Learning into England (London, 1997) for a detailed discussion of the medieval period; and Karl H. Dannenfeldt, “The Renaissance Humanists and the Knowledge of Arabic,” Studies in the Renaissance 2 (1955): 96–117.
78. The first printed Catalogue of the Bodleian Library, 1605: a facsimile (Oxford, 1986).
79. William Bedwell, “To the Christian Reader,” in Mohammedis imposturae: that is, A discovery of the manifold forgeries, falsehoods, and horrible impieties of the blasphemous seducer Mohammed (London, 1615). For the Arabic manuscripts at Oxford, see Colin Wakefield, “Arabic Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library: the Seventeenth-Century Collections,” in G. A. Russell, ed., The “Arabick” Interest of the Natural Philosophers in Seventeenth-Century England (Leiden, 1994), 128–146.
80. The Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University, Great Britain: Samuel Hartlib Electronic Project, CD-ROM, 29/3/64 A. I am grateful to Professor Donald Dickson for his help.
81. Mordechai Feingold, “Oriental Studies,” in Nicholas Tyacke, ed., The History of the University of Oxford (Oxford, 1997), 4:481, 490.
82. Quoted by Toomer, Eastern Wisedome, 108.
83. Leonard Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr. Pocock, 2 vols. (London, 1740), 1:35.
84. Brian Walton, Polyglot (London, 1657), 1:95. Their topics, he explained, ranged from mathematics to Aristotle’s physics and Ptolemy’s geography, with collections, in the library of Fez alone, reaching thirty-two thousand volumes.
85. Bodleian MS Or 298, 1. See also the 1669 Lexicon Heptaglotton of Edmund Castell, professor of Arabic at Cambridge. In the History of the Royal Society (1667), Thomas Sprat praised “the Learned Age of the Arabians” and mentioned how “some worthy and industrious Men of our Nation, who have search’d into their Monuments” believe the Arabians “almost compar’ed to Rome, and Athens.” Thomas Sprat, History of the Royal Society, ed. Jackson I. Cope and Harold Whitmore Jones (London, 1959), 45.
86. Peter Rietbergen, “A Maronite Mediator Between Seventeenth-century Mediterranean Cultures,” LIAS 16 (1989), 25 in 13–41.
87. Cited in Adrian Reeland, A Defence of the Mahometans from Several Charges fully laid against them by Christians in Four treatises, 61.
88. Synodikon, sive, Pandectae canonum ss, apostolorum, et conciliorum ab ecclesia Graeca receptorum (Oxford, 1672).
89. Purchas his Pilgrimage (London, 1617), 284. It is not clear whom Purchas had in mind, but Nicholas of Cusa had mentioned that a Christian Arab had refuted a Muslim who had tried to convert him, “Prologues to the Examination of the Koran” (1461) in Toward a New Council of Florence: “On the Peace of Faith” and Other Works by Nicolaus of Cusa, trans. with introd. William F. Wertz (Washington, DC, 1993), 387. For a full translation of Cribratio Alkorani, see Jasper Hopkins, Nicholas of Cusa’s De Pace Fidei and Cribratio Alkorani: Translation and Analysis (Minneapolis, 1990). As Hopkins observes, the Christian Arab is al-Kindī.
90. See Edward Pococke’s translation of Abū al-Faraj, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarum (Oxford, 1663), 93. For other early Christian Arabic views on Muḥammad, see Samir K. Samir, “The Prophet Muhammad as Seen by Timothy I and Some Other Arab Christian Authors,” in David Thomas, ed., Syrian Christians Under Islam: The First Thousand Years (Leiden, 2001): 75–106. For Arabic scientific material, see Francis J. Carmody’s critical bibliography of Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation: A Critical Bibliography (Berkeley, 1956), part 2.
91. Geographia nubiensis id est accuratissima totius orbis in septem climata divisi descriptio (Paris, 1619).
92. This treatise later appeared separately in a small volume about Arabia, seu Arabūm vicinarumq[ue] gentium orientalium leges, ritus, sacri et profani mores, instituta et historia (Amsterdam, 1630), 1–90. It is not likely that Stubbe bothered with the translation of a summary of “De Nonnvllis Orientalivm Vrbibvs,” which was published by Samuel Purchas in the Pilgrimes of 1625 as “Mosleman superstitions and rites.” Purchas explained that he had used the “Arabicke Bookes, by the said Maronites Gabriel and John,” Purchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow, 1905), 9:162. Indicative of Purchas’s hostile attitude to Islam is his selective translation of Sionita’s text, his focus on the negative passages, his omission of the chapter on Christian sects in the East, and, most significantly, his contraction of the section on “Viri illustres qui Arab: lingua scripserunt,” mentioning only a few of the names that the two Maronites had proudly included. Most egregiously, he omitted the last chapter in which Sionita had shown, by reference to the Qur’ān, how much Mary was venerated in Islamic belief—a celebration that Sionita’s Catholic readers would have appreciated. It bears noting that Purchas referred at the end of the translation/adaptation to “my learned Friend Master Bedwell [and his book] called Mahomeds imposture” (9:118). As the title shows, the book was deeply hostile to Muḥammad.
93. Geographia nubiensis, 55 (the second part).
95. Having been trained at the Maronite College in Rome, the two priests had been exposed to numerous Arabic texts: see the list of books at the college: Nasser Gemayel, Les Échanges culturels entre les Maronites et l’Europe: Du Collège Maronite de Rome (1584) au Collège de ‘Ayn Warqa (1789), 2 vols. (Beirut, 1984), 1:180–190.
96. As Camille Aboussouan noted, the aim was to show Europeans “la connaissance du monde des Arabes,” Exposition: Le livre et le Liban jusq’à 1900 (Paris, 1982), 254.
97. Gemayel, Les Échanges culturels, 1:326–327.
98. See A. S. Tritton, The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects (London, 1930), 5–17, and an extended discussion in Maher Y. Abu Munshar, Islamic Jerusalem and Its Christians (London, 2007), chs. 2 and 3.
99. Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr. Pocock, 1:18.
100. A collection of geographical writings in Arabic by John Gagnier shows how, even in the first half of the eighteenth century, Idrīsī was still used, and how Gagnier was collating the Arabic of al-Idrīsī with the manuscript translation of Idrīsī by Pococke; see Bodleian MS Or 318.
101. The title page of Purchas his Pilgrimage mentions that an account of “the Saracenicall Empire Translated out of Arabike by T. Erpenius” is included in the fourth edition. But there is no mention of al-Makīn anywhere in the account about Islam. In 1657 a French translation appeared in Paris: L’histoire mahometane; ou, Les qurante-neuf chalifes dv Macine, trans. Pierre Vattier. See also Rijk Smitskamp, Philolgia Orientalis (Leiden, 1992), entry 85a.
102. It is interesting that Ibn Khaldūn, who used al-Makīn in his Kitāb al-‘ibar, consulted the first part that dealt with Jewish and early Christian history and not the part on Islam, which Erpenius translated. See Ayman Fu’ād Sayyid, “Maṣādir Ibn Khaldūn ‘an tarīkh ghayr al-Muslimīn fī Kitāb al-‘ibar,” in Muḥammad Zakariya ‘Anāni, ed., Dirāsāt adabiya wa lughawiya (Cairo, 2011), 539–550. I am grateful to Professor Wadad Kadi for this reference.
103. Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiae Arabvm (Oxford, 1650), 383.
104. For John Gregory’s Arabic studies, see my “Some Notes on John Gregory and Islam,” Discoveries 14 (1997): 1–2, 6–7.
105. See P. S. Van Koningsveld’s discussion of its use in Muslim Spain, “Christian Arabic Literature from Medieval Spain: An Attempt at Periodization,” in Samir Khalil Samir and Jørgen S. Nielsen, eds., Christian Arabic Apologetics During the Abbasid Period (750–1258) (Leiden: 1994), 216–217.
106. Historia Saracenica, qua res gestae Muslimorum (Leiden, 1625), 2.
107. “Erat autem optimae indolis, voce suavi, visitans &excipiens suos ut ipsum visitabant, &excipiebant, pauperis munerans, Magnates laudans; conversans cum infimatibus; & petentem à se aliquid, non repellens sine eo, aut sermone facili.” Historia Saracenica, 10.
108. “Cumque venisset ad eum magnus quidam Christianus; surrexit honorem ei exhibens qua de re cum cum alloquerentur quidam, respondit; Cum venerit ad vos Primarius populi alicjus, honorate eum: Atque hic vir maximus est in populo suo. Dixit quoque: Benefacite Cophitis Aegypti: sunt enim vobis genere &affinitate juncti. Item: Qui Christianum opprimit, adversarium cum habebit die Juidicii. Et, Qui Christiano nocet, mihi nocet.” Historia Saracenica, 11.
109. Eutychii Agyptii, patriarchae orthodoxorum Alexandrini … Ex ejusdem Arabico nunc primùm typis edidit ac versione & commentario auxit Ioannes Seldenus (London, 1642). For a study of Selden’s Eutychius, see Toomer’s magisterial John Selden, 2:600–614.
110. Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr. Pocock, 1:53.
111. This latter edition included a picture of John Selden along with the following explanation on the title page: “Illustriss: Johanne Seldeno” and “Interprete Edwardo Pocockio.”
112. Humphrey Prideaux wrote that Selden was thought to be the translator, but that it was Pococke who had done the work, although Selden had “born the Expences of this Chargeable Edition, the most Worthy and Learned Author of that Version acknowledged it by those words in the Title-page, which several having mistaken to the robbing him of the honour of his Work, as if Mr. Selden had begun the Translation, and Dr. Pocock finished it.” Prideaux, The True Nature of Imposture (London, 1697), 165.
113. Cited in Toomer, John Selden, 2:606.
114. “Vita Auctoris,” Contextio Gemmarum (Oxford, 1658).
115. Selden, Eutychii Agyptii (1642), 70–76.
116. See Eutychius of Alexandria, The Book of Demonstration, ed. Pierre Cachia (Louvain, 1960), 1:12–13.
117. See, for instance, Pococke, Eutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini (Oxford, 1654), 1:307–309.
119. Ibid. 2:284: “In nomine Dei misericordis, miseratoris, Ab Omaro Ebnil Chetabi, urbis AEliae incolis. Securos fore ipsos quod ad vitas suas, & liberos, opes, & Ecclesias suas; illas scil. nec dirutum iri, nec habitatum: testéque adhibuit.” It is not clear if Stubbe knew that al-Makīn had relied on Ibn al-Baṭrīq.
121. Arabicae Linguae Tyrocinium id est Grammatica Arabica (1656), 250–263.
122. Edward Pococke, “Prefatio ad Lectorem,” in Specimen, 3v. The original Arabic version was an abridgement of a Syriac version—but Pococke worked from the former version. See Lawrence L. Conrad, “On the Arabic Chronicle of Bar Hebraeus,” Parole de L’Orient 19 (1994): 319–378, especially part A. For the discussion of Islam, see 338–339.
123. Prideaux, The True Nature of Imposture, 153.
124. It is interesting that John Gagnier, the French-born orientalist who lived in England until his death in 1740, copied from Pococke’s translation of Abū al-Faraj as he compiled general geographical information: Bodleian MS Or 318, 239–266. For the importance and influence of Pococke’s translation, see Hans Daiber, “The Reception of Islamic Philosophy at Oxford in the Seventeenth Century: The Pococks’ (Father and Son) Contribution to the Understanding of Islamic Philosophy in Europe,” in Charles E. Butterworth and Blake Andrée Kessel, eds., The Introduction of Arabic Philosophy Into Europe (Leiden, 1994), 69 in 65–82.
125. Pococke, Historia Compendiosa (Oxford, 1663), 101.
126. “Futurum est (inquit) ab hoc Puero magnum aliquid, cujus fama per Orientem & Occidentem se diffundet, nam cum approprinquaret nube obumbratus apparuit.” Pococke, Specimen, 9.
128. Interestingly, the same verb was used, “azharū al-dīn al-mustaqīm”/manifestabant, by Eutychius (in Selden’s edition) to describe the Nicene position on Christology: Eutychii Agyptii, 75.
129. Pococke, Specimen, 9, 12, 13.
131. Stubbe does not state explicitly that Islam was a reformation of Christianity (fol. 137), but, in 1690, Arthur Bury was forthright: “Mahomet professed all the articles of the Christian faith, and declared himself not an Apostate, but a Reformer.” Arthur Bury, “The Preface,” in The Naked Gospel (London, 1690).
132. See also Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis quae, ex variis Orientalium Monumentis Collecta (Tiguri, 1651), 103–107. I will also use the 1660 edition (also published in Tiguri).
133. Reeland, A Defence of the Mahometans, 196. See the earlier use of Warner by Thomas Warmstry, who relied on him for the Qur’ānic view of Jesus, The Baptized Turk, 101ff.
134. Compendium Historicum eorum quae Mahammedani de Christo et praecipuis aliquot religionis Christianae tradiderunt (Leiden, 1643), 15–16.
135. It is not surprising that Daniel writes that Warner’s approach was “polemic, but not primarily so.” Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image (Edinburgh, 1960), 287. Hadith is the collection of sayings and determinations by the Prophet Muḥammad.
136. Selden, Eutychii Agyptii, 59.
137. For the Muslim Jesus, see Tarif Khalidi, The Muslim Jesus (Cambridge, Mass., 2001).
138. (Leiden, 1644), 30–31. It was also included in Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 516.
139. Matar, Europe Through Arab Eyes, 33.
140. There is a brief mention of Stubbe in Abdelwahab El-Affendi, ed., About Muhammad: The Other Western Perspective on the Prophet of Islam (Richmond, Surrey, 2010), xxvi.
141. Marcus Zeuerius Boxhornius, Historia universalis sacra et profana a Christo nato ad annum usque (Lugduni, 1652), 397. Hottinger mentions that Muḥammad’s parents were poor, “paupers habūit parens,” Historia Orientalis (1651), 136.
142. One source for this information is found in Bibliander, Machvmetis Sarracanorvm principis vita, part 2, “De Haeresi Herachii et Principatu ac Lege Machvmeti.”
143. It is interesting that Gibbon in Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, introduction by Christopher Dawson (New York, 1978), compared the Arabs to the “Medici of Florence,” 5:217.
144. Sionita, De Nonnvullis, in Geographia nubiensis, 17.
145. Thomas Erpenius, Orationes Tres, De Linguam Ebraeae atque Arabicae Dignitate (Leiden, 1621), 42.
146. See H. R. McAdoo, The Spirit of Anglicanism (London, 1965), ch. 5.
147. The Alcoran of Mahomet (London, 1649), sig d r.
148. But first published in 1691: The Works of Sir William Temple (London, 1720), 2:221–222. See also Lancelot Addison, The Life and Death of Mahumed (London, 1679), which appeared three years after Stubbe’s death, ch. 9, and p. 52: “the Alcoran is a very rude Poem.”
