1Vic Finkelstein, “A Personal Journey into Disability Politics,” presented at Leeds University Centre for Disability Studies, 2001, www.independentliving.org/docs3/finkelstein01a.html; Michael Oliver and Colin Barnes, The New Politics of Disablement (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).
2See Samuel R. Bagenstos, “Foreword: Thoughts on responding to the Left Critique of Disability Rights Law,” in Disability Politics in a Global Economy: Essays in Honour of Marta Russell, ed. Ravi Malhotra (New York: Routledge, 2017).
3See for example, Alex B. Long, “Introducing the New and Improved Americans with Disabilities Act: Assessing the ADA Amendments Act of 2008,” Northwestern University Law Review Colloquy 103 (2008): 217–29.
Introduction: Capitalism and the Disability Rights Movement
1UPIAS, Fundamental Principles of Disability (London: Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation, 1976), 3.
2Michael Oliver coined the phrase. See his Politics of Disablement (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990).
3International Classification of Impairments, Disabilities and Handicaps: A Manual of Classification Relating to the Consequences of Disease (Geneva: World Health Organization, 1980), 29.
4Colin Barnes, Geof Mercer, and Tom Shakespeare, Exploring Disability: A Sociological Introduction (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), 25.
5Harlan Hahn, “An Agenda for Citizens with Disabilities: Pursuing Identity and Empowerment,” Journal of Vocational Rehabilitation 9 (1997): 34, (explaining the minority model); Nirmala Erevelles, “Disability and the Dialectics of Difference,” Disability & Society 11, no. 4 (1996): 522, (explaining limitations of liberal concept).
6Marta Russell, “Disablement, Oppression, and the Political Economy,” Journal of Disability Policy Studies 12, no. 2 (September 2001): 87–95.
7Edward Yelin and Patricia Katz, “Making Work More Central to Work Disability Policy,” Milbank Quarterly 72 (1994); R. L. Bennefield and John M. McNeil, “Labor Force Status and Other Characteristics of Persons with a Work Disability: 1981 to 1988,” Current Population Reports, Series P-23, no. 160 (Washington, DC: US Bureau of the Census, 1989).
8L. Harris & Associates and National Organization on Disability, Americans with Disabilities Still Face Sharp Gaps in Securing Jobs, Education, Transportation, and in Many Areas of Daily Life” (New York: Louis Harris & Associates/National Organization on Disability, 1998).
9“United States Current Population Survey,” US Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, March 1998.
10Louis Harris, The 2000 National Organization on Disabilities/Harris Survey of Americans with Disabilities (New York: Louis Harris & Associates, 2000).
11Ibid.
12James I. Charlton, Nothing About Us Without Us: Disability Oppression and Empowerment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 45.
13Victor Finkelstein, Attitudes and Disabled People (New York: World Rehabilitation Fund, 1980), 8.
14The focus here is necessarily on European feudal societies. A discussion of precapitalist Asian societies and the politics of disablement is beyond the scope of this article.
15Finkelstein, Attitudes, 8.
16Pauline Morris, Put Away: Institutions for the Mentally Retarded (London: Rout-ledge & Kegan Paul, 1969), 9.
17Russell, “Disablement, Oppression, and the Political Economy.”
18Finkelstein, Attitudes, 10; Oliver, Politics, 28.
19J. Harris, B. Sapey, and J. Stewart, “Blairface: Third-Way Disability and Dependency in Britain,” Disability Studies Quarterly 19, no. 4 (1999): 365; Oliver, Politics, 104–5.
20Andre Gorz, Reclaiming Work: Beyond the Wage-Based Society (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), 4.
21Deborah Stone, The Disabled State (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984), 179.
22Marta Russell, “The Political Economy of Disablement,” in Real World Micro, 9th edition, ed. Marc Breslow, Ellen Frank, Cynthia Peters, and the Dollars & Sense Collective (Cambridge, MA: Economic Affairs Bureau, Inc., 2000), 94–97.
23Russell, “Disablement, Oppression, and the Political Economy.”
24Marta Russell, “Backlash, the Political Economy, and Structural Exclusion,” Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law 21, no. 1 (2000): 349.
25Russell, “Backlash,” 349.
26John McNeil, Americans with Disabilities: 1994–95 (Washington, DC: Bureau of the Census, 1997).
27Russell, “Disablement, Oppression, and the Political Economy.”
28The US federal poverty guideline for one is $8,350 (FY2000). Since $759 is the average per month benefit that a disabled worker receives from SSDI, and $373 is the average federal income for the needs-based Supplemental Security Income (SSI), the annual income of more than 10 million disabled persons on these programs is between $4,000 and $10,000. The extremely low SSI benefit was set up for those with no work history or not enough quarter-years of work to qualify for SSDI: the least valued disabled members of society.
29Marta Russell, Beyond Ramps: Disability at the End of the Social Contract (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1998), 81–83.
30Gary Albrecht, The Disability Business: Rehabilitation in the United States (London: Sage, 1992).
31Russell, Beyond Ramps, 96–108.
32Charlton, Nothing About Us, 46.
33H. Radice, “Taking Globalisation Seriously,” Socialist Register (1999): 1–28.
34Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Press, 1944), 70–71.