149. For a study of Du Ryer, see Alastair Hamilton and Francis Richard, André du Ryer and Oriental Studies in Seventeenth-Century France (London, 2004); and, for the Qur’ān, chapter 3 in my Islam in Britain, 1558–1685 (Cambridge, 1998).
150. Pococke does not take a stand, although he advances evidence regarding the literacy of the Prophet. Edward Gibbon mentioned a certain “Mr. White” who argued in a sermon for the literacy of the Prophet, but used it to confirm “imposture.” I have not been able to identify the Sermons to which he alludes, Decline and Fall, 5:233, n. 1. See the discussion of “ummiyy” as illiterate in Pockocke, Specimen, 156.
151. Historia Josephi Patriarchae, ex Alcorano (Leiden, 1617).
152. Edward Pococke, Porta Mosis (Oxford,1655), 244. Five years earlier, in Specimen, Pococke had stated that Psalm 50:2 referred to Muḥammad, 17. Selden believed that the Qur’ān had been composed by Muḥammad, but, as Toomer notes, more correctly, it was “God speaking to and through Muhammad.” Toomer, John Selden, 2:749n421.
153. Pococke, Specimen, 17.
154. See Bibliander, Machvmetis Sarracenorvm principis vita, 189–200. It also appears in Purchas, Pilgrimage (1626), bk. 3, ch. 5, 259–263, and Boxhornius, Historia universalis, 398–399. Another dialogue was translated into English by John Greaves, again between the Prophet and “Abdalla Ebn Salem the Jew,” but with different content: Bodleian, MS. Locke c. 27, fols. 3–9.
155. In regard to “Venery”: while the manuscript mentions the Prophet’s ability to satisfy “forty women” in one night (fol. 67), the BL Harleian 6189 manuscript mentions “two” (fol. 11).
156. Pococke, Specimen, 16.
157. Richard Baxter, The Reasons of the Christians Religion (London, 1667), 202–203.
158. Hobbes too had used “poem” in his discussion of prophecy, but not in the context of Islam. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. C. B. Macpherson (Harmondworth, 1971), 457.
159. Pococke, Specimen, 274–292 (Arabic and Latin).
160. Although it is not likely that he would have been familiar with it. See the study and the translation of the Morisco “epic” in Ṣalāḥ Faḍl, Malḥamat al-Maghāzi al-Moriskiyya (Cairo, 1989).
161. Part 2, ch. 10. The spelling “Hali” had been popular since Bibliander. Stubbe never uses it.
162. As the author of “The Life and Death of Mahomet” in the English translation of the Qur’ān argued, “Haly” sought to inherit the” Power” of Muḥammad. The Alcoran of Mahomet, xii.
163. Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr. Pocock, 9.
164. Sionita De Nonnvllis, 24. Hottinger changes Sionita’s words to “primus Moselmannorum” but without applying them to ‘Ali, since the words are from Q 6:163. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 5.
165. Erpenius, Historia Saracenica, 43.
166. Pococke, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarum, autore Gregorio Abul-Pharjio (Oxford, 1663), 102–103.
167. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 370.
168. Petrus Ibn Rahib, Chronicon Orientale, ed. P. L. Cheikho (Beirut, 1903), 53
169. Adam Olearius, The Voyages and Travells of the Ambassadors Sent by Frederick Duke of Holstein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy, and the King of Persia. Begun in the year M.DC.XXXIII. and finish’d in M.DC.XXXIX, trans. John Davies (London, 1669), 161.
172. Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr. Pocock, 1:9. See also Toomer, “Arabic Learning After the Restoration,” where there is mention of Pococke’s early lectures on the proverbs, “Proverbia Quaedam Alis” in 1636, and a manuscript with notes on these lectures, 215.
173. P. M. Holt, “An Oxford Arabist: Edward Pococke,” in Studies in the History of the East (London, 1973), 6 in 1–26.
174. “Alis his Arabick proverbs with my translation,” quoted by Toomer, Eastern Wisedome, 199.
175. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 507ff.
176. Ockley, Sentences of Ali (London, 1717), B 2r–v.
177. The Koran, 430–431n. For a biography of Sale, see Khairallah, “Arabic Studies,” 203–263.
178. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 5:278.
179. See the section on eastern Christians in chapter 5 of Gerald MacLean and Nabil Matar, Britain and the Islamic World: 1558–1713 (Oxford, 2011).
181. See references to the first two in the notes to the text below. Stubbe owned a London 1669 edition of Blount’s travels (BL MS Sloane 35, fol. 19r).
182. Especially after the publication of Bartolomé de las Casas, The Tears of the Indians: being an historical and true account of the cruel massacres and slaughters of above twenty millions of innocent peoples (trans. J. P. 1656) as well as William Davenant’s The Cruelty of the Spaniards in Peru (1658) and John Dryden’s The Indian Emperour, or the Conquest of Mexico (1667). For an excellent discussion of the difference in imperial policies between Euro-Christians and Muslims, see Anouar Majid, Freedom and Orthodoxy: Islam and Difference in a Post-Andalusian Age (Stanford, 2004).
183. William Biddulph, The Travels of certaine Englishmen (London, 1609), 84.
184. In 1678 and 1679, after Stubbe’s death, Thomas Smith and Paul Rycaut published accounts of the plight about the eastern Christians. Stubbe either did not know, or ignored, Smith’s second epistle about the oriental Christians in Epistolae Quae Quarum altero de Moribvs ac Institvtis Tvrcarvm agit: Altera Septem asiae Ecclesiarvm notitiam continent (1672).
185. John Selden, De Jure Naturali et Gentium (London, 1640), 734.
186. Olearius, The Voyages, 158. For a reference to al-Makīn, see 196.
187. Pococke, Porta Mosis, 260.
188. Stubbe, A Further iustification, 23.
189. See the various references to Stubbe in the introduction to Locke, Two Tracts on Government; and a discussion of Stubbe’s toleration in W. K. Jordan, The Development of Religious Toleration in England, 4 vols. (Cambridge, MA., 1940), 3:335–340.
190. Hill, The Experience of Defeat, esp. 262.
191. See my discussion in “John Locke and the ‘Turbanned Nations,’” Journal of Islamic Studies 2 (1991): 67–77.
192. For Selden, see Toomer’s quotations, John Selden, 1:156; Hottinger’s Liber II of Historia Orientalis (both editions) is about the “Pseudopr.”
193. Although it was a merchant who endowed the Thomas Adams Chair of Arabic at Cambridge, the first to fill it was Abraham Wheelock, who held a bachelor of divinity from Cambridge (1624); while the chair at Oxford was endowed by Archbishop Laud, to be filled by the chaplain to the Levant Company, Edward Pococke. The first account of the Ottomans written by an English eyewitness was by the chaplain to the British ambassador to the Porte, Paul Rycaut.
THE PRINTED AND MANUSCRIPT SOURCES
1. For a brief description of the life and political orientation of Hornby, see Justin Champion, “‘I remember a Mahometan Story of Ahmed Ben Edris’: Free-thinking Uses of Islam from Stubbe to Toland,” Al-Qantara 31 (2010): 449–51 in 443–480.
2. John Gregory, The Works of the reverend and learned Mr. John Gregory Master of Arts of Christ’s Church, Oxon: in two parts (London, 1665, 1671, 1684). The first works that were published after his death were Gregorii posthuma in 1649 (London) and Notes and Observations on some passages of scripture in 1650 (London, and again in 1655, 1671). The Notes also appeared as part of The Works.
3. For Pococke and other English orientalists, see P. M. Holt, Studies in the History of the Near East (London, 1973), chs. 1 and 2. Robert Wakefield was the first English scholar to write about the three languages of Hebrew, Arabic, and Aramaic: Oratio de laudibus & utilitate trium linguarum: Arabicae, Chaldaicae & Hebraicae (London, 1524). See the translation by G. Lloyd Jones published in 1989, On the Three Languages (Binghampton, NY).
4. See, for instance, Hottinger, who discusses the Qur’ānic verses about Jesus and retains “Jesu”: Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1660), 142–144.
THE ORIGINAL AND PROGRESS OF MAHOMETANISM
1. Theodosius died in AD 395.
2. The opening of the Originall suggests a dedication that Stubbe may have been preparing for a patron or to the reader, as it echoes the opening of Newton’s translation of A Notable Historie of the Saracens: “I Am purposed to write an Historie concernyng the Actes of the Saracens, atchieued aswel in the East as in the West partes of the world: first because they were greate and renoumed over the face of the whole Earth and brought all things out of good state into tumultuous broyle and confuse disorder, and also because this power of theirs encreased, through the discorde and dissention of the Christians.” Cello Augustino Curioni, A Notable Historie of the Saracens, trans. Thomas Newton (London, 1575), 1.
3. The four empires are mentioned in the book of Daniel: Babylonian, Persian, Macedonian, and Roman (Daniel 2-11). Contemporary with the rise of Islam were the Byzantine and the Sassanid empires.
4. A reference to a German tribe that invaded Gaul—mentioned by Julius Caesar in his Gallic Wars.
5. For the description of Muḥammad that follows, see Marcus Zeuerius Boxhornius, Historia universalis sacra et profana a Christo nato ad annum usque MDCL (Lugduni Batavorum/henceforth Leiden, 1652), 401. Stubbe sometimes translates word for word.
6. In this paragraph Stubbe borrows from Jirjis ibn al-’Amīd al-Makīn, Historia Saracenica, trans. Thomas Erpenius (Leiden, 1625), 10; see also Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1651), bk. 2, ch. 3. Stubbe owned a copy of the latter. I will also use the 1660 edition, published in Tiguri.
7. In the margin: “Blount has copied this in his Oracles of reason fol. 159,” Hand A.
8. Stubbe admired Jean Bodin’s Six Bookes of a Commonweale (London, 1606). The reference to the change of aristocracy to democracy and vice versa occurs on pp. 421–422. Stubbe owned a copy of the 1597 edition.
10. Lycurgus and Solon were the lawmakers in Sparta and Athens, respectively.
11. See Virgilio Malvezzi, Discovrses upon Cornelius Tacitus, trans. Sir Richard Baker (London, 1642). But Stubbe differs in his interpretation of political change from Malvezzi, especially in “The second Discourse” where there is a discussion of the reasons for the political changes in Rome. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition.
12. See Christopher Hill, “The Word ‘Revolution,’” in A Nation of Change and Novelty (New York, 1990), 82–102. In BL Harleian 6189, the word is replaced by “Resolutions,” fol. 5.
13. A reference to Antiochus IV (reg. 175–164 BC), who, in reaction to a revolt by the Jews, sacked Jerusalem, imposed the worship of Zeus, and gave support to the Hellenized Jews (who, as Stubbe suggests, later became the Sadducees) over the traditionalists (later the Pharisees). For the history of the revolt and its aftermath, see the fifth and sixth books of 2 Maccabees, and Josephus, Antiquities, trans. William Whiston The Life and Works of Flavius Josephus, intro. H. Stebbing (Philadelphia, n.d.), bk. 13, ch. 3.
14. BL Harleian 6189 has “justify” instead of “honest,” fol. 6, which also appears in BL Harleian 1876, fol. 5. Sadoc and Baithos were influenced by Epicureanism (denying the resurrection and reward and punishment). Their disciples became the Sadducees. Eleazar was the son of Moses (Exodus 18:4). According to Maimonides, the Kabbalah was secretly revealed to Moses and his son: see Walter Farquhar, A Church Dictionary (Philadelphia, 1854), 78.
15. Stubbe used the King James Bible.
16. See John Lightfoot, In Evangelium Matthæi, Horæ Hebraicæ et Talmudicæ (Cambridge, 1658), 31–32. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition.
17. BL Harleian 6189 has “Rights,” fol. 7, where BL Harleian 1876 has “Rites,” fol. 6. The reference is to Antiochus IV. See Isaac Casaubon, De Rebus Sacris et Ecclesiasticis, exercitationes XVI: ad Cardinalis Baronii prolegomena in annales et primam eorum partem (London, 1614), 6–22, where there is a discussion of the great calamities that befell the Jews.
18. A numerology used to interpret the Hebrew scriptures.
19. BL Harleian 6189 has “indifferently” instead of “indefinitively.” There is the following note in BL Harleian 1876: “Concerning the weeks of Daniel & the visions in him yt they contain but the same thing repeated four times over; & terminate in the destruction of Jerusalem by Antiochus Epiphanes, & that they are but Tipicall & by way of parode accomodated to the last destruction of Jerusalem, See Jo. Masham’s chronolog. Diatribe,” fol. 6. I am unable to locate this text.
20. Pompey conquered Palestine in 63 BC. BL Harleian 1876 has “possesseth,” fol. 7, while BL Harleian 6189 has “possessed” and a note “or possessed,” fol. 9.
22. Lightfoot, In Evangelium Matthæi, 21–22. Born in Babylonia, in the late first century BC, Hillel went to Palestine where he was instrumental in the development of the Talmud and the Mishnah.
23. Archelaus was the son of Herod the Great and was banished in AD 6.
24. It is possible that Stubbe is thinking here of Sabbatai Sevi who proclaimed himself a messiah in Izmir, and assembled a large following, until he converted to Islam. See John Evelyn, The history of the three late famous impostors : viz. Padre Ottomano, Mahomed Bei, and Sabatai Sevi (Savoy, 1669), 41–103.
25. Both asinego and intrado were new words in English, used by Thomas Herbert in Some Years Travels into divers parts of Africa and Asia the Great (London, 1665). See OED entries.
26. Claudii Salmasii/Salmasius, De Hellenistica Commentarius, Controversiam De Lingua Hellenistica dicidens, & plenissimè pertractans Originem & Dialectos Graæae Linguæ (Leiden, 1643), 199–200. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition.
27. In the margin: “thus far Blount,” Hand A. Charles Blount, The Oracles of Reason (London, 1693), 164, the letter to Rochester.
28. Caius Caligula, Roman Emperor (reg. AD 12–41); Herod Agrippa (reg. AD 33–44). See Solomon Zeitlin, “Did Agrippa Write a Letter to Gaius Caligula?” in the Jewish Quarterly Review 56 (1965–66): 22–31.
29. The Land of Onias was near Heliopolis in Egypt, where a large Jewish community lived. The temple was destroyed ca. AD 73. See the reference to Philo in Evsebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, Theodoriti, Sozomeni, Theodori, Evagrii, et Dorothei Ecclesiastica Historia (Basel, 1570), 18–19.
30. See for these terms Eusebii Pamphili Ecclesiasticæ Historiæ Libri Decem. Ejusdem de Vita Imp. Constantini, Libri IV … Henricus Valesius (Paris, 1672), 27, in Annotationes.
31. In Ezra 1:11, there is mention of the vessels of gold and silver that were taken from Babylon to Jerusalem.
32. See John Lightfoot, Horae Hebraicæ et Talmudicæ Impensæ in epistolam primam. S. Pauli ad Corinthios (Cambridge, 1664), 125–127. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition.
33. Followed by “in his Jewish Antiquities gives this relation of the Condition of the Babylonish Jews at the Ascent of Esdras to Jerusalem & the remaining party, even in his days.” The reference is from Josephus’s Antiquities, bk. 11, ch. 5.
34. Stubbe read Manasseh ben Israel’s The Hope of Israel, which appeared in London in 1650 (rep. 1652) and described the various Jewish communities around the world.
35. The Epistle of James is a Christianization of Jewish wisdom literature, which is why Stubbe associated its recipients with the Jews. See Lightfoot, Horæ Hebraicæ et Talmudicæ, 130.
36. The reference is to the Septuagint.
37. Benjamin of Tudela traveled in the twelfth century. His account was published in Latin in 1633, but Stubbe derives his information from Edward Brerewood, Enqviries Tovching the Diversity of Langvages, and Religions throughout the cheife parts of the World (London, 1614), 105. Stubbe owned a copy of the 1622 edition by Brerewood. Salmonasar (reg. 731–713 BC) was a Persian ruler mentioned in 2 Kings 17:6.
38. In the right margin, Hand A: “[ … ]ad Chro. 11. 16th that many of the Israelites came to Jerusalem with the Levites upon the [ … ] in the time of Rehoboam,” 2 Chronicles 11:16.
39. Cf. John Selden, De Iure Naturali & Gentium, Iuxta Disciplinam Ebraeorum, libri septem (London, 1640), 239–248, esp. 244. “Soria” is Selden’s spelling of Syria; Nehardea and Pumbeditha are in Iraq and are mentioned by Benjamin of Tudela.
40. Salmasius, De Hellenistica Commentarius, 241.
41. Josephus, Antiquities, bk. 13, ch. 9.
42. Under the Hasmonean ruler Hyracnus (reg. 134–104 BC), the Idumeans had been forcibly converted. Selden mentioned Nero as a convert in De Iure Naturali, bk. 2, ch. 3.
43. Funus Linguæ Hellenisticæ sive Confutatio Exercitationis de Hellenistis et Lingua Hellenistica (Leiden, 1643), 72 ff. This book was a refutation of Salmasius. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition.
44. Salmasius, De Hellenistica Commentarius, 230. The Bar Kokhba revolt occurred in AD 132–136.
45. Stubbe’s use of the phrase “universal monarchy” in the early 1670s may be in reference to the French monarchy of Louis XIV. See his A further iustification, 18.
47. In BL Harleian 6189, the scribe adds after this word: “There is a Blank” fol. 19. BL Harleian 1876 has “Hobs Leviathan” in that space, fol. 14.
48. In the margin: “here Blount go’s on again in this same letter,” Hand A.
49. In the margin: “thus far” in regard to Blount’s copying of the letter to Hobbes, Hand A.
50. Joseph Mead (1586–1639) was author of the influential interpretation of the Book of Revelation, Clavis Apocalyptica (1627), which had a tremendous influence on the millenarianism of the civil wars and the Interregnum. See Brian Ball’s classic study, A Great Expectation: Eschatological Thought in English Protestantism to 1660 (Leiden, 1975). Stubbe may have been drawn to the writings of the Great Tew circle by Thomas Barlow, who visited there in the early 1640s: see Noel Malcolm, ed., Thomas Hobbes, The Correspondence (Oxford, 1994), 2:785. Stubbe dedicated his Deliciæ poetarum Anglicanorum in Græcum versæ quibus accedunt elogia Romae & Venetiarum (Oxford, 1658) to Barlow. William Chillingworth (1602–1644) was the chaplain of Lord Falkland and published his celebrated The Religion of Protestants a Safe Way to Salvation (London, 1638): see ch. 3. The Discourse of Infallibility by Lord Falkland, Lucius Cary (1610–1643), was published in 1646 (with frequent reprints). Cary showed how the millenarian tradition was rejected by the early church, ch. 4, and in “The Lord of Faulklands Reply,” he focused on the history of early Christian heresies (including millenarianism and chiliasm). Stubbe owned a copy of Falkland’s book.
51. “Concluded” in the sense of “enclosed,” as in Romans 11:32.
52. This paragraph draws on Selden, De Iure Naturali, bk. 2, ch. 7.
54. Salmasius, De Hellenistica Commentarius, 71.
55. From the Greek, δεσπόσυνοι (the ones belonging to a master), but here referring to the relatives of Jesus. See Eusebius, Ecclesiastica Historia, 10. Stubbe was using the Greek text of Eusebius (bk. 1, ch. 7); in the Latin, it is bk. 8. Sulpicius Severus was a Christian historian, ca. AD 363–425.
56. “All these things which are handed down in the Gospel in regard to the rites of the Jews are taught in the same way without any discrepancy.” Jospeh Scaliger, De emendatione temporum (Frankfurt, 1593), where in bk. 6, Scaliger examines the differences in calculating the dates of the birth, baptism, and other events in the life of Christ.
57. Johann Buxtorf (1564–1629), author of De Synagoga Judaica (Hanover, 1604, English translation by A.B. in London, 1663) was professor of Hebrew at Basel. Chapters 20 and 21 describe the feast of Reconciliation, to which Stubbe refers. Stubbe owned a copy of the 1604 Latin edition.
58. BL Harleian 6189 has “procreation” instead of “generation,” fol. 18. See John Lightfoot, “Utcunque Iudæi Filium Dei negant eo sensu,” in In Evangelium Matthæi, 316. See also Buxtorf, The Jewish Synagogue, ch. 36, for the Jewish understanding of the Messiah.
59. The paragraph draws on Selden, De Iure Naturali, 260–266.
60. Thebeth is the tenth month in the religious year: see the reference in Claudii Salmasius, Ossilegium Hellenisticæ sive Appendix ad Confutationem Exercitationis de Hellenistica (Leiden, 1643), 337.
61. Funus Linguæ Hellenisticæ, 89ff. There is no paragraph or unit division in this book and the discussion continues for pages about hellenized synagogues. For Tertullian, see 92.
62. Also known as the Palestinian Talmud. In BL Harleian 1876, there is the following note: “Dr. Lightfoot (in addend. ad 1. Cor. c. 14 v.10) saith they did not there in Cæsarea read ye Scripture, but repeat yrr Phylacteries in Greek: which is as inconsistent with yr tenets as the other,” fol. 20. See Lightfoot, Horæ Hebraicæ et Talmudicæ, 145.
63. The first entry in the OED for “sophisticated” as falsified appears in Dryden’s 1673 comedy, The Assignation.
64. For the “Gospel of the Nazarenes” and the “Gospel according to the Hebrews,” see the texts in Bart D. Ehrman and Zlatko Pleše, The Aporcyphal Gospels: Texts and Translations (New York, 2011). Both gospels are apocryphal and belong to the second and third centuries. Epiphanius was bishop of Constantia (ca. 310–403) and author of Contra Octaginta haereses opus Panarium, trans. F. Williams, in The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis, Book 1, 2d ed. (Leiden, 2009): see his reference to these texts, 131. Stubbe’s reference to the apocryphal gospels coincides with the “discovery” and publication of various other books of the apocrypha such as the Protoevangelion and the Epistle of Barnabas. The Codex Alexandrinus that was given to King Charles I by Cyril Lucaris included the (apocryphal) First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians. Archbishop James Ussher and Gerard Vossius printed some of the letters of Ignatius in Oxford (1644) and Amsterdam (1646) respectively.
65. Acts 17:10–15. It is interesting that Stubbe uses the name “Cephas” instead of “Simon Peter.” Epiphanius describes the Nazarenes of Pella in Panarion, 123–130.
66. In BL Harleian 1876 there is the following note: “It is said yt some of ye Corrinthians were of Christ: those were like ye disciples of John at Ephesus. Act. 19 who believed a Messiah, but not yt Jesus was he. See Dr. Lightfoot on yt place,” fol. 21. John Lightfoot, The Harmony, chronicle and order of the New Testament the text of the four evangelists (London, 1655), 107.
67. The aurum coronarium was mentioned in the Theodosian Code (CTh.16.8.14) and was in “process of time a mere tribute in gold or in silver, which the Roman potentate received from those placed under his government.” http://www.forumancientcoins.com/numiswiki/view.asp?key=aurum%20coronarium. (accessed 26 February 2012). See also Walo Messalinus, De Episcopis et Presbyteris contra D. Petavium Loiolitam Dissertatio Prima (Leiden, 1650), 381. It is not clear if Stubbe recognized Messalinus as a pseudonym used by Salmasius.
69. In BL Harleian 1876: “spectibiles, as the other grand Patriarchs Illustres, and Clarissimi, as also Primates,” fol. 31/ notables, as the other grand illustrious patriarchs, most renowned.
70. In BL Harleian 1876, there is a reference to “Dr. Thorndike’s treatise of the service of God of religious assemblies,” fol. 22: See Herbert Thorndike, Of religious assemblies, and the publick service of God: a discourse according to the apostolicall rule and practice (Cambridge, 1642). The discussion of church offices is in chapter 7, from where Stubbe borrows “Sacredotes, Presbyteri, Antistites.”
71. See Leo Modena (1571–1648), History of the rites, customes, and manner of life, of the present Jews, throughout the world, trans. Edmund Chilmead (London, 1650). Stubbe owned a copy of this edition and may have been thinking of the opening words of the treatise: “The Rites which are at this day observed, and in Use, among the Jewes, are not all of them of equall Authority, nor equally practiced by all, after one and the same Manner,” 1. See also Selden, De Iure Naturali, 365 ff. The 1650 Modena text was bound with The Hope of Israel (see note 34).
72. Ioannes Drusius, De Sectis Ivdaicis commentarii … Iosephi Scaligeri I.C.F. Elenchus Trihaeresii ejusdem (Arnheim, 1619), 341.
73. In BL Harleian 1876, there is the following note: “That there were Sadducee-Christians appears out of Justin Martyr’s discourse with Tryphon: & such were Hymenæus & Philetus, who denied ye resurrection: tho’ their names be Greek, they might be original Hebrews, or Jews, & have also Hebrew names, as Dr. Lightfoot shews upon 1. Cor. 1.1,” fol. 23. The reference to Lightfoot is from Horæ Hebraicæ et Talmudicæ, 1; Hymanæus and Philetus are mentioned in 2 Timothy 2:17–18.
74. The first part of Epiphanius’s Panarion includes description of twelve heretical groups of Jewish Christians.
75. In BL Harleian 6189 “Ceremoniall” and “certaine” are corrected over “criminal” and “coercive,” fol. 33.
76. See Buxtorf, The Jewish Synagogue, 188. “Succedaneous” means substitute, a medical term first used by Sir Thomas Browne in 1646 (OED).
77. Origen against Celsus, trans. James Bellamy (London, 1660), chiefly bks. 2 and 5.
78. The Latin quotations are corrected and added at the bottom of the page by Hand A. The verse from Ovid is translated in L. P. Wilkinson, Ovid Recalled (Cambridge, 1955), 287: “Ah, men too lax, who think that the gloomy crime of murder can be washed away by river-water.” The quotation from Virgil is from the Aeneid, 2: “Now you, Father, take up the gods of our ancestral home, our holy symbols. I cannot touch them without sin, until I have washed my hands in a living spring, for coming as I do straight from the fury of war, I have fresh blood still on them.” Virgil, Aeneid, trans. W. F. Jackson Knight (Penguin, 1958), 72.
79. Gerard Vossius, De baptismo disputationes XX (Amsterdam, 1648), 24, from where “aspersione.”
80. In BL Harleian 6189, the following sentence comes after “scripture” and is crossed out: “any more than [for these words follow again the next line but two] and not condemned in the Greek Church.” In the margin, and in the same hand: “The words are interlined by the Corrector, over the words & not condemned by the Gr. Ch.,” fol. 35. See 1 Corinthians 15:29 and Tertullian (ca. AD 160–225). Ernest Evans, ed. and trans., Homily on Baptism (London, 1964), section 18.
81. Sozomen in Evsebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, 549. Vossius wrote about Gregory of Nazianzen (325–389) and the baptism of blood, De baptismo, 24.
82. Vossius, De baptismo, 27, thesis 2.
83. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “Or from ye use of Baptism in some pagan-worships. In multis Idolarum sacrilegis sacris baptizari himines perhibentur. Augustinni de baptism.adu.Donat.lib. 6.c.25,” fol. 25.
84. L Harleian 1876 has the following note: “Montacut.orig.sacri. part. 1.p.103.104. ye Days were called Nominalia or dies lustrici,” fol. 25. See Richardi Montacuti (Richard Montague), Episcopi Cissacestriensis, De originibus ecclesiasticis (London, 1636), 103: “Romani Nominalia appellabant … Lustrici dies infantium appellantur,” and then citing Macrobius, “Nundina Romanorum Dea.” The application to Christian children comes a page later, 104.
85. BL Harleian 6189 has “Ember Week and days” after “previgils,” fol. 36.
86. “& μύσται & ἐπόπται into Paganos Græcos,” in the margin, Hand A/ catechumens to petitioners and then to the faithful/believers.
87. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “See this largely illustrated by Casaubon. exercit. adu. Baron. exercit. 16.§.43,” fol. 26. The reference is to Casaubon’s De Rebus Sacris et Ecclesiasticis, 541–566.
88. Imperial meal—“paganical” meals.
89. Common meals, feasts/confraternities, meals/festivals, solemn feasts.
90. Congregation and community.
91. Lordly meal and community. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “This is further confirmed in yt Pliny, by comand from Trajan, prohibited Christian meetings as ἑταιρεĩαι”/congregations, fol. 27.
93. Followed by “fellowship,” in BL 6189, fol. 39.
94. BL Harleian 1876 adds “dis” above “honour” as a correction, fol. 28.
95. Both are mentioned by Epiphanius in the Panarion.
97. Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, ed. Michael Slusser, trans. Thomas B. Falls (Washington, DC, 2003), ch. 80.
98. See John Selden, De synedriis & praefecturis iuridicis veterum Ebraeorum (London, 1655), bk. 1, ch. 8. In BL Harleian 6189, “Decision” is followed by “aut nescio quid,” and in the margin, “Interlined by the corrector of the Or.,” fol. 41. Stubbe owned the 1653 edition of Selden’s book. For a detailed study of Selden and Stubbe, see ch. 8 in Rosenblatt, Renaissance England’s Chief Rabbi.
99. Selden, De Iure Naturali, 844.
100. The discussion by Paul of idolatrous food occurs in 1 Corinthians 8:9–10 and 1 Corinthians 10:1–11. A marginal note in BL Harleian 1876 refers to Johann Heinrich Heidegger (1633–1698), “libert a lege. c.7. l. 3,” fol. 29. I was unable to locate this text, but Stubbe owned a copy of Heidegger’s Rashi aboth, sive, de historia sacra patriarcharum. Exercitationes selectae (Amsterdam, 1667).
101. In BL Harleian 6189, “paramount” is followed by “vel nescio,” and in the margin, “Interlined by the Corrector,” fol. 44. The story of Cornelius is in Acts 10.