35B. Epstein, “The Marginality of the American Left: The Legacy of the 1960s,” Socialist Register (1997): 146–53.
36There are various and distinct social movements struggling around disablement politics including the physical disability rights movement, the psychiatric rights movement, the blind people’s movement, and others.
37T. Fagan and P. Lee, “‘New’ Social Movements and Social Policy: A Case Study of the Disability Movement,” in Social Policy: A Conceptual and Theoretical Introduction, ed. M. Lavalette and A. Pratt (London: Sage Publications, 1997), 140–60; H. Meekosha and A. Jakubowicz, “Disability, Political Activism, and Identity Making: A Critical Feminist Perspective on the Rise of Disability Movements in Australia, the USA and the UK,” Disability Studies Quarterly 19, no. 4 (1999): 393.
38Oliver, Politics, 114–15.
39Tom Shakespeare, “Disabled People’s Self-Organisation: A New Social Movement?” Disability, Handicap and Society 8, no. 3 (1993): 260.
40Charlton, Nothing About Us, 138.
41Fagan and Lee, “New Social Movements.”
42Joseph Shapiro, No Pity: People with Disabilities Forging a New Civil Rights Movement (New York: Random House, 1993), 63–64; Paul Longmore and David Goldberger, “Political Movements of People with Disabilities: The League of the Physically Handicapped, 1935–1938,” Disability Studies Quarterly 17, no. 2 (1997): 94–98.
43Shapiro, No Pity, 58.
44Ibid., 64–70.
45Ibid., 127–39.
46Charlton, Nothing About Us, 122.
Chapter 1: Marxism and Disability
1Michael Oliver, The Politics of Disablement (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990).
2Karl Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme (1895; reprint, New York: International Publishers, 1938), 3.
3Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884; reprint, Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969).
4S.J. Rose, Social Stratification in the United States (New York: New Press, 2000); E. Wolff, Top Heavy: The Increasing Inequality of Wealth in America (New York: Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1995).
5M. Harrington, Socialism: Past and Future (New York: Penguin Books, 1989), 4.
6Karl Marx, Capital: A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, 3 vols. (1867; reprint, New York: International Publishers, 1967), 167.
7Ibid.
8Ibid.
9Ibid., 534–37.
10J. Ryan and F. Thomas, The Politics of Mental Handicap (London: Harmondsworth Penguin, 1980).
11Richard Epstein, Forbidden Grounds: The Case Against Employment Discrimination Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 485.
12Russell, “Backlash.”
13Ibid.
14John McNeil, Americans with Disabilities: 1994–95 (Washington, DC: Bureau of the Census, 1997); National Institute on Disability and Rehabilitation Research (NIDRR), Chartbook on Work and Disability in the United States (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1998).
15McNeil, Americans with Disabilities.
16United States Commission on Civil Rights, Helping Employers Comply with the ADA: An Assessment of How the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission is Enforcing Title I of the Americans with Disabilities Act (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1998), 212.
17National Council on Disability, Promises to Keep: A Decade of Federal Enforcement of the Americans with Disabilities Act, Section 3.3.5.2 (Washington, DC: National Council on Disability, 2000).
18W. Branigin, “Legally Blind, Legally Underpaid,” Washington Post, C08, December 12, 1999.
19Marx, Capital, 819.
20Deborah Stone, The Disabled State (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984).
21E. D. Berkowitz, Disabled Policy: America’s Programs for the Handicapped (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
22Ibid.
23C. Barnes, G. Mercer, and T. Shakespeare, Exploring Disability: A Sociological Introduction (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999); Oliver, Politics.
24H. Hahn, “Public Support for Rehabilitation Programs,” Disability, Handicap and Society 2, no. 1 (1986): 121–38.
25Oliver, Politics.
26Stone, Disabled State, 28.
27Ibid., 143.
28Ibid.
29P. Ruggles, Drawing the Line: Alternative Poverty Measures and Their Implications for Public Policy (Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press, 1990).
30Marta Russell, Beyond Ramps: Disability at the End of the Social Contract (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1998), 81–83.
31H. Boushey, “The Political Economy of Employment Inequality: Job Access and Pay Differentials,” in Political Economy and Contemporary Capitalism, ed. R. Baiman, H. Boushey and D. Saunders (New York: M. E. Sharp, 2000).
32Erich Fromm, On Being Human (New York: Continuum Publishing, 1994), 139.
33Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, 10; [dis], author’s addition.
Chapter 2: The New Reserve Army of Labor?
1“Willing and Able: Americans with Disabilities in the New Workforce,” Business Week, October 1991.
2Louis Harris, The 1998 National Organization on Disabilities/Harris Survey of Americans with Disabilities (New York: Louis Harris & Associates, 1998).
3Karl Marx, Capital: A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, 3 vols. (1867; reprint, New York: International Publishers, 1967).
4Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Wealth of Nations (1776; reprint, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993).
5David Blanchflower and Andrew Oswald, The Wage Curve (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994).
6James Galbraith, Created Unequal: The Crisis in American Pay (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998), 266.
7Alan Greenspan, testimony before US Senate Banking Committee, February 26, 1997.
8J. A. Meyer and P. J. Zeller, Profiles of the Disabled: Employment and Health Coverage (Washington, DC: Kaiser Commission on Medicaid and the Uninsured, 1999).