102. Selden, De Iure Naturali, 180–181.
104. Artemon was a third-century Antitrinitarian in Rome; Pope Victor (AD 189–199); Pope Zephyrinus (AD 199–217). Stubbe is drawing on bk. 5, chs. 27 and 28 (Greek version) of Eusebius, Ecclesiastica Historica, 73–74 (chs. 24 and 25 in the Latin version).
105. See this discussion in Casaubon, De Rebvs Sacris et Ecclesiasticis, 477–499.
106. The Apostles’ Creed contains nothing about the controversies regarding the human-divine nature of Christ—which is why it was acceptable to the Arians.
107. St. Athanasius (AD 296–372), bishop of Alexandria, upheld the doctrine of the Incarnation against the Arians.
108. In the margin, BL Harleian 1876, fol. 33: “In Ecclesia πολιτεία ita ordo à plebe vel Laicis olim distinguebatur, ut in civili gentium, ordo & plebs. Ordo est magistratus vel senatus. Walo Messalin. P.388.” See Messalini, De Espiscopis, 388. Waldonis Messalin was a pseudonym that Salmasius used: De Episcopis et Presbyteris (Leiden, 1641).
109. Stubbe is reading Buxtorf, The Jewish Synagogue, 314–315. The story of Balaam and his prophecy to Balak appears in the book of Numbers, ch. 22.
110. Rabbi Akiva (fl. early second century AD), whose writings furnished the basis for the Mishnah. See the discussion of Casaubon on Akiva and Bar Kochba in Anthony Grafton and Joanna Weinberg, with Alastair Hamilton, “I have always loved the Holy Tongue”: Isaac Casaubon, the Jews, and a Forgotten Chapter in Renaissance Scholarship (Cambridge, 2011), 319–320.
111. BL Harleian 6189 has “four hundred,” fol. 48.
112. Followed by “Idolls” in BL Harleian 6189, fol. 49, and a note, “Interlined by the Corrector.”
113. “The worshippers of Serapis are Christians, and those are devoted to the god Serapis, who (I find) call themselves the bishops of Christ. There is here no ruler of a Jewish synagogue, no Samaritan, no Presbyter of the Christians, who is not either an astrologer, a soothsayer, or a minister of obscene pleasures. The very Patriarch himself, should he come into Egypt, would be required by some to worship Serapis, and by others to worship Christ.” From the letter of the Emperor Adrian in AD 134, translated in Robert Taylor, Diegesis, 3d ed. (London, 1845), 386.
114. BL Harleian 1876 includes the following note: “Tho’ ye dignity of a Patriarch was not settled in ye Church till long after ye Nicene Council, is certain: yet yt ye word Patriarch was analogically used in ye Church. & yt ye Alexandrine was such: See Valles. in Socrat. Hist. Eccles.l.5.c.8 Hottinger. Hist. Orient. Pag.101,” fol. 35. See Evsebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, 311; and Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 102.
115. See the discussion of Eutychius/Ibn al-Baṭrīq in the introduction.
116. The name given to Christians who offered incense to idols in order to escape persecution.
117. “It follows that the eagles are the gods of the legions,” Tacitus, Annals, 2:17.
118. Labarum was the military standard used by Constantine with the first two letters of the Greek spelling of “Christ.”
119. Office of chief priest.
120. CTh.12.1.112: Florentio praefecto Augustali. In consequenda archierosyne ille sit potior, qui patriæ plura praestiterit nec tamen a templorum cultu observatione christianitatis abscesserit. Quippe indecorum est, immo ut verius dicamus, illicitum ad eorum curam templa et templorum sollemnia pertinere, quorum conscientiam vera ratio divinæ religionis imbuerit et quos ipsos decebat tale munus, etiamsi non prohiberentur, effugere. Emissa XVI kal. iul. Constantinopoli Honorio n. p. et Evodio conss. (386 iun. 16). http://ancientrome.ru/ius/library/codex/theod/liber16.htm#8; accessed September 30, 2012.
121. Quintus Aurelius Symmachus (ca. AD 345–402). The pontifices maximi occupied the highest position in Roman religion.
122. “Hathur” is the third month of the Coptic year: see Selden, De synedriis, where, in chapter 15, there is a detailed description of Coptic feasts and fast days, along with the story about Alexander, 345. The story was told by Eutychius in Contextio Gemmarum (Oxford, 1658), 435. BL Harleian 6189 has “Captives” for “Coptites,” fol. 53.
123. Amandus and Ӕlianus were insurgents in France, ca. AD 285.
124. Aemilius Papinianus (AD 142–212), a Roman jurist.
125. Eusebii Pamphili Ecclesiasticæ Historiæ Libri Decem., 251–252, in Annotationes.
126. Selden, De synedriis, 342ff.
127. BL Harleian 1876 includes the following note: “Cod. Theodos. lib.16. tit.8.leg.29 cum notis Gothofredi,” fol. 42. The code describes “the annual tribute that is to be collected from rulers of Jewish synagogues.” Imperial Laws and Letters Involving Religion, AD 395–431 (Fourth Century Christianity, Wisconsin Lutheran College), http://www.fourthcentury.com/index.php/imperial-laws-chart-395; accessed September 30, 2012.
128. “Jews will be restricted in their ceremonies; let us, meanwhile, follow the ancients in the preservation of their privileges, by whose law and the assent of our divinity it is ordained that those who are subject to the authority of the illustrious patriarchs (i.e. the archsynagogues, the patriarchs, the elders, and the rest who are involved in the sacrament of that religion) shall preserve those privileges which were conferred upon the first clerics of the venerable Christian law. The deified emperors Constantine, Constantius, Valentinian, and Valens decreed this with a divine order.” Stubbe elaborates on the code: 1 July 397, CTh 16.8.13, Arcadius, Honorius: “Jewish clergy are allowed to retain their own laws and rituals and are exempt from service as in municipal senates. They are to have the same privileges as Christian clergy.” Imperial Laws and Letters Involving Religion, AD 395–431 (Fourth Century Christianity, Wisconsin Lutheran College), http://www.fourthcentury.com/index.php/imperial-laws-chart-395; accessed September 30, 2012.
129. “Ethnic” is used to refer to Gentile, specifically Greek. BL 1876 has “Metaphysicks” instead of “Mathematicks,” fol. 42.
130. BL Harleian 1876 has “two hundred,” fol. 44.
131. In A further iustification Stubbe thinks of “Mahometanism” immediately after discussing the Donatists, 65. Justinian reigned until AD 565 and therefore, appropriately, leads Stubbe to Muḥammad, born a few years later.
132. Novatus (ca. AD 200–258); Maximinus Thrax (reg. AD 235–238); Diocletian (reg. AD 284–305).
133. BL 6189 has “remitted” instead of “ruined,” fol. 65.
134. See the same use in A further iustification, 41. Andrew Marvell also used this analogy in A Short Historical Essay Concerning General Councils, Creeds, and Impositions, in Matters of Religion (1676), in The Prose Works of Andrew Marvell, ed. Annabel Patterson (New Haven, 2003), 2:129.
135. A church historian of the fifth century.
136. Denius Petau/Petavius (1583–1652), Jesuit theologian and historian.
137. Contrast Stubbe’s treatment of this choice of bishops in A further iustification, 39, where the tone is favorable.
138. See Bodin, Six Bookes, 537 where the marginalia state: “Religion not to be enforced,” and “How a prince wel assured of the truth of his religion is to draw his subiects thereunto, being the fore diuided into sects and factions.”
139. The other sites which Stubbe does not mention were Milan, Seleucia, Nice, Tarsis/Tarsus, and Ariminum/Rimini. In BL Harleian 6189 and 1876, the number is 600, fols. 67 and 48 respectively.
140. Salvian, Bishop of Marseilles, fifth-century author of De gubernatione Dei (Oxford, 1629), especially bk. 5. Hilary was bishop of Poitiers (d. AD 368).
141. In the margin: “Blount has copied this in a letter to Hobbs and ye 2 pages & a half Next,” Hand A. Blount made a few changes in copying from Stubbe: see especially Malcolm’s notes 31 and 40, Thomas Hobbes, 2:763–766.
142. BL Harleian 6189 has a note: “f. layd aside the Exercise of the Power,” fol. 70.
143. Curiously, the title nostrum numen was applied to Constantine. Circensian relates to circus.
144. Eutychius of Constantinople (ca. AD 512–582); Dioscorus of Alexandria (d. AD 454); Severus of Antioch (AD 465–538); Jacob Baradaeus (ca. AD 500–578), bishop of Edessa; Nestorius (ca. AD 386–451).
145. Followed by “part” in BL Harleian 6189, fol. 73.
146. Council of Jerusalem (described in Acts 15), AD 48; (First) Council of Ephesus, AD 431; Council of Chalcedon, AD 451.
147. “It is Greek, and therefore not understood,” in Guillaume Ranchin, A Review of the Councell of Trent, trans. G. L. (Oxford, 1638), 152. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition. The pope is Gregory the Great (ca. AD 540–604).
148. Valentinus (reg. AD 364–375), Justinius II (reg. AD 565–578), Mauritius Tiberius (reg. AD 582–602). Phocas, Byzantine Emperor (reg. AD 602–610); Heraclius, Byzantine Emperor (reg. AD 610–641).
149. Martianus/Marcian/Marcianus (AD 390–457), was emperor of the Eastern Empire.
150. Brerewood, Enqviries Tovching the Diversity of Langvages, 140–141.
151. Chosroes I (reg AD 531–579); King Hormisdas (reg. AD 579–590); Chosroes II (reg. AD 590–628).
152. “unimaginable” is followed by “effects, and” in BL Harleian 6189, fol. 57.
153. See David Blondel, Treatise of the sibyls, so highly celebrated, as well by the antient heathens, as the Holy Fathers of the Church, trans. J. D. (London, 1661), 3. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition. Evsebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, 22, from which Stubbe borrows the phrase “Simoni Deo Sancto.”
154. Antoninus Pius, one of the “Five Good Emperors” (reg. AD 138–161). Justin was beheaded in AD 165 during the reign of Marcus Aurelius.
155. The battle was between Emperor Marcus Aurelius and the Quadi in AD 174. Appolinaris was an apologist (fl. ca. AD 170).
156. Cf. Casaubon, De Rebvs Sacris et Ecclesiasticis, 70–87; Eusebii Pamphili Ecclesiasticæ Historiæ Libri Decem., 225, in Annotationes; and the earlier reference to Blondel.
157. In both Bodleian 6189 and 1876, the word “postnate” precedes “authority.”
158. It is significant that Stubbe does not mention Anglicans, obviously thinking them the only true Christians: “I defend Truth, and the Church of England,” he wrote to the dean of Christ Church, John Fell (A Censure (Oxford, 1670), dedication. Nor does he mention the Quakers whom, in 1659, he had mildly defended A light shining out of darknes: … with a brief apologie for the Quakers, that they are not inconsistent with a magistracy (London, 1659). BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “The Lieflanders are so ignorant, that it may be said Baptism excepted, they have not any character of Christianity. See Olearius, The voyages, p. 30,” fol. 60: The voyages and travels of the ambassadors sent by Frederick, Duke of Hostein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy and the King of Persia, trans. John Davies (London, 1669), 32. Stubbe copied word for word about the inhabitants in Livonia. He owned a copy of this edition.
159. Cf. Casaubon, De Rebvs Sacris et Ecclesiasticis, 6–21.
160. In the margin, Hand A: “v. Blunt fo. 104.” John Dale was the author of The analysis of all the Epistles of the New Testament: Wherein the chiefe things of every particular chapter are reduced to heads, for the memory (Oxford, 1652).
161. Eusebii Pamphili Ecclesiasticæ Historiæ, Libri Decem., 34–36 in Annotationes. See also Philo on The Contemplative Life in which he describes the therapeutae, trans. Frank William (Bloomington, 1922), 3–26.
162. Evsebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, 23. The Latin uses the term cultores; therapeutae appears in the margin, in Greek, in association with the Essenes, 55. Epiphanius relied heavily on Eusebius.
163. Salmasius, De Hellenistica Commentarius, 181: “Inde etiam Hebræ lingua appellate est Syriaca.” BL Harleian 1876, fol. 62, adds in the margin: “That Mark was also such is most probable.” Eusebius wrote that Mark’s gospel was written in Egypt, Evsebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, 23.
164. Salmasius, De Hellenistica Commentarius, 254, 258, 250: “It must be rightly understood for a truth that nearly all of Christ’s disciples and Apostles, being uneducated and common, evidently fishermen, sailors, and boatmen, understood no other language than the vernacular, that is, the Galilean and Syrian parlance which prevailed in that region. For even if many in Syria and Judea knew Greek, it did not reach at all the men of the basest class who knew only the vernacular and were entirely ignorant of Greek. … Therefore the Apostles wrote in their own idiom and the tongue and in the vernacular that was familiar to them, which was immediately translated into Greek by either hellenized Syrians or Greeks, who spoke Greek and who rendered it faithfully, and who were with the preaching Evangelists as supporters and assistants. In certain cases, this has been verified for a fact; in others, it is not known, since it is not apparent: nevertheless, concerning all of them, there is the resemblance of truth, since there is truth in some of them. For there is no difference between these men, who were equals in respect to tribe and station, as well as vocation and function. … This is a thing which holds for the books of the New Testament; for this reason it is also possible to convey why it is that they are written in a manner greatly different from the more elegant and pure type of spoken Hellenism. As you see, one may say that they were composed partly by the uneducated, partly by translators, who were even themselves not entirely familiar with Greek speech.” In the margin of the manuscript, there are the following words: “Predicare non scribere precepti fuere.”
165. BL Harleian 1876 has “carry age” instead of “carriage,” fol. 64.
166. Lactantius, rhetorician who converted to Christianity (ca. AD 250–325); Annobius the Elder was his teacher; Minicius Felix, Christian apologist (fl. ca. AD 160–300). The Third Council of Carthage, AD August 397, specified the books of the Old and New Testaments: see B. F. Westcott, A General Survey of the History of the Canon of the New Testament, 5th ed. (Edinburgh, 1881), 440, 541–542. Pope Clement’s (alleged) letter was published in 1647: Clement, the blessed Paul’s fellow-labourer in the Gospel, his first epistle to the Corinthians (London, 1652 [1647]), 2–3.
167. Stubbe may have been thinking of Pococke’s Specimen Historiæ Arabica, where Avicenna is associated with “Philosophiam Saracenicam recte inscripseris, non quod Barbara.” Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiæ Arabica (Oxford, 1650), 35. As a physician, Stubbe read the works of Avicenna, whose Canons had been published as early as 1555 in Paris, Avicennae Arabis Medicorvm. Stubbe owned a copy of the Louvain edition of 1658.
CHAPTER 3
The title is written in the margin, Hand B: “A Breif Account of Arabia and the Saracens.” Henceforth, all odd-numbered pages have “CHAP 3” in the upper left corner. In BL 1876, the title “The History of ye Saracens and of Mahomet” is followed by a blank page and then, in large letters: “A generall Preface to the account of the originall & progress of Muhammadanisme,” fol. 57.