9L. Trupin, et al., “Trends in Labor Force Participation among Persons with Disabilities,” 1997, http://dsc.ucsf.edu/reps/rends/index.html#trends.
10Harris, Survey.
11E. Yelin and P. Katz, “Making Work More Central to Work Disability Policy,” Milbank Quarterly 72 (1994).
12L. Mishel, J. Bernstein, and J. Schmitt, The State of Working America, 1998–1999 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).
13Edward Wolff, Top Heavy: The Increasing Inequality of Wealth in America (New York, NY: Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1995).
14Marta Russell, “Backlash, the Political Economy, and Structural Exclusion,” Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law 21, no. 1 (2000).
15Richard Epstein, Forbidden Grounds: The Case Against Employment Discrimination Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).
16Marta Russell, Beyond Ramps: Disability at the End of the Social Contract (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1998); Russell, “Backlash.”
17Thomas Snyder, Digest of Education Statistics, 1996, NCES 96–133 (Washington, DC: US Department of Education, 1996).
18L. Mishel and J. Schmitt, Cutting Wages by Cutting Welfare: The Impact of Reform on the Low-Wage Labor Market (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1995).
19National Urban League, The State of Black America (New York: National Urban League, 1999).
20J. DeParle, “Flaws Emerge in Wisconsin’s Welfare-To-Work Program,” New York Times, October 17, 1998.
21Children’s Defense Fund and the National Coalition for the Homeless, Welfare to What?Early Findings on Family Hardship and Well-Being (Washington, DC: Children’s Defense Fund, 1998).
22Marx, Capital, 592.
Chapter 3: Disability and Capitalist Globalization
1[Kevin Hopkins, “The New Competitive Advantage: Expanding the Participation of People with Disabilities in the American Workforce,” Business Week, May 30, 1994.—Ed.]
2[Council of Economic Advisors, Economic Report of the President, 108th Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2004), 229.—Ed.]
3See Doug Henwood, Left Business Observer 106 (January 2004).
Chapter 4: A Brief History of Wal-Mart and Disability Discrimination
1[“EEOC Files Contempt Motion Against Wal-Mart for Violating Consent Decree in Disability Bias Case,” News Release, US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, May 10, 2001.—Ed.]
2“Suits Say Wal-Mart Forces Workers to Toil off the Clock,” New York Times, June 25, 2002.
Chapter 5: Backlash and Structural Inequality
1“[T]he Nation’s proper goals regarding individuals with disabilities are to assure … economic self-sufficiency[.] Discrimination … costs the United States billions of dollars in unnecessary expenses resulting from dependency and nonproductivity.” Americans with Disabilities Act, 42 USC. § 1210l(a)(8)-(9) (1994).
2See “Read ’Em and Weep,” Disability Rag (July–August 1992): 28.
3Rick Kahler, “ADA Regulations Black Hole,” Rapid City Journal, April 2, 1995. Kahler later published a retraction to this piece.
4Trevor Armbrister, “A Good Law Gone Bad,” Reader’s Digest (May 1998): 145, 155.
5Edward L. Hudgins, “Handicapping Freedom: The Americans with Disabilities Act,” Regulation: The Cato Review of Business and Government 18, no. 2 (1995).
6See Howard Botwinick, Persistent Inequalities: Wage Disparity Under Capitalist Competition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993). See generally Michael Perelman, The Natural Instability of Markets: Expectations, Increasing Returns, and the Collapse of Capitalism (New York: St. Martin’s. Press, 1999); Paul Baran and Paul M. Sweezy, Monopoly Capital: An Essay on the American Economic and Social Order (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1966).
7See, e.g., Americans with Disabilities Act (delineating, in introducing the purpose of the Americans with Disabilities Act, Congressional findings regarding the historical isolation and segregation of people with disabilities).
8Louis Harris, The 1998 National Organization on Disabilities/Harris Survey of Americans with Disabilities (New York: Louis Harris & Associates, 1998).
9The wage gap is a statistical indicator often used as an index of the status of women’s earnings relative to men’s. It is also used to compare the earnings of people of color to those of white men. Wage gap statistics can be found in US Bureau of the Census’ study, Money Income in the United States: 1997; or from Census Bureau Current Population Reports, Series P-60, US Commerce Department.
10Harris, Survey.
11Census data confirms that there has been no improvement in the economic well being of disabled people. In 1989, for instance, 28.9 percent of working-age adults with disabilities lived in poverty; in 1994, the figure climbed slightly to 30.0 percent. H. Stephen Kaye, “Is the Status of People with Disabilities Improving?,” Disability Statistics Abstract (May 1998), 2.
12Six million, two hundred and twelve thousand persons receive Supplemental Security Income and 4 million receive Social Security Disability Insurance. “Social Security Administration Basic Facts About Social Security,” Social Security Administration, http://ssa.gov/pubs/10080.html; “1998 SSI Annual Report,” Social Security Administration, May 1998, ssa.gov.
13Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits wage and employment discrimination on the basis of race, color, sex, religion, or national origin. 42 USC. § 2000e-2 (1994).
14Pay equity demands that the criteria used by employers to set wages must be sex and race neutral. The Equal Pay Act of 1963 prohibits unequal pay for equal or “substantially equal” work performed by men and women. 29 USC. § 206(d) (1994). Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits wage and employment discrimination on the basis of race, color, sex, religion, national origin. 42 USC. § 2000e-2 (1994). In 1981, the Supreme Court made it clear that Title VII is broader than the Equal Pay Act and prohibits wage discrimination even when jobs are not identical. See County of Washington v. Gunther, 452 US 161, 177–81 (1981).
15Title I of the Americans with Disabilities Act prohibits disability discrimination in employment. 42 USC. § 12101–12117 (1994).
16US Census Bureau, “Current Population Survey,” March 1998, census.gov; US Census Bureau, “Historical Income Tables—Families, Table F-5, Race and Hispanic Origin of Householder—Families by Mean and Median Income, 1947–1998” March 1998, census.gov. For a discussion of empirical evidence on earnings gaps and discrimination for Hispanics, see Gregory DeFreitas, Inequality at Work: Hispanics in the US Labor Force (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).
17US Census Bureau, “Current Population Survey”; US Census Bureau, “Historical Income Tables.”
18For a time-series discussion of Black/white earnings ratios, see John Donohue and James Heckman, “Continuous Versus Episodic Change: The Impact of Civil Rights Policy on the Economic Status of Blacks,” Journal of Economic Literature 29 (1991): 1603; Peter Gottschalk, “Inequality, Income Growth, and Mobility: The Basic Facts,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 11 (Spring 1997): 21, 28–29. Gottschalk demonstrates that the earnings gap between Blacks and non-Blacks narrowed between the early 1960s and 1975, but progress ceased after this point.
19William A. Darity Jr. and Patrick L. Mason, “Evidence on Discrimination in Employment: Codes of Color, Codes of Gender,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 12 (Spring 1998): 63, 76.
20See Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey (Washington, DC: US Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1999). The Census does not count the prison population as unemployed. 70 percent of the prison population is Black. Adding in the incarcerated population as unemployed—almost 8 percent of all Black adult males—changes the unemployment rate for Black men from the reported 6.7 percent in December 1998 to 16.5 percent. Angela Davis, speech at California State University, Fullerton, March 23, 1999. Cf., Robert Cherry, “Black Men Still Jobless,” Dollars and Sense 43 (November–December 1998): 43.
21See US Bureau of Labor, Labor Force Statistics.
22See US Census Bureau, “Historical Income Tables—People, Table P-4: Race and Hispanic Origin of People (Both Sexes Combined) by Median and Mean Income: 1947 to 1998,” 1999, census.gov.
23See Facts on Working Women: Earnings Differences between Women and Men (Washington, DC: Women’s Bureau, US Department of Labor)
24Ibid. Between 1980 and 1990 the ratio of hourly earnings climbed by 13.1 percentage points; between 1990 and 1997 it climbed by only 2.9 points. Between 1980 and 1990 the annual ratio climbed by 11.4 points, but between 1990 and 1996 the ratio climbed by only 2.2 percentage points. “Between 1980 and 1990 the weekly earnings ratio climbed by 7.5 percentage points; between 1990 and 1997 the ratio climbed 2.5 percentage points.” (emphasis added).
25Electronic mail from Heather Boushey, N.Y.C. Housing Authority, to Marta Russell (April 22, 1999).
26See Facts on Working Women.
27Kaye, “Status,” 2.
28Ibid.
29Harris, Survey. See generally Laura Trupin et al., “Trends in Labor Force Participation Among Persons with Disabilities, 1983–1994,” Disability Statistics Report (June 1997).
30President’s Committee on Employment of People with Disabilities, “Employment Rate of People with Disabilities Increases under the American with Disabilities Act” (Washington, DC: US Department of Labor, 1996).
31Employment rates are 11 percent for those with a very severe disability, 14 percent for those who are very or somewhat severely disabled, and 29 percent for those with any disability. See L. Harris & Associates and National Organization on Disability, Americans with Disabilities Still Face Sharp Gaps in Securing Jobs, Education, Transportation, and in Many Areas of Daily Life (Harris & Associates and National Organization on Disability, 1998).
32Ibid.
33See Jonathan S. Leonard, “The Impact of Affirmative Action Regulation and Equal Employment Law on Black Employment,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 4, no. 4 (Fall 1990): 47–63; John Donohue III and James Heckman, “Continuous Versus Episodic Change: The Impact of Federal Civil Rights Policy on the Economic Status of Blacks,” Journal of Economic Literature 29 (1991): 1603.
34See, e.g., Cornell West, Race Matters (Boston: Beacon Press, 1993), 95.
35For conservative opposition to government regulation, see R. P. O’Quinn, “The Americans with Disabilities Act: Time for Amendments,” Cato Institute Policy Analysis 158 (August 9, 1991); Brian Doherty, “Unreasonable Accommodation,” Reason Magazine (August–September 1995): 18.
36Marta Russell, Beyond Ramps: Disability at the End of the Social Contract (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1998), 109–116.
37See Nicholas Lemann, The Promised Land (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992), 218; Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few, 6th ed. (Boston: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 99–119, 271.