1. Scribal variants include “Hagarens,” “Hagarites,” and “Agarens.”
2. See Gabriel Sionita, De Nonnvullis Orientalivm Vrbibvs (Paris, 1619), 2, which is bound with the translation of al-Idrīsī’s Geographia Nubiensis. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition. Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiæ Arabica (Oxford, 1650), 33. The second part of Pococke’s Specimen consists of Notæ in quibus aliqvam mvlta qvæ ad historiam orientalivm apprimè illustrandam faciunt, which had been printed in Oxford two years earlier, 1648, by the same printer.
3. Pococke, Specimen, 76–78, probably from Abū al-Fida who had mentioned that the Arab clan of Ṣālih was the first to establish a kingdom in Syria. In BL Sloane 1709 there is “Banu Salih filis Salhi” in the margin, fol. 94r.
4. The Ghassānid Arabs (Banū Ghassān) were Christians from the tribe of Azd.
5. Julius Solinus’s third-century AD De memorabilibus mundi was published frequently and translated into English by Arthur Golding as The worthie work of Iulius Solinus Polyhistor: containing many noble actions of humaine creatures (London, 1587). But Stubbe is borrowing directly from Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1660), 211: “Solino & aliis Ayman dicitur.” The scribe uses “Yaman.”
6. See Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1651) on “De Mvhammedis parentibvs,” 134–137.
7. Pococke, Specimen, 150–152.
8. Sionita, Nonnvllis, 2. Joktan is the biblical name for Qaḥtān, Genesis 10:25–29. Stubbe copied “Mota-Arabes”/Mostaarabs from Pococke, Specimen, 39; p. 45 has “Most Arabes.” In the translation of Eutychii Patriarchæ Alexandrini Annalium, the term is “Most Arabibus” (Oxford, 1654), 2:272. The first use of “Mozarab” appears in 1615 (OED). The manuscript has “the Son of Heber the Son of Saleh” with “of Heber” crossed out. In BL Sloane 1709, it is not, fo. 94v. Sionita has “Heber,” 2.
9. This use of “Coreischites” is very early in English. The variants in the manuscript are “Koreischites” and “Coreishites.”
10. Pococke writes Jorham/Jorhamum in Specimen, 38. The OED records the first use of “Coreis”/Quraysh by Alexander Ross in his English translation of the Qur’ān (1649).
11. Pococke, Specimen, 4, 150–51. Pococke’s spelling is “Hamyar,” which Stubbe uses. Ḥimyar was a tribe in southwestern Arabia. “Ismailites” had been used as early as 1571 (OED).
12. Pococke, Specimen, 40.
13. Ibid., 138. See also Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), “Henoch, qui vocatur Adris,” 30.
14. The scribe wrote, “Maimonides apud Hottinger.hist.or.l.1.c.8.” In Historia Orientalis (1651), bk. 1, ch. 8, there is discussion of the religions of the Sabeans and the Nabateans, along with other religions of “veterum Arabum.” There are numerous references to Maimonides.
15. Pococke spelled the name, “Abulfeda,” ignoring its patronymic construction. There was no published edition of Abū al-Fida’s geography covering the Arabian Peninsula, although as Toomer states, Selden owned a manuscript of the geography (John Selden, 2:619 and also “Arabic Learning after the Restoration,” in Eastern Wisedome, 227). John Gregory mentions a manuscript of Abū al-Fida at Cambridge, in The Works of the Reverend and learned Mr. John Gregory (London, 1665), 73 margin, but later adds: “For the Arabick-Nubian Geographie, translated into Latine by the Maronites, though otherwise of a rare and pretious esteem, yet it is not commended for this, That the Distances of Places are there set down by a gross Mensuration of miles: and John Leo’s Africa is not so well. But when the Learned and long-promised Geographie of Abulfeda the Prince shall come to light, there can be nothing done there without this Meridian,” 266. It is unclear what is meant by “long-promised,” unless Gregory had known (before his death in 1646) about John Greaves who published in 1650 an Arabic and Latin selection by Abū al-Fida about the region “extra fluvium Oxum,” Chorasmiae et Mawaralnahrae (London, 1650). There may well have been a longer manuscript by Greaves that was circulating since in 1712 John Hudson published the earlier account by Greaves with a unit on Arabia, specifically describing the Islamic holy cities and many other locations, Geographiae veteris scriptores Græci minores Accedunt Geographica Arabica (Oxford, 1712), 3:1–66, new pagination. At the same time, there are twelve manuscripts of Abū al-Fida’s Taqwīm al-buldān in the BnF, one of which is a copy made by G. Schikhart, professor of Hebrew at Tubingen: see MS Arabe 2241 in Catalogue des Manuscrits Arabes, M. Le Baron de Slane (Paris, 1883–1895).
17. From Pococke, Specimen, 108.
19. Claudii Salmasius, De Annis Climactericis et Antiqua Astorlogia diatribæ (Leiden, 1648), 578–579, where there is a discussion of the Greek origin of the Arabic word, ṭalṣam, “vulgo Talisman.” Stubbe owned a copy of this edition. See also the discussion of “Tilsemat” in Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 284–289.
20. Pococke, Specimen, 140–141.
22. All these passages, from “They say that Noah” until here, follow Pococke, Specimen, 144. Manuscript variants for ‘Ka‘ba and Mecca are the following: “the Caab,” “Alcaab,” “Caaba,” “Kabe,” ‘Cabea,” and “Meccah,” “Mecha,” “Macca,” “Mecca.”
23. For references to the Sabians/al-Ṣābi’a in the Qur’ān, see 2:62; 5:69; 22:17.
24. Pococke, Specimen, 274. The reference is to the Nabateans, whose kingdom included the trading center in Petra.
25. Thomas Erpenius, Orationes tres, de linguarum Ebraeæ, atque Arabicæ dignitate (Leiden, 1621), 41; Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), bk 1, ch. 4.
26. Pococke, Specimen, 39.
27. ‘Adnān and Qaḥtān are the two ancestors from whom western and central Arabs and eastern Arabs are respectively descended.
28. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 142–143.
29. The tribe of Khuzā‘a.
30. Pococke, Specimen, 42 where he writes, “akhsar min abi Gabshan.” Pococke writes “Chozaah,” which Stubbe borrows.
32. Ibid., 115. Stubbe borrows the translation of “Domum interdictam” from Pococke.
33. In BL Harleian 1876, there is the following note: “It was always a part of Arabick devotion, to go about, & compass ye temple where they worshipped: to some such devotion perhaps David alludes when he says ps.77. so shall the congregation of ye people compass thee about. & Ps.26:6 so will I compass thine Altar,” fol. 112.
34. The references are to the tribe of Khuzā‘a, and to King ‘Amr ibn Luḥay.
35. As‘ad abū Karib was a Ḥimyarite king.
36. Pococke, Specimen, 80, 60, 81.
38. Ṣafā and Marwā are the two mountains between which Hagar ran to find sustenance for her son.
39. The names are taken from Pococke, Specimen, 118: “Abu Kobau,” and 128 “Koaikaban.” The latter might be a reference to Kawkaban in northern Yemen.
40. The tribes of Ṭayy and Qaḥtān; Al-Ḥārith ibn Ka‘b. Stubbe lifts this name from Pococke’s notes, Specimen, 109, where it refers to “Bani Hareth.”
41. Ibid., 60–64. Yūsuf Dhū Nuwās (reg. ca. AD 517–525), the last king of Ḥimyarite Yemen, converted to Judaism.
43. Pococke, Specimen, 63–64, where the whole episode, along with the Qur’ānic verse about it, is described.
44. Pococke’s spelling, Specimen, 71. Anū Sherwān, king of Persia (reg. AD 488–513).
45. Al-Nu‘mān and al-Mundhir. Stubbe’s spelling is from Pococke, ibid., 72.
46. Evsebii Pamphili … Ecclesiastica historia, 544, “De Mauia Saracenorum regina.” For Mavia and the Christian Kings of Arabia, see Glen W. Bowersock, “Mavia, Queen of the Saracens,” in Studies on the Eastern Roman Empire (Goldbach, 1994), 127–140.
47. Pococke, Specimen, 85.
48. There is a note referring to “Evagrius bk 4, ch. 12,” the same words that appear in Pococke, Specimen, 85.
CHAPTER 4
The title is written in the margin, Hand B. Henceforth, all odd numbered pages have “CHAP 4” in the upper left corner.
1. The date 580 appears in Thomas Erpenius, Orationes tres, de linguarum Ebraeæ, atque Arabicæ dignitate (Leiden, 1621), 42, but there is a discussion of other dates in Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1660), 217–218.
3. Roderici Ximenez, Historia Arabum, ed. Thomas Erpenius (Leiden, 1625), 2. The treatise is bound with Jirjis ibn al-’Amīd al-Makīn, Historia Saracenica, trans. Thomas Erpenius (Leiden, 1625).
4. There is a note in BL Harleian 1876, fol. 117, to “Gregor.Abūlfarai.p.101,” but it does not correspond with any of the three editions that had been published of Abū al-Faraj. Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1651), bk 2, ch. 1, writes about “Muhammedis Educatione, Itinere Syriaco,” but there is no mention of travel beyond Syria “& alia loca,” 210.
5. BL Harleian 1876: “Others say yt he was an Hermit, & yt he cry’d out, having view’d Mahomet well: There is no God, but God & Mahomet, ye Apostle of God” (fol. 117). See Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 203, where there is mention of a hermit who exclaims: “Non est Deus, nisi Deus, & Muhammed, Apostolus ejus.”
6. The month of Muḥarram. Stubbe is borrowing from Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiæ Arabica (Oxford, 1650), 174–176, but the imperfect spelling of the month is the scribe’s.
7. Abū Bakr al-Ṣiddīq was not Muḥammad’s uncle (d. AD 634), but he was the father of one of the Prophet’s wives. In Arabic, however, a father-in-law is also an “uncle.” The name is also spelled “Abubecr” in the manuscript.
8. In the seventeenth century, “obnoxious” meant “exposed to harm” (OED).
9. The words in parentheses are in the margin, BL Harleian 1876, fo. 118, with a sign after “Princes” to add them into the text.
10. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), bk 2, ch. 1.
11. Pococke, Specimen, 170.
12. Gaius Julius Priscus, born in Syria, rose from soldier to brother of Emperor Philip the Arab in the third century AD; Pertinax, Roman Emperor who started his life as a teacher and later as a soldier (AD 126–186); Don Ambrogio Spinola Doria (1569–1630), Italian aristocrat who served the Spanish crown. See also André Tiraqueau, Commentarij de nobilitate, et ivre primigeniorvm, hac postrema editione ab autore ipso diligentissimè recogniti, & tertia ampliùs parte locupletati (Venice, 1574), chapter 33, “An mercatura derogit Nobilitati,” especially paragraph 17 where there is a discussion of emperors and kings who were “mercatores.”
13. Boxhornius mentions the travels of Muḥammad to Egypt and Palestine, but not Spain. Marcus Zuerius Boxhornius, Historia universalis sacra et profana a Christo nato ad annum usque MDCL (Leiden, 1652), 397. King Ricaredus was the first king of the Goths who was not Arian.
14. Purchas repeats this story about rice, “Foolish and blasphemous traditions.” Purchas his Pilgrimage (London, 1626), 232. Purchas relied on the introduction of Sionita’s 1619 translation of al- Idrīsī.
15. Khadīja bint Khuwaylid, d. AD 619. Another variant: “Chadijah.”
16. Pococke, Specimen, 170–171.
17. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 206, for the dream.
18. Tiraqueau, Commentarij de nobilitate, chapter 25, “An nobilitas perdatur ob paupertatem,” but the emphasis is on the poverty of Graeco-Roman, rather than biblical, figures.
19. Waraqa ibn Nawfal, the paternal cousin of Khadīja, is mentioned in Bukhāri’s rendition of the Hadith, narrated by ‘Āisha (I, 1, 3): “Khadija then accompanied him [Muḥammad] to her cousin Waraqa bin Naufal bin Asad bin ‘Abdul ‘Uzza, who, during the pre-Islamic period became a Christian and used to write the writing with Hebrew letters. He would write from the Gospel in Hebrew as much as Allah wished him to write. He was an old man and had lost his eyesight.” He died a few days after Muḥammad received the first revelation of the Qur’ān. There is no reference in the Hadith that he was a teacher to the Prophet. Toward the end of Originall the name is transliterated correctly as “Warakeh.”
20. Ibn Muqla (AD 886–940), Persian calligrapher in Abbasid Baghdad; and, probably, al-Qāsim ibn Abī al-Bazza (d. AD 741), an exegete.
21. Pococke, Specimen, 157.
22. Ximenez, Historia Arabum, 2.
23. Pococke, Specimen, 169–170, 153.
24. Another variant in the manuscript is “Aly.”
25. Al-Makīn, Historia, 43.
26. Genethlia is birthday celebration.
27. The reference to al-Makīn is from Hottinger: “Undoubtedly Muhammad was born at the end of the night, when Libra was in the middle of the sky; in the middle of the night, to be sure, the constellation Taurus had crossed the meridian, for otherwise the prophet and leader would not have been able to coincide with it.” Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 146. Abū Ma‘shar (AD 787–886) was an astrologer.
28. Another variant of the Qur’ān is “Alkoran.” I shall retain both of Stubbe’s spellings as they appear in the manuscript.
29. As Purchas shows, the term derives from Strabo, “Scenites vel Nomades,” Pilgrimage, 224. See J. Spencer Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times (London, 1979), appendix A, “Greek and Latin Terms designating Arab Nomads,” for a discussion of the term.
31. BL Harleian 1876 has “miserably” while BL Harleian 6189 has “universally,” fols. 125 and 110 respectively.
32. ‘Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb (d. AD 644) and ‘Uthmān ibn ‘Affān (d. AD 656), second and third of the Righteous Caliphs. Other variants for “Othman” in the manuscript are “Otsman,” “Otsmin,” and “Osman.” The spelling of “Omar” was consistent throughout the manuscript although there is a later variance in reference to “Ibn Omer.”
33. Pandects: a unit of laws in Justinian jurisprudence.
34. Pococke, Specimen, 158–161, esp. 160.
35. The reference is from Nicholas Fuller, Miscellaneorum Theologicorum, 2d ed. (Strasbourg, 1650), 448, but to a pseudo prophet, and not specifically to “Mahomet.” See also Pococke, Specimen, 374.
36. Purchas makes this point, but without citing a source for it, Purchas, 232. In BL Harleian 6189, the number is “two,” fol. 111.
37. See Bodin, Six Bookes, 500–501.
38. Geronimo Cardan (1501–1576), mathematician, and his father Fazio Cardan.
39. Ximénes de Cisneros (1436–1517), Spanish statesman and scholar. See William Hickling Prescott, History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic (London, 1885), 436.
40. Pococke’s spelling, Specimen, 121.
41. Sūrat al-An‘ām (the Cattle) is one of the early Meccan revelations. The spelling surat is taken from Pococke. The first OED entry, however, is from Robert Boyle in 1661.
42. Pococke, Specimen, 108–109.
43. The Qur’ānic ‘Ozayr (9:30), revered by the Jews as “son of God.” For the veneration of Mary, see Epiphanius, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis, Book 1, trans. F. Williams, 2d ed. (Leiden, 2009), 30.3.7, p. 122 and the discussion in Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 343, and for ‘Ozayr 334–36.
44. Luqmān al-Ḥakīm/the Wise, after whom it is very likely that Sura 31 in the Qur’ān is named. Erpenius had translated “Fabūlae Locmani Sapientis” which appeared in Arabicae Linguae Tryocinium, id est Grammatica Arabica (Leiden, 1656), 1–172. The book was edited by Jacob Golius. See also Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 101–103, where there is a discussion of the sura. The association with Aesop is in Historia Orientalis (1651), 69.
45. He died in 619, the same year as the Prophet’s wife, Khadīja.
46. ‘Aws and Khazraj were two tribes of Yathrib with connections to Jewish communities.
47. Stubbe borrows “Muslimin” from Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), who uses it early on in the book, 4, “Moslemin.”
48. “Specious” used in its Latin derivation: beautiful, plausible.
49. The previous four paragraphs are from al-Makīn. The material in the last paragraph was also developed from al-Makīn by Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 424–425.
50. Abū ‘Abdallah Muḥammad al-Idrīsī, Geographia Nubiensis, trans. Gabriel Sionita (Paris, 1619), 44–45.
51. BL Harleian 6189 has “evince” instead of “revive.”
52. Stubbe takes some liberty with his source (as he does on numerous other occasions): al-Makīn does not state that the Prophet had favored Jesus, but had asked that the message of all “Prophetarum & Apostolorum” be accepted. Al-Makīn, Historia, 3.
54. Most likely Khālid Abū Ayyūb (al-Anṣārī).
CHAPTER 5
The title is written in the margin, Hand B. Henceforth, all odd numbered pages have “CHAP 5” in the upper left corner.
1. Other variants are “Islanisme,” “Islanism,” and “Islamisme.”
2. Sionita, Geographia Nubiensis (Paris, 1619), ch. 1.
3. See Purchas his Pilgrimage (London, 1626), 231, where there is a similar description.
4. BL Harleian 6189 has “two,” fol. 122.
5. See al-Makīn, Historia, bk. 1, ch. 1.
6. In the sense of a grammatically complete sentence (OED).
8. Other variants are “Moslemin” and “Mosslemin.”
9. The noun is used in the singular and in the plural with “Mossleman,” “Mussulman,” “Mosleman,” and “Mussulmen,” as variants. The emphasis that Stubbe places on it is important since he challenged seventeenth-century misusages. In 1611 John Floria stated that “A Pagan beleeuer is a Mussulman,” Queen Annas New Worlde of Words (London, 1611), 195, and toward the end of the century, in 1695, and during his controversy with John Edwards (1637–1716), Locke ridiculed his opponent’s ignorance of Arabic and the use of “Musselmen” instead of “in plain English, the Mahometans.” Locke, The Reasonableness of Christianity in Works (London, 1963 [1833]), 7:282.
10. Verbatim from Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1660), 438. Bilāl ibn al-Ḥārith, Suhayl ibn‘Ammār, possibly Ṣuhayb al-Rūmi, and Khabbāb ibn al-Aratt. It is difficult to identify the others.
11. The paragraph is from Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiæ Arabica (Oxford, 1650), 102.
12. The scribe split the noun in two. It should be al-Muhajirūn.
14. 1 Chronicles 5–18 describe the wars between the Hagarites and the Reubenites.
15. Nicholas Fuller, Miscellaneorum Theologicorum, 2d ed. (Strasbourg, 1650), 255.
16. In BL Harleian 6189, there is “*victory” rather than “history,” but the asterisk reads: “*f. History,” fol. 129.
17. Trajan, Roman Emperor (reg. AD 98–117); Severus, Roman Emperor (reg. AD 193–211). See also Pococke, Specimen, 53.
18. Olearius, The voyages and travels of the ambassadors sent by Frederick, Duke of Hostein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy and the King of Persia, trans. John Davies (London, 1669), 196.
19. In BL Sloane 1709, the words are “ostentation but courage,” fol. 102r.
20. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “The Arabians amongst ye blessings God bestowed on ym reckon these: yt instead of Crowns each of ym hath his Tulipant: & yt yr swords are to ym what walls & bulwarks are to others,” fol. 140.
21. Stubbe takes liberty with the episode of “Arbitration,” during the battle of Ṣiffīn when the slogan was first raised. It was described by al-Makīn, Historia, 39.
22. Fuller, Miscellaneorum Theologicorum, bk. 1, ch. 13, on “De Astroarchæ & Vrania apud Herodianum: De Astarte: Deque Lunæ imaginæ in Saracenorum insignibus.”
23. Shahoronim: chains around the camel’s neck with small moon-like or crescent-like ringlets, Judges 8:26; Isaiah 3:18. Stubbe’s use of “lunulets” is before the first 1826 entry in OED. Stubbe is borrowing from Selden, De Dis Syris, Syntagma II, 289.
24. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “These are all Mahometan sayings, & some ascribed to Ali,” fol. 141. The note also appears in BL Sloane 1709, fol. 102v.
25. Verbatim from Olearius, The voyages, 279. The note also mentions Lancelot Addison, West Barbary, or, A short narrative of the revolutions of the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco (Oxford, 1671), 160, where there is another version of the Sura.
26. In BL Harleian 1876, there is the following note: “Keblah is ye place of Heaven or Earth towards wch they praied: wch was Jerusalem, till Muhammad changed it to ye Caab,” fol. 143. The scribe in MS 537 wrote “Reblah” instead of Pococke’s “Keblah.” Pococke, Specimen, 113. In BL Sloane 1709, “Keblah” is replaced by “Kaabah,” fol. 103r.
27. John Selden, De Dis Syris Syntagmata (Leipzig, 1662), 292, 294.
28. In the margin, Hand A: “v. Selden de Dii Syrii in venere.”
29. Selden, De Dis Syris Syntagmata, 291: “It was not established but related by Muhammad that the Guimia [Friday] feast seemed to have flowed from the rites of horned Urania and the ancient effigy of little moons near to them..it seemed to have flowed.”
30. See Fuller, Miscellaneorum Theologicorum, bk. 1, ch. 13.
31. In BL Harleian 1876, there is the following note: “This story is in the Alcoran: Dr. Pocock ubi supra. p. 87,” fol. 145. In BL Harleian 6189, there is the following alteration: “… escaping in the Ark [*that besides the Introduction of a multitude of Associate Gods] that this …” The asterisk points to the following note: “*Sic. This seems to be misplaced. It follows in the next page,” fol. 139. For the Prophet Ṣālih, see Q 7:73.
32. The tribe of Thammūd. See Hottinger’s discussion of Ṣālih and the episode on which Stubbe elaborates, Historia Orientalis (1660), 44–48.
33. In BL Harleian 1876, there is the following annotation: “This is avowed by Sharestanius, in Dr. Pocock ubi supra. p.54” (fo. 146). The reference to Shahrastānī is in Pococke, Specimen, 53.
36. Ibid., 120. See Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660) who quotes the same passage, 356–357.
37. The scribe wrote “fund a Mentall.” BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “Olearius & others give another reason for its blackness, & how it come there: but ‘tis not strange amongst the Muhammadans to find many reasons for ye same thing,” fol. 147.
38. In BL Harleian 1876, there is the following note: “Selden, Syntag bk 2, ch. 14,” fol. 148. There is a discussion of Mercury/Merkolis and the throwing of stones in chapter 15. Selden, De Dis Syris Syntagmata, 353–354.
39. Another variant is “Muslimittical.”
40. Stubbe relies on Olearius, The voyages, 173, from where he borrows “sceithan.” “that it should be soe” is underlined, but is omitted in BL Sloane 1709, fol. 104r.
43. BL Harleian 1876 has this note: “Ahmed Ben Edris in scripto Elenetic.l.c.38,” fol. 151, which Stubbe copied from Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), “Ahmed ben Edris, scripti sui, Elenchitici l. 1, c. 38,” 12.
44. Pococke, Specimen, 110. In BL Sloane 1709 the sentence starting “crying Allah” and ending “turned into Cobar” is in the margin, fol. 105r. Is the scribe of the University of London manuscript copying from Sloane and integrating material into the text proper? Or was there another (lost) manuscript?
45. There is “man” in Sloane 1709, fol. 105r, and in the other manuscripts.
46. In BL Harleian 6189, “objects” replaces “projects,” fol. 154.
47. Pococke, Specimen, 105–107. “Ismaelism” is followed by “which God was now resolved to put an end unto,” BL Sloane 1709, fol. 106r.
48. In BL Sloane 1709, “paradise” is followed by “& if it is lawfull to drink it there why not here,” fol. 106r.
49. See Marcus Zeuerius Boxhornius, Historia universalis sacra et profana a Christo nato ad annum usque MDCL (Leiden, 1652), 398, for this dialogue. BL Sloane 1709 continues: Abdias replyed There is very good reason for it. “The Agareans … “fol. 106 r. There were numerous versions of this story: J. Kritzeck, Peter the Venerable and Islam (Princeton, 1964), 89.
50. In BL Harleian 1876, there is the following note: “All ys discourse at wine is alleged by me upon supposal yt in Arabia they had wine: wch is probable from yr worship of Bacchus: but if they had none, as Amianus Marcellinus (who was amongst ym) says he met with none that knew wt wine was: then did Mahomet comply with the constitution of ye Saracens in forbidding it: wisely foreseeing yt yir conquests & travells would acquaint them with it: & so he by those stories endeavoured to prevent the inconveniences of drinking it. But I believe they had wine in some places,” fol. 157. The use of “apologue” is the first before the 1699 entry in the OED.
51. Augerii Gislenii Busbequii d. Legationis turcicae epistolae quatuor (Frankfurt, 1595), 106–107.
52. The first use of “complacent” in this manner had appeared in 1660 (OED).
53. Pococke, Specimen, 52–53, but the earlier part is taken from the Qur’ān.
54. A note in BL Harleian 1876 reads: “This was written on Muhammad’s seal: In duplex testimonium,” fol.160.
55. Also spelled “Melchite” in the manuscript.
56. Gratian (AD 359–383) was a Roman emperor who continued the fight against the Arians. His father was Valentinian I, and his mother was Marina. His uncle was Valens.
57. Justin I (reg. AD 518–527), Byzantine emperor and founder of the Justinian dynasty; Sozomen, in Evsebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, Theodoriti, Sozomeni, Theodori, Evagrii, et Dorothei Ecclesiastica Historia (Basel, 1570), 544, “Saraceni cū Romanis federe conjuncti.” There is mention of Palestine, Phoenicia, and Egypt, but not Syria.
58. A note mentions “Abu al faraj 93,” which corresponds to the same page in Edward Pococke, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarvm (Oxford, 1672).
59. Fuller, Miscellaneorum Theologicorum, 314. See also Pococke, Specimen, 74.
60. “Aretas” derives from the Arabic, Ḥāritha: al-Mundhir ibn al-Ḥārith was the king of the Ghassānid Arabs from AD 569 to ca. 581. It is not clear whom Stubbe had in mind in regard to “Aretas,” unless it is to the NT reference, 2 Corinthians 11:22.
61. BL Harleian 1876 has “Emperour” instead of “Empire,” fol. 162. Philip the Arab (reg. AD 244–249). The reference to “Bostra” could be to Busra in Syria, since Philip was born in the province of Arabia.
62. Odenatus and his wife Zenobia ruled Palmyra and fought the Romans in the third century.
63. Sozomen in Evsebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, 545. Another variant, rare, for Hagar is “Agar.”
64. Fuller, Miscellaneorum Theologicorum, bk. 2, ch. 12, “De nomine Saracenorum, De Ismaëlitis, Cedrais, & Agarenis”; Pococke, Specimen, 33; Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 4–9.
65. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis, 7–8. For a discussion of the term Saracens in English seventeenth-century usage, see Katharine Scarfe Beckett, Anglo-Saxon Perceptions of the Islamic World (Cambridge, 2003), ch. 9. See especially her references to Thomas Newton, 205–207.
66. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “This saying is related to have been ye most frequent of any in the mouth of Ali: Hottinger.hist.or.l.2.c.5,” fol. 167.
67. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “That ys is ye Muhammadan tenet concerning praier, see L. Addison of Westbarbary.c.9,” fol. 167, Addison, West Barbary, “Of the Moresco Church Government,” 155–165.
68. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “These are all Muhammadan sayings,” fol. 168.
69. Another example of Stubbe taking liberties with his sources. The episode is from Augerii Gislenii Busbequii d. Legationis turcicæ epistolæ quatuor, 107–108, but it has nothing to do with ‘Ali.
70. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “Orotal ye Great God: Alilia ye Associate Goddess of ye Arabians,” fol. 168.
CHAPTER 6
The title is written in the margin, Hand B. Henceforth, all odd numbered pages have “Chap 6” in the upper left corner. This chapter division is absent from BL Sloane 1709 where there is just a new paragraph.
1. Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiæ Arabica (Oxford, 1650), 172.
2. See Acts 8:27ff. Henceforth the scribe used “Abyssines” instead of “Abyssinians.”
3. Edward Brerewood, Enqviries Tovching the Diversity of Langvages, and Religions throughout the cheife parts of the World (London, 1614), 155.
4. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “Gregor.Abulfarai.p.93. say’s ye Arabian Christians were Jacobites,” fol. 170, Edward Pococke, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarum (Oxford, 1663), 93–94. Also repeated in BL Sloane 1709, fol. 110v.
5. Pococke, Specimen, 63–64.
6. John Selden, Uxor Ebraica (Frankfurt, 1673), 395–396. Stubbe closely followed Selden, but he spelled the names differently. In BL Harleian 1876 there is the following note: “I am sorry yt Selden did not publish the letters entire,” fol. 170.
7. Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1660), 461. But Stubbe was confused about the names: Ja‘far ibn abī Tālib went on the migration to Abyssinia; Zayd ibn Ḥāritha was the adopted son of the Prophet. There is no record of ‘Abdallah ibn ‘Umar.
8. Jirjis ibn al-’Amīd al-Makīn, Historia Saracenica, trans. Thomas Erpenius (Leiden, 1625), 4.
9. The title of this section is written in the margin, Hand A.
10. Al-Makīn, Historia, 5. The reference is to “Abusofianum f. Harithi,” Abū Sufyān ibn al-Ḥarith, a cousin of the Prophet and one of the Companions. Another variant in the manuscript is “Abusophian.”
11. The Battle of Badr—AD 624.
12. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 329, “Phinhas, filius Azura,” Finḥās, a rabbi in Medina. See also p. 358 where Hottinger contrasts the trustworthiness of the Christians with the deceit of the Jews.
13. The title is written in the margin, Hand A.
14. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis, 328.