38These objectives were accomplished, in part, through the promotion of policies such as the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). See Parenti, Democracy, 67–75, 80; see generally Jeff McMahan, Reagan and the World: Imperial Policy in the New Cold War (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984).
39See generally Lawrence Mishel et al., The State of Working America 1998–1999 (Economic Policy Institute, 1999); William Wolman and Anne Colamosca, The Judas Economy: The Triumph Of Capital And The Betrayal Of Work (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley Publishing, 1997).
40See generally Parenti, Democracy; Hudgins, “Handicapping Freedom.”
41Mishel et al., Working America, 25.
42Russell, Beyond Ramps, 113–21.
43For an analysis on the impact of state and federal civil rights legislation on the employment and wages of disabled people, see Nancy Mudrick, “Employment Discrimination Laws for Disability: Utilization and Outcome,” The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 549, no. 3 (January 1997): 53–70.
44Harris, Survey; Laura Turpin, Trends in Labor Force Participation Among Persons with Disabilities, 1983–1994 (Washington, DC: National Institute on Disability and Rehabilitation Research, 1997).
45An important study revealing the near unanimous opinion among economists of the positive impact of government anti-discrimination programs on income of African Americans can be found in Donohue III and Heckman, “Continuous Versus Episodic Change,” 1603–43. Richard B. Freeman’s paper, “Changes in the Labor Market for Black Americans, 1948–72,” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1973): 67–120, was among the first to identify government anti-discrimination programs as a source of progress.
46See Ruth Colker, “The Americans with Disabilities Act: A Windfall for Defendants,” Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 34, no. 1 (Winter 1999): 99, 100.
47Ibid.
48See Gregory Mantsios, “Class in America: Myths and Realities,” in Paula S. Rothenberg, Race, Class, and Gender in the United States, 6th ed. (Boston: St. Martin’s Press, 1998), 210–13.
49See Donald Tomaskovic-Devey, “Race, Ethnic, and Gender Earnings Inequality: The Sources and Consequences of Employment Segregation,” Report to the Glass Ceiling Commission, US Department of Labor, 1994.
50Scholars such as Robert J. Samuelson, William E. Becker, Donald A. Hicks, and William J. Baumol are representative of this point of view.
51See Robert Topel, “Factor Proportions and Relative Wages: The Supply-Side Determinants of Wage Inequality,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 11, no. 2 (Spring 1997): 55, 69. Topel states that: “Wage inequality has risen in modern economics because rising demands for skills have made talented people more scarce. As in other market situations, this ‘problem’ of a demand-driven rise in price contains the seeds of its own solution. Supply is more elastic in the long run than in the short run. Rising returns to skill encourage people to invest in human capital, which in the long run will increase the proportion of skilled workers in the labor force.” See also Robert Z. Lawrence, Single World, Divided Nations?: International Trade And OECD Labor Markets (Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 1996), 129.
52See, e.g., Darity and Mason, “Evidence on Discrimination in Employment,” 2; James K. Galbraith, Created Unequal: The Crisis in American Pay (New York: The Free Press, 1998). See generally Jared Bernstein, Where’s the Payoff? The Gap Between Black Academic Progress and Economic Gains (Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute, 1995). For an economist’s explanation of why Blacks have narrowed the human capital gap between Blacks and whites, yet slid further behind in average earnings, see Martin Carnoy, Faded Dreams: The Politics of Economics and Race in America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
53Mishel et al., Working America, 162.
54Ibid., 30.
55Ibid., 26–27, 198.
56Galbraith, Created Unequal, 50–88. There was no systematic change in skill premiums within industries during the period 1920 to 1947, despite a large increase in the supply of educated labor during this time. See Claudia Goldin and Lawrence Katz, “The Decline of Non-Competing Groups: Changes in the Premium to Education, 1890 to 1940,” National Bureau of Economic Research 5202 (August 1995); Claudia Goldin and Lawrence Katz, “The Origins of Technology-Skill Complementarity,” National Bureau of Economic Research 5657 (July 1996).
57See Gottschalk, “Inequality.” Gottschalk shows that the earnings gap between Blacks and non-Blacks narrowed between the early 1960s and 1975, but progress ceased after this point; see also Carnoy, Faded Dreams. Carnoy shows that three dominant views of economic differences between Blacks and whites—that Blacks are individually responsible for not taking advantage of market opportunities, that the world economy has changed in ways that puts Blacks at a tremendous disadvantage compared to whites, and that pervasive racism is holding Blacks down—do not adequately explain why Blacks initially made large gains before falling back in the 1980s and 90s.
58Darity and Mason, “Evidence on Discrimination in Employment,” 83–84.
59See generally Carnoy, Faded Dreams.
60Letter from James L. Westrich, Massachusetts Institute for Social and Economic Research, to Marta Russell (April 23, 1999).
61Tomaskovic-Devey, “Race, Ethnic, and Gender”; see also David M. Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers: The Historical Transformation of Labor in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982).
62Tomaskovic-Devey, “Race, Ethnic, and Gender.”
63Ibid.
64Ibid; see also Paula S. Rothenberg, ed., Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study, 4th edition (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998).
65Tomaskovic-Devey, “Race, Ethnic, and Gender” (emphasis added).
66Galbraith, Created Unequal, 37–49.
67Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Wealth of Nations (1776; reprint, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993).
68Ibid.
69Karl Marx, Capital: A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, Vol. 1 (1867; reprint, New York: International Publishers, 1967).
70Ibid.
71Darity and Mason, “Evidence on Discrimination in Employment,” 86–87.
72See West, Race Matters; Oliver Cromwell Cox, Caste, Class, and Race: A Study in Social Dynamics (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday and Company, 1948).
73United States Commission on Civil Rights, Helping Employers Comply with the ADA: An Assessment of How the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission is Enforcing Title I of the Americans with Disabilities Act (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1998), 4–5.
74Sixty-nine percent of employers that provided accommodations spent nothing or less than $500, 9 percent spent between $2,001 and $5,000, and 3 percent spent over $5,000. President’s Committee on Employment of People with Disabilities, “Costs and Benefits of Accommodations,” July 1996, pcepd.gov.
75There are exceptions, such as when compliance would create an “undue hardship” on the business’s finances. Americans with Disabilities Act, 42 USC. § 12112(b)(5) (a) (1994).
76American Bar Association, “Study Finds Employers Win Most ADA Title I Judicial and Administrative Complaints,” Mental and Physical Disability Law Reporter 22, no. 3 (May–June 1998): 403, 404.
77Colker, “Americans with Disabilities Act,” 101.
78Ibid., 101–2.
79See, e.g., Matthew Diller, “Judicial Backlash, the ADA, and the Civil Rights Model,” Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law 21, no. 1 (2000): 19.
80This was the situation in Cleveland v. Policy Management Systems Corp, 526 US 795 (1999).
81See Matthew Diller, “Dissonant Disability Policies: The Tensions Between the Americans with Disabilities Act and Federal Disability Benefit Programs,” Texas Law Review 76, no. 5 (April 1998): 1003, 1007–8.
82526 US 795 (1999).
83Ibid., 974.
84Ibid., 977–78.
85Ibid., 977.
86Ibid., 976.
87527 US 795, 119 S. Ct. 2139 (1999) (corrective lenses and myopia).
88527 US 795, 119 S. Ct. 2133 (1999) (medication-controlled hypertension).
89527 US 795, 119 S. Ct. 2162 (1999) (monocular vision).
90119 S. Ct. 2153–54 (Stevens, J., dissenting).
91Ibid., 2154.
92National Chamber of Commerce Litigation Center, news release, June 1999, http://uschamber.com/media/releases/june99/062299.html.
93Brief Amici Curiae of the Equal Employment Advisory Council, the US Chamber of Commerce, and the Michigan Manufacturers Association in support of respondents, 527 US 795, 119 S. Ct. 2139 (1999), 4.
94“NAM Urges Court Not to Expand the Americans with Disabilities Act,” NAM news release (National Association of Manufacturers, Washington, DC), March 24, 1999.
95Gene Koretz, “Economic Trends: Which Way Are Wages Headed?,” Business Week, September 21, 1998.
96Ibid.
97See Mishel et al., Working America, 7.
98Cognetics Annual Report on Job Demographics (Council on International and Public Affairs, 1997): 2.
99Mishel et al., Working America, 221.
100Ibid., 8.
101Ibid.
102Thomas Amirault, “Characteristics of Multiple Jobholders,” Monthly Labor Review Online 120 (March 1997).
103Mishel et al., Working America, 21.
104Ibid.
105See generally US General Accounting Office, “Workers at Risk: Increased Numbers in Contingent Employment Lack Insurance, Other Benefits,” GAO Report, HRD-91–56 (1991).
106See Sheryl L. Lindsley, “Communicating Prejudice in Organizations,” in Communicating Prejudice, ed. Michael L. Hecht (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998), 187–205.
107Since January 1993, the number of people on welfare rolls has fallen 48 percent to 7.3 million nationally with three-quarters of the drop coming since the measure became law in 1996. “Clinton Asks Business to Hire More from Welfare Rolls,” CNN, August 3, 1999.
108Forty-two point seven percent of disabled people enrolled in high school do not graduate. H. Stephen Kaye, “Education of Children with Disabilities: Disability Statistics Abstract, No. 19,” US Department of Education (July 1997), 2. Only 6.3 percent of all students enrolled in undergraduate post-secondary institutions (1992–1993) had a disability. Of these, 46.3 percent were attending school full time (compared to 52.9 percent of non-disabled students). See Thomas D. Snyder, Digest of Education Statistics, 1996, NCES 96–133 (Washington, DC: US Department of Education, 1996).
109Public Law 104–193, 110 Stat. 2105 (August 22, 1996) (codified as amended in scattered sections of 7, 8, 21, 25, & 42 USC.).
110John E. Roemer, “Divide and Conquer: Microfoundations of a Marxian Theory of Wage Discrimination,” Bell Journal of Economics 10, no. 2 (1979): 695.
111Jon Jeter, “Room for Working Poor in Welfare’s New Deal?,” Washington Post, March 15, 1997.
112Ibid.
113Ibid.
114See ibid.
115Electronic mail from Laura L. Riviera to Thomas Kruse, June 1, 1998.
116Ibid.
117Steven Greenhouse, “Many Participants in Workfare Take the Place of City Workers,” New York Times, April 13, 1998; see also Steven Greenhouse, “Union to Sue Giuliani Administration Over Use of Welfare Recipients in Jobs,” New York Times, February 4, 1999.
118Ibid.
119Ibid.
120Jeter (referring to statement by the building’s custodian, Joseph Nollie), “Roo for Working.”
121Ibid.
122Nina Bernstein, “New York City Plans to Extend Workfare to Homeless Shelters,” New York Times, February 20, 1999.
123One example: New York Governor, George Pataki administration has quietly built up a $500 million surplus in federal welfare money over the last two years as a result of the dramatic decline in the number of people on public assistance, and expects that sum to grow to $1.4 billion. Raymond Hernandez, “New York Gets Big Windfall from Welfare,” New York Times, February 9, 1999. The surplus can then be converted into tax breaks for special interest lobbies such as housing developers.
124“Job Creation and Employment Opportunities: The United States Labor Market, 1993–1996,” Council of Economic Advisers, www2.whitehouse.gov/WH/EOP/CEA/html/labor.html.
125Wolman and Colamosca, Judas Economy, 87–138.
126Ibid., 53, 141–66. See generally Bennett Harrison, Lean and Mean: The Changing Landscape of Corporate Power in the Age of Flexibility (New York: Guilford Press, 1994). Harrison says income polarization is a “by-product” of the post-industrial society.
127See John Dewey, “Democracy is Radical,” in The Later Works 1925–1953, ed. JoAnn Boydston (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987), 296. Dewey argues against the Lockean notion of atomic individualism, suggesting instead that political philosophy must take seriously the social as a category. The individual, he says, can only be properly understood in the context of society, and must be understood this way to achieve progress.
128See Dean Baker et al., eds., Globalization and Progressive Economic Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
129For an example of what a radical democratic planned future might look like, see Dewey, “Democracy is Radical,” 296–99; Martin Carnoy and Derek Shearer, Economic Democracy: The Challenge of the 1980s (New York: ME Sharpe, Inc., 1980); Daniel Singer, Whose Millennium?: Theirs or Ours? (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1999).
130Mantsios, “Class in America.”
131See Harrison, Lean and Mean.
132See Wolman and Colamosca, Judas Economy, 144–45.
133See Michael Yates, Why Unions Matter (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1998), 135–40.
134Jerzy Osiatynski, ed., Collected Works of Michal Kalecki, vol. 1, Capitalism: Business Cycles and Full Employment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
Chapter 6: What Disability Civil Rights Cannot Do
1During the pre-ADA research phase, Congress found that “two thirds of all disabled Americans between the age of 16 and 64 [were] not working at all.” Hearing on H.R. 2273, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1989: Joint Hearing before the Subcommittee on Select Education and Employment Opportunities of the House Committee on Education and Labor, 101st Congress, 1st Session (July 18 and September 13, 1989; two hearings). S. Rep. No. 101–116.
2R. V. Burkhauser, M. C. Daly, and H. J. Houtenville, “How Working Age People with Disabilities Fared Over the 1990s Business Cycle,” in Ensuring Health and Income Security for an Aging Workforce, ed. P. Budetti, J. Gregory and R. V. Burkhauser (Kalamazoo: W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 2001).
3D. E. Lewis, “Access and Closed Doors: Despite Federal Act, Number of Disabled with No Job Is Rising,” Boston Globe, July 4, 1999.
4Linda Levine, The Employment of People with Disabilities in the 1990s (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2000), 12.
5H. Hahn, “Towards a Politics of Disability: Definitions, Disciplines and Policies,” Social Science Journal 22, no. 4 (1985): 87–105; I. K. Zola, “Towards Inclusion: The Role of People with Disabilities in Policy and Research Issues in the United States—A Historical and Political Analysis,” in Disability is Not Measles, ed. M. Rioux and M. Bash (North York, Ontario: Roeher Institute, 1994), 49–66.
642 USC. § 12101–12213 (1994).
742 USC. § 12101(a)(8)-(9) (1994).
8American Bar Association, “Study Finds Employers Win Most ADA Title I Judicial and Administrative Complaints,” Mental and Physical Disability Law Reporter 22, no. 3 (May–June 1998): 403, 404.
9Ruth Colker, “The Americans with Disabilities Act: A Windfall for Defendants,” Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 34, no. 1 (Winter 1999): 99.
10United States Commission on Civil Rights, Helping Employers Comply with the ADA: An Assessment of How the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission is Enforcing Title I of the Americans with Disabilities Act (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1998), 5.
11Matthew Diller, “Judicial Backlash, the ADA, and the Civil Rights Model,” Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law 21, no. 1 (2000): 23.
12Arlene Mayerson, “Restoring Regard for the ‘Regarded As’ Prong: Giving Effect to Congressional Intent,” Villanova Law Review 42, no. 2 (1997): 587, 612.
13Robert Burgdorf Jr., “‘Substantially Limited’ Protection from Disability Discrimination: The Special Treatment Model and Misconstructions of the Definition of Disability,” Villanova Law Review 42, no. 2 (1997): 409.
14Ibid., 413.
15Bonnie Tucker, “The ADA’s Revolving Door: Inherent Flaws in the Civil Rights Paradigm,” Ohio State Law Journal 62, no. 1 (2001).
16Ernest Mandel, Marxist Economic Theory, vol. 1 (New York: Merlin Press, 1962), 151.
17Ibid.
18Marta Russell, Beyond Ramps: Disability at the End of the Social Contract (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1998), 109–11; Marta Russell, “Backlash, the Political Economy, and Structural Exclusion,” Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law 21, no. 1 (2000): 341.
19J M. Washington, A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. (San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1991), 250.
20Martin Luther King, Jr., “Showdown for Nonviolence,” Look 32, no. 8 (April 16, 1968): 24.
21Marta Russell and Ravi Malhotra, “Capitalism and Disability,” Socialist Register 38 (2002): 211–28.
22D. A. Young and R. Quibell, “Why Rights are Never Enough,” Disability & Society 15, no. 5 (2000): 757.
23Classical political economy was practiced by theorists such as Adam Smith, David Ricardo, Karl Marx, and John Keynes who accepted politics as an inherent component of economics. Neoclassical economists reduce economics to an ahistorical and apolitical mathematical technique.
24Samir Amin, Specters of Capitalism: A Critique of Current Intellectual Fashions (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1998), 134.
25John M. Keynes, General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1936), 249; Michal Kalecki, Studies in the Theory of Business Cycles 1933–1939 (New York: A.M. Kelley, 1966), 131; Karl Marx, Capital: A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, 3 vols. (1867; reprint, New York: International Publishers, 1967), 589–92.
26M. Friedman, “The Role of Money Policy,” American Economic Review 58 (March 1968): 1–17; G. A. Akerloff, et al., “Near-Rational Wage and Price Setting and the Optimal Rates of Inflation and Unemployment” (2000), http://eml.berkeley.edu/~akerlof/docs/inflatn-employm.pdf.
27Alan Greenspan, Federal Reserve Board Humphrey–Hawkins Report, February 26, 2000, http://federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/hh/1997/february/reportsection1.htm.
28Michel Kalecki, “Political Aspects of Full Employment,” in Selected Essays on the Dynamics of the Capitalist Economy, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 140–41.
29Michael Piore, “Unemployment and Inflation: An Alternative View,” Challenge 21 (1978): 28–34.
30R. Pollin, “The ‘Reserve Army of Labor’ and the ‘Natural Rate of Unemployment’: Can Marx, Kalecki, Friedman, and Wall Street All Be Wrong?,” in Political Economy and Contemporary Capitalism, ed. R. Baiman, H. Boushey, and D. Saunders, (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2000), 98.
31M. Conlin, “The New Workforce: A Tight Labor Market Gives the Disabled the Chance to Make Permanent Inroads,” Business Week, March 20, 2000.
32Disability Policy Panel, National Academy of Social Insurance, “Rethinking Disability Policy: The Role of Income, Health Care, Rehabilitation, and Related Services in Fostering Independence,” Social Security Bulletin, June 24, 1994.
33Sheila D. Collins, Helen Lachs Ginsburg, and Gertrude Schaffner Goldberg, Jobs for All: A Plan for the Revitalization of America (New York: Apex Press, 1994), 10.
34Americans with Disabilities Act, Hearings Before the Subcommittee on the Handicapped of the Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources, 101st Congress (1989): 22.
35J. W. Mashek, “To Cheers, Bush Signs Rights Law for Disabled,” Boston Globe, July 27, 1990.
36Russell, Beyond Ramps, 114.
37R. Shogun, “Halt Bush’s Tilt to Left, Conservatives Tell GOP,” Los Angeles Times, July 14, 1990.
38“Given a choice between two equally productive workers, one requiring the expenditure of significant sums in order to accommodate him and one requiring no such expenditures, the profit-maximizing firm would prefer the worker who is less costly to hire.” John Donahue, “Employment Discrimination Law in Perspective: Three Concepts of Equality,” Michigan Law Review 92, no. 8 (August 1994): 2609.
39Vande Zande v. State of Wisconsin Department of Administration (1995) 7th Circuit, 44 Federal 3d, 538, 543.
40Russell, “Backlash,” 351.
41See Michael Stein, concluding that biases against hiring disabled workers based on inflated costs constitute a market failure deterring employers from making rational decisions, and Peter Blanck, reporting a beneficial “ripple effect” to hiring disabled workers; in part, accommodation costs are “minimal.” Michael Stein, “Labor Markets, Rationality and Workers with Disabilities,” Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law 21, no. 1 (April 2000): 333; Peter Blanck, The Emerging Role of the Staffing Industry in the Employment of Persons with Disabilities: A Case Report on Manpower Inc. (Iowa City: University of Iowa, 1998).
42Amin, Specters of Capitalism, 144.
43Ibid.
Chapter 7:Supreme Injustice
1“‘The Indian Enron’? Hundreds of Boxes of Documents Destroyed, Charges of Contempt of Court, Billions of Dollars at Stake, Millions Paid to Arthur Anderson: Native Americans Sue the US Government,” Democracy Now!, April 29, 2002, http://democracynow.org/2002/4/29/the_indian_enron_hundreds_of_boxes.
2[Gina Holland, “High Court Weighs Disabilities Cost,” Associated Press, April