15. Most probably ‘Utba ibn Waqqāṣ at the battle of Uḥud in AD 625.
16. The paragraph is from al-Makīn, Historia, 4–5. The references are to “Ka’baum fil. Alasrafi”/Ka‘b ibn al-Ashraf, “Ochas filius Abumugidi”/‘Uqba ibn abī Mujīd, and “Abdalla quoqs filius Sjehabi”/ ‘Abdallah ibn Shihāb.
17. The reference is to “Naimus f.Masudae Gatfanites”/Na‘īm ibn Mas‘ūd al-Ghatfani.
18. The title is written in the margin, Hand A.
19. Al-Makīn, Historia, 6–7, Hudaybiyya.
20. The Treaty of Hudaybiyya, AD 628.
21. Edward Pococke, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarvm (Oxford, 1672), 102.
22. The title is written in the margin, Hand A.
23. Pococke, Specimen, 98, “AlJannabium.”
25. The image of “vulgar heads” recalls Sir Thomas Browne’s Psuedodoxia Epidemica (London, 1646), ch. 5, where Browne is denouncing the Muslims for their credulity. Stubbe owned a copy of “Brown’s vulgar Error et Religio Medici London 1672,” BL MS Sloane 35, fol. 8r.
26. Al-Makīn, Historia, 8, “Melicum filium Aufi”; Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 271. The tribes are Thaqīf and Hawāzin.
27. The opposition of the Hawāzin tribe to Muḥammad was led by Mālik ibn ‘Awf al-AnṣārĪ. “Taiph” is Ṭā’if, the city of the tribe of Thaqīf. “Horam” is Ḥunayn.
28. Erpenius, Orationes Tres, De Linguam Ebraeae atque Arabicae Dignitate (Leiden, 1621), 42ff.
29. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 271–272.
31. Al-Makīn, Historia, 8–9.
32. The title is written in the margin, Hand A.
33. Sihan ad-Dauma, in Yemen.
34. Pococke, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarvm, 103. In the margin, there is “Mosaleima” which is similar to Pococke’s “Mosailema.” In this manuscript another variant is “Moseilina.” Musaylima ibn Ḥabīb claimed to be a prophet in the ninth year after the hijra.
CHAPTER 7
The title is written in the margin, Hand B. Henceforth, all odd numbered pages have “CHAP 7” in the upper left corner.
1. Quoting verbatim from Olearius, The voyages and travels of the ambassadors sent by Frederick, Duke of Hostein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy and the King of Persia, trans. John Davies (London, 1669), 172.
2. Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiæ Arabica (Oxford, 1650), 315–316. The place is “al-‘Aqaba.”
3. Gabriel Sionita, De Nonnvullis Orientalivm Vrbibvs (Paris, 1619), 20.
4. Olearius, The voyages, 172.
5. “Daroga” is a word that Stubbe must have taken from Olearius, 1662 (OED). The passage continues in BL Sloane 1709, “giving him many blows on ye head neck & heart,” fol. 114r.
6. Pococke, Specimen, 114.
7. See Olearius, The voyages, 173; Pococke, Specimen, 120, 121. In BL Sloane 1709 the sentence is different: “advanced from the ground about 7 handfulls or 2 cubits & an half,” fol. 114r.
8. Pococke describes the pilgrimage, Specimen, 310–316.
9. Both are Moabite deities. See Judges 11:24, Numbers 25:3.
10. The celebration of Eid al-Aḍha takes place between 10–12 of the month of Dhul Ḥijja.
11. “Ashura” is ‘Āshurā’, the tenth day of the month of Muḥarrahm. The Jews fasted on that day in remembrance of the exodus, and so the Prophet instituted it as a fast day, as Stubbe notes.
12. Ibn al-Athīr (1160–1233) was a historian, frequently mentioned by Pococke.
13. For “accquests,” BL Harleian1876 has “conquests” and BL Harleian 6189 has “acquaintance,” fols. 188 and 209 respectively. In BL Sloane 1709, “power” is followed by “nor his inauguration to be Xerirriffs,” fol. 114r.
14. The scribe was careless. In both BL Harleian 1876 and Harleian 6189, the word is “dignity.” And “broils” should be “brawls.”
15. Stubbe anglicized the name from Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 416–417, “Firus, Dailamatia,” Fayrūz al-Daylamī. In BL Sloane 1709, “prophet” is followed by “in Yaman, & multiplied his followers, & possessed himself of power, provinces,” fol. 114v.
16. Pococke, Specimen, 189–190.
18. Ibid., 178. Stubbe misunderstood (his memory failed him?) the reference in Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), where the quotation reads as follows: “the Prophet had received what none other had received, over 3,000 verses (‘éaque varia ad tria millia, et amplius’). Had he received only the Qur’an, it would have been a sufficient demonstration of the miraculous” (488).
19. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “The Muhammadans believe, & so he told ym, yt Isa was not crucify’d, but conveyed to heaven, & an imaginary body crucify’d in his stead,” fol. 191. The reference is to Q 4:157. In BL Sloane 1709 the note reads: “Muhammadans believe {or so he told ym}[added above the line] yt Isa was not crucified but conveyed to heaven & an image … crucified in his stead,” fol. 115r.
20. Pococke, Specimen, 14. See also 179–180, where Pococke cites al-Shahrastanī.
21. Edward Pococke, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarvm (Oxford, 1672), 103.
22. Sionita, De Nonnvullis, 19. BL 6189 has “double Stone” instead of “tombstone,” fol. 214.
23. “Pretend” as in “offer, present, or put forward for consideration” (OED 1655 entry).
24. The first entry of “Indostan” in the OED refers to language rather than country, as with Stubbe (OED, E. Terry, 1655).
25. In the margin: “Vide Blue Book 123 Chap. 8eg,” Hand B.
CONCERNING THE JUSTICE OF THE MAHOMETAN WARS
In the margin, “fo. 158,” Hand A.
1. At the beginning of the second century AD, Hyrcanus forced the Idumeans to convert to Judaism. Stubbe had made the same point earlier.
2. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “There are a multitude of decrees in ye Theodosian Code, for ye enforcing men to turn Christians ye like occur in the German & Spanish Chronicles,” fol. 196.
3. BL Harleian 1876 has a note about the work of Francisco de Vitoria, which contained a long section on “De Indis” immediately followed by a section on “De Indis, siue de iure belli Hispanororum in barbaros.” The first title in this section is about “Christianis licet militare, & bella gerere,” 129–173, 174–199: Francisco de Vitoria, Relectiones undecim (Salamanca, 1565).
4. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “This practise of his in yt Arabia, had ys political ground, yt whosoever will rule a diversity of nations, & religions, must somewhere have an united force to overballance any opposite power; & a few being unanimous will retain many, if divided sufficiently in subjection,” fol. 196.
5. Jirjis ibn al-‘Amīd al-Makīn, Historia Saracenica, trans. Thomas Erpenius (Leiden, 1625), bk. 1, ch. 1 where there is a description of Muḥammad’s friendship with the Christians.
6. Ibid., 28. Al-Makīn uses “Ælia” for Jerusalem.
7. ‘Amr Ibn al-‘Āṣ conquered Gaza from the Byzantines in AD 634. The paragraph draws on al-Makīn, Historia, 19–20.
8. Cf. John Selden, De Iure Naturali & Gentium, Iuxta Disciplinam Ebraeorum, libri septem (London, 1640), 732. Selden presents numerous verses from the Qur’ān about the security that was afforded the Christians, 732–734.
9. The reference is to al-Makīn, Historia, 3. The reference to “Mahomet Ben Achmed” is very likely to Muḥammad ibn Jarrīr al-Ṭabari, the historian on whom al-Makīn relied in writing his chronicle.
11. Hugo Grotius, Epistolæ ad Gallos (Leiden, 1648), 239–240. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition. For Selden’s view, see Toomer, John Selden, 2:620.
12. Paul Rycaut, The Present State of the Ottoman Empire (London, 1670), 99–102.
13. “Wars of sovereignty against other peoples, so that he might expand the borders of his realm and augment its greatness alone with fame.” Wilhelm Schickard, Jus regium hebraeorum, E tenebris Rabbinicis erutum, & luci donatum (Leipzig, 1674), 112.
14. Cf. Selden, De Iure, bk. 6, ch. 14: “De Federis ineundi ratione & captibus, ubi hostes se dederent.”
15. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “The principles of a narrow Monarchy, such as yt of Moses, do not become a great one, like unto yt of Muhammads,” fol. 200.
16. BL Harleian 1876 has the following note: “The Saracens have for yr rule of faith ye Alcoran: then ye Assonnah, or Tradition, wherein ye sayings & actions of yr prophet are recorded, as examplary & directive: then ye decrees & actions of his four Successours: & then lastly Reason. So Gregor Abulfaraj de mosr. Arab Sect.ult. cum notis Pocockii. p. 298,” fol. 200. Cf. Pococke, Speicmen, 298ff.
17. Selden, De Iure, 744.
18. Ogier Gislain Busbecq, Augerii Gislenii Busbequii d. Legationis turcicæ epistolæ quatuor (Frankfurt, 1595), 67r–68r.
19. Hugo Grotius, De Jure Belli ac Pacis (Amsterdam, 1631), 443.
20. In the margin, “fol 164,” Hand B.
21. Jean Bodin, Six Bookes of a Commonweale (London, 1606), “The disposition of the people is greatly to be obserued in the gouernment,” 560.
22. Augerii Gislenii Busbequii d. Legationis turcicae epistolae quatuor, 66r–66v.
23. BL Harleian 6189 has “explicable” instead of “despicable,” fol. 229.
24. BL Harleian 6189 has “never” instead of “ever,” fol. 230.
25. In margin: “h … usq Cap. 10,” in Hand A. Under it at the bottom of the page, “to fol 165 Wanting here from fol 165 to fol 169. in blew book” in Hand B. BL Harleian 6189 has “performed” instead of “inform’d,” fol. 230.
CONCERNING THE CHRISTIAN ADDITIONS
1. Epiphanius, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis, Book 1, trans. F. Williams, 2d ed. (Leiden, 2009), 131, “Khokhabe in Hebrew.”
2. James Windet, Minhah belulah, sive, Stromateus epistolikos (London, 1664), 222. Stubbe owned a copy of this edition.
3. See Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1651), on the status of Christians (and Jews) at the time of Muḥammad, 212–238, although the section on the Christians focuses on early schisms, 228ff. The reference to Christians and money draws on al-Makīn and on Q 3:75.
4. In margin: “fo. 135,” Hand A.
5. John Selden, De Iure Naturali & Gentium, Iuxta Disciplinam Ebraeorum, libri septem (London, 1640), 238. Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad was a Qur’ānic exegete (d. 1459). Selden cites him often in his Uxor Ebraica.
6. Hugo Grotius, De Veritate religionis Christianæ (Amsterdam, 1662), 375–376. Stubbe did not use the English translation of 1632 and avoided the anti-Islamic emphasis in that chapter (and all the rest of the treatise). In margin: “fo. 166,” Hand A. It is not clear what these references by the hands mean: there is a bracket from “that no man” until “universally” next to which is “fo. 135”; and from “demolish” to “confusion of” next to which is “fo. 166.”
8. John Selden, Eutychii Ægyptii, Patriarchæ Orthodoxorum Alexandrini (London, 1642), 74.
9. Ibid., 16 “per totum.” The reference is to Yusuf al-Misrial-Gibti’s introduction in Synodikon, sive, Pandectae canonum ss, apostolorum, et conciliorum ab ecclesia Graeca receptorum (Oxford, 1672), xix–xxi, where there is mention of “Arabicam Josephi Ægyptii.” The Arabic accounts of the councils are 681–727.
10. In the margin, an asterisk.
11. The story appears in Levinus Warner, Proverbiorum et sententiarum Persicarum Centuria collecta (Leiden, 1644), 30, and in Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 515.
12. Both BL Harleian 1876 and BL Harleian 6189 end with this reference to “Isa,” although they differ in the ordering of the chapters. See the tables of contents in the discussion of the “Printed and Manuscript Sources: Editorial Policy,” this volume.
13. “There have been many who have described the life of the Arab Muhammad, which they relate in this manner; on this however all agree. But it is a bad thing that Erpenius, de Lingua Arabica p. 42 holds, that they affirm that he was born from a plebian and base stock, from impoverished parents—a pagan father and a Judean mother.” Stubbe copies verbatim from Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 136. Erpenius mentions that the Prophet’s parents were “obscuris.” Thomas Erpenius, Orationes tres, de linguarum Ebraeæ atque Arabicæ dignitate (Leiden, 1621), 42, but it was Boxhornius who mentioned that the parents were idolaters and that the mother was “gente Iudaea.” Marcus Zeuerius Boxhornius, Historia universalis sacra et profana a Christo nato ad annum usque MDCL (Leiden, 1652), 397, 401.
14. Hottinger discusses this number, Historia Orientalis (1651), 146. BL Harleian 1876 has “Μαομέτις” in the blank space, fol. 66.
15. Ibid., 9. It is interesting that Prideaux also refers to the correct spelling and enunciation of the name, but then retains “Mahomet.” Humphrey Prideaux, The True Nature of Imposture (London, 1697), xxii.
16. Theodore of Mopsuestia (ca. AD 350–428); Diodorus of Tarsus (d. AD 392).
17. In the right margin: an asterisk.
18. BL Harleian 6189 has “undeniably false” instead of “unimaginable,” fol. 258.
19. “Kessaeus” is Muḥammad ‘Abdalla al-Kisā’ī, mentioned by Henrys Sike in his 1697 edition of an apocryphal gospel, “The Gospel of Thomas,” the manuscript of which had formerly been in the possession of Jacob Golius, “Praefatio ad lectorem,” Evangelium Infantiae, 2v. There must have been another manuscript by al-Kisā’ī about the lives of the prophets, Qisas al-anbiyā’ which was heavily used by Hottinger in his Historia Orientalis. While the reference to “Casus Effendus in his Commentaries upon the Alcoran” suggests that John Gregory, The Works (London, 1665), 9, may have seen a manuscript by this Muslim scholar, the reference by Stubbe points to his indebtedness to Hottinger.
20. See Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 352–354 from the manuscript by Ibn Idrīs al-Qarafī, Al-Ajwiba al-fākhira ‘ala al-as’ila al-fājira, ed. Bakr Zakī ‘Awaḍ (Cairo, 1986), 318–322. See also Champion, “‘I remember a Mahometan Story of Ahmed ben Edris.’”
21. BL Harleian 1876 has “Arrians” instead of “Arabians,” fol. 70. Actually, there is mention of it in Gabriel Sionita, De Nonnvullis Orientalivm Vrbibvs (Paris, 1619), 21.
22. Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiæ Arabica (Oxford, 1650), 186, 187. The Scaliger reference is to the improvement on Marcus Manilius: M. Manill Astonomicon a Iosepho Scaligero ex vetusto codice Gemblacensi infinitis mendis repurgatum (Leiden, 1600).
23. In BL Harleian 1876, fo. 70, there is the following note: “See the prodigies of Ӕgypt lately translated.” The reference to Noah’s pigeon is from the medieval text by Murtaḍā ibn al-‘Afīf, The Egyptian history: treating of the pyramids, the inundation of the Nile, and other prodigies of Egypt, according to the opinions and traditions of the Arabians. Written originally in the Arabian tongue by Murtadi, the son of Gaphiphus, rendered into French by Monsieur Vattier, Arabick professor to the king of France. And thence faithfully done into English by J. Davies of Kidwelly (London, 1672), esp. 86–87. For Stubbe’s reference to Athanasius and his pigeon, see Champion, “Legislators, Imposters, and the Politic Origin of Religion,” 346.
24. There is a note referring to “Wierus de præstig. Dæmonum.l.1.c.19.” See Johann Veyer, De praestigiis daemonum, et incantantionibus ac ueneficijs, Libri V (Basel, 1564). But there is no direct mention of Muḥammad in that chapter.
25. Henceforth, the scribe uses “Osman.” Was he or the scribe correcting the earlier mistake?
26. Pococke, Specimen, 156, 157.
27. Anacharsis was a Scythian philosopher who, after training in Athens, returned to his own people. According to Herodotus, he was killed because of his foreign ways.
28. The seven pre-Socratic philosophers, seventh to sixth centuries BC.
29. For “Abunazarus,” see Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 205.
30. Al-Makīn, Historia, 10, where there is reference to letters sent to the Prophet.
31. Pococke, Specimen, 180–181.
32. “For those to whom history is a concern, I would desire that they pursue their Arabic works diligently, rather than persuasively; so that many foolish stories might be removed, which our ignorance of this language throws in our way. Thus it would come about that we might no longer dream that Muhammad’s tomb is a pendulum in the air: nor would we continually propagate the falsehood of his promise concerning his return to his followers, whom we absurdly believe. … We might pay back those fools by striking against them with truths aimed to refute them; nor would we any longer talk nonsense in saying that the Saracen people boast descent from Sarah by way of their appellation. There are six hundred such things which are impossible to oppose without a study of their languages.” Edward Pococke Lamiato’l Ajam (Oxford, 1661), “Oratio in Auditorio Arabica habita,” B4v. See also an excerpt from his oration “in auditorio Arabico 10. Augusti, 1636,” 234.
33. Euthymius Zigabenus (fl. 12th ca.), Byzantine theologian.
34. John Selden, De Dis Syris Syntagmata (Leipzig, 1662), 286; Pococke, Specimen, 120–21; Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), bk. 1, ch. 7. But, as Toomer points out, Pococke disagreed with Selden’s view that “Cobar” was the name of a goddess. Toomer, John Selden, 1:241.
35. Stubbe took this reference to Venus from Selden, De Dis Syris Syntagmata, 216. Selden, citing Euthymius, concurred, unlike Stubbe who disagreed. See also Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), bk. 1, ch. 7, for discussion of the stone.
36. Pococke, Specimen, 114, 118 /for the sake of good omens or for obtaining blessing.
37. Ibid., 120. “This is a thing, however, asserted by the Damascene and the Euthynian. If anyone should inspect more carefully the apparent figure of a head carved out with a scraper, which they want to be Venus’s, I think it impossible to prove it by Arab carvers. Another of these [claims is] that the stone is a holy one, to which they offered the carved, or rather imprinted, figure, but it is as distant from the figure of the head as the head is from the feet, unless their eyes were so blurred by religious awe that they did not know how to distinguish the head from the feet. Of course, there is the stone in which the footprints of Abraham were imprinted when he stood on it during his building of the Ka‘ba, as Abu al-Fida assents to, or (as Aḥmad ibn Yusef and Safioddinus say), when Ishmael’s wife washed his head, which she revered when she saw it. Thence the place takes its name, the Maqām Ibrahīm, that is, the Place of Abraham, or where Abraham stood.” The reference to the “Damascene” is probably to St. John of Damascus who wrote about this topic: D. J. Sahas, John of Damascus on Islam: The ‘Heresy of the Ishmaelites” (Leiden, 1972), 132-41.
38. Professor Perale was unable to decipher the Greek word before Safa and Marwa. The spelling of “Marwa” is the accurate transliteration, unlike the “Meriah” of earlier pages.
39. Pococke, Specimen, 111. The scribe did not copy the Greek. “Elsewhere he says to these that it is. … called the likeness Baccha Ismaketh, which Mohammed himself named the Adoramen observationis [object of their prayer], and he instructed that the wretched barbarians adore it.”
40. ‘Abdalla ibn ‘Umar al-Bayḍāwi (1126–1160), a major commentator on the Qur’ān.
41. Pococke, Specimen, 112–113. The scribe did not copy the Greek names: Μάκε and Μάκχε.
42. See Pococke, Specimen, 128–129.
43. In the margin:” Mahometan Religion w.” Hand A.
44. Pococke, Specimen, 301. BL Harleian 6189 has “Originals, and” before “religion,” fol. 273.
45. Ogier Gislain Busbecq, Augerii Gislenii Busbequii d. Legationis turcicae epistolae quatuor (Frankfurt, 1595), 105r–106r; and Paul Rycaut, The Present State of the Ottoman Empire (London, 1670), 160–161. The note in BL Harleian 1876, fol. 79, mentions “Bartholom. Georgivita Peregrin. de morib. Turcar.c. de quadragesim”: there is no title that includes the two words, “peregrin.” and “quadrogesim.” But see the two accounts by Bartolomej Georgijević published in 1598 and 1671, each of which includes one of the two words in the title. The account was very popular and reprinted regularly. English translations appeared in 1569 and 1661. Stubbe owned a copy of the latter edition.
46. Aulus Cornelius Celsus (ca. 25 BC–ca. AD 50) was a Roman encyclopedist.
47. Zakāt. The first use in English occurs in 1802, “zecchat” (OED).
AS TO THEIR OPINIONS CONCERNING GOD
1. In the right margin: “fol 144,” Hand B.
2. BL Harleian 6189 has “Holy Ghost” before “apostles,” fol. 278.
3. Johann Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (Tiguri, 1651), 255.
4. Johann Hottinger, Dissertationem miscellanearum pentas: De abusu patrum (Tiguri, 1654), where there is a discussion of Muḥammad in comments by Maimonides and Gedaliam, 302–334.
5. Because of the war against Holland, in Further justification, Stubbe quietly praised Cromwell for having faced up to the naval rival. Although he described him as “HYPOCRITE” and mere “Oliver,” he also showed how Cromwell defended England’s right to the seas, 79. See the discussion of article 15.
6. Paul Rycaut, The Present State of the Ottoman Empire (London, 1670), 98, quoted verbatim by Stubbe. BL Harleian 1876 has “types” instead of “trials,” fol. 83.
7. Edward Pococke, Specimen Historiæ Arabica (Oxford, 1650), 312–313.
8. In the right margin: “nolitic institutions,” Hand A. In BL Sloane 1786, “mysteries” is followed by “as an Indian into ye sea for pearl,” fol. 181r.
9. Wilhelm Schickard, Jus regium hebraeorum, E tenebris Rabbinicis erutum, & luci donatum (Leipzig, 1674), 179–180.
10. Hugo Grotius, De Jure Belli (Amsterdam, 1667), bk.2, ch. 9, parags. 8 and 9; John Selden, De Iure Naturali & Gentium, Iuxta Disciplinam Ebraeorum, libri septem (London, 1640), 564–565. For the agreement between Maimonides and Muḥammad, see p. 565. A note refers to Johannes Frischmuth (1619–1687), but the title of the work is not clear, BL Harleian 1876, fol. 85.
11. Schickard, Jus regium hebræorum, ch. 3, theor. 9, “Sed non tot a) uxores quot placebant,” 173, where there is a reference to the verse in the Qur’ān about polygamy from the Sura on “Women,” 4:3. In BL Sloane 1786 the sentence starts with “not so as that they were confined to one, for not to mention Solomon who is notorious,” fol. 181v.
13. Socrates in Eusebii Pamphili, Rvffini, Socratis, Theodoriti, Sozomeni, Theodori, Evagrii, et Dorothei Ecclesiastica Historia (Paris, 1672), 306. Stubbe accepts this view, while Selden had doubted its authenticity: Toomer, John Selden, 2:651n181.
14. “Eastern Jews take many wives; indeed it is permitted to western ones, but they do not do so out of respect. Paul did not want the Christians to take multiple wives and especially bishops, so that in this way he might silence the mouths of the Jews who were using it as an insult toward Christians. He did not warn the Jews that when they had three, they should repudiate two, and keep one.” The quotation is translated in an article by Henk Jan de Jonge, “Scaliger’s De LXXXV Canonibus Apostolorum Diatribe,” LIAS 2 (1975): 115–124, where de Jonge writes in n. 25: “A somewhat different Interpretation of Tit. i.6 (and I Tim. iii.2/12) is preserved in the Secunda Scaligerana ed. Des Maizeaux, p. 402.” Pierre Desmaizeaux was born a few years before Stubbe died and published two volumes of Scaligerana (Amsterdam, 1740).
15. John Selden, Uxor Ebraica (Frankfurt, 1673), bk. 1, ch. 9 on “Polygamia; Monita & Consilia de uxorum numero Quaternario non excedendo.”
16. Selden, De Iure, 570. In BL Sloane 1786, Saul is omitted and Samson is added, fol. 182 r.
17. François Hotman, De Castis incestisve nvptiis disputatio (Basel, 1594), 327, mentions Hagar, Bala, Zilpa “& illa Gedeonis, quæ non nominator.”
18. Selden, Uxor Ebraica, 46.
19. Lycurgus of Sparta was the legendary lawgiver.
20. Pococke contested the view that Muslims place the supreme happiness of the afterlife in bodily pleasures: Porta Mosis, 301. BL Sloane 1786 has “the Musselmans” instead of “Mahomet,” fol. 182 v.
21. Selden, De Iure, 545. “Bredani” is most likely the exegete al-Bayḍāwi.
22. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), the description of Mecca, 142–144.
23. Claudii Salmasius, De vsvris liber (Leiden, 1638), 666–673, where Salmasius discusses usury in Islamic law between Muslims and non-Muslims, both enemies and friends. In BL Sloane 1786, “he” is replaced by “any Christian,” fol. 182v.
25. Salmasius, De vsvris liber, 666–667.
26. Ibid, 667. The passage from Ambrose is on p. 666. “Since their resources lie open as though for plunder and the pillage of these is lawful on every road” is the same which St. Ambrose gives: “For one against whom arms are justly borne, against this man let interest be lawfully declared: he whom you are able to conquer in war, regarding him, you can swiftly avenge yourself with the one percent. Exact interest from him whom it would not be a crime to kill. The man who demands interest fights without a sword. Without a sword the man who is the exactor of his enemy’s interest avenges himself on the enemy. Therefore where there is a right to war, there is a right to interest.”
27. BL Harleian 1876 continues with a quotation from the Qur’ān: “His words are these, they will aske you if you will drink wine or adventure upon any sort of Gaming in wch there is Lottery. But do you answer, yt there is in ym something yt is exceeding sinfull & also somewhat yt is beneficial to man: but the benefit yt accrues from thence is over ballanced much by ye evil yt accompanies ym,” fol. 91. In the margin there is a reference to “Mahometes in Alcoran c. 2.” See Q 2:219.
28. Pococke, Specimen, 327.
29. Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 249.
30. Pococke, Specimen, 322.
33. Pococke, Specimen, 362.
34. “Publish” as in to “make public or generally known,” “announce,” OED entry, J. Davies, 1662.
35. Ibid., 190–191. See also Pococke’s reference to al-Ghazāli as “cognomintu Hojjatol Eslam,” 371.
36. An English translation of the Qur’ān had appeared in 1649: see my “A Note on Alexander Ross and the English Translation of the Qur’an,” Journal of Islamic Studies, 23 (2011): 76–84. The French translation was made by André du Ryer in 1647.
37. James Windet, Minhah belulah, sive, Stromateus epistolikos (London, 1664), 223, where Windet also denounces the poor quality of the French and the English translations of the Qur’ān. Stubbe could be referring either to the 1543 Bibliander edition of the Latin translation of the Qur’ān by Robert of Ketton or to the Italian 1547 translation by Andrea Arrivabene who claimed to have translated from the Arabic, but actually used the Latin version: see John Selden on Jewish Marriage Law: The “Uxor Hebraica,” translated with a commentary by Jonathan R. Ziskind (Leiden, 1991), 82n185. See Levinus Warner, Epistola valedectoria in qua inter alia de stylo hisotriæ Timuri (Leiden, 1644), 9–10, where there is mention of the need for consulting Arabic, Turkish, and Persian interpretations of the Qur’ān.
38. See the discussion of miracles in Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1651), 291ff.
39. BL Harleian 6189 has “great Test” instead of “greatest,” fol. 303.
40. The whole section with the eight headings is taken from Pococke’s notes, Specimen, 187–188, 190–194. It is interesting that in BL Sloane 1786 miracles 6, 7, and 8 are copied and then crossed out, fol. 185v.
41. All these “miracles” are listed by Abū al-Faraj in Pococke, Specimen, 17.
42. Mount Seir is specifically noted as the place that Esau made his home (Genesis 36:8). It was named for Seir the Horite, whose sons inhabited the land (Genesis 36:20). The children of Esau battled against the Horites and destroyed them (Deuteronomy 2:12). Mount Seir is also given as the location where the remnants “of the Amalekites that had escaped” were annihilated by five hundred Simeonites (1 Chronicles 4:42–43). The mountain is also mentioned in Ezekiel 35:10 (“A Prophecy Against Edom”). See also Pococke, Specimen, 183–186, and Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarum (Oxford, 1663), 103–104. A similar passage appears in the treatise by Aḥmad ibn Abdallaḥ, inscribed after Stubbe’s treatise in the University of London Senate House manuscript: “God had Said in the holy Scriptures that hee will come from Ierocina that he would Shine in Zagar & bee exalted in Paran which is Meccha where Mahomet our Most Holy Prophet & Messenger of God did appear from hence these three things are to be noted. 1st that Ierocina is Mount Sinai where God gave to Moses the tables of the Law, that by Zagar is Mount Jerusalem where this Law of God did shine by Jesus Christ our Lord, who was alwaies accounted a prophet of God, who also Said that hee came not to destroy the Law of Moses but to confirm it, & as a testimony thereof was himself circumcised, And lastely that by Paran is understood Meccha where this Law of United shall be exalted illustrated & magnified. And it is manifest that this is Spoken & understood of our most holy prophet Mahomet who is the fullness of the Law of God & the Paraclete or Comforter himself who was promised in the Gospel (fol. 2).
43. Stubbe borrows from Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 13–14, where the Qur’ānic verse from Sura 49 is discussed.
44. See the reference to the gospel mentioned by “Ahmed ben Edris, p. m. 305 … Evengelium quintum … vocatur Evangelium infantiæ, quia in eo commemorantur res à Messia, super quo pax, profecta in juventute. Ad scribitur autem is Petro, à Maria, super qua pax.” Hottinger, Historia Orientalis (1660), 332.
45. This paragraph is crossed out in the manuscript and does not appear in any other manuscript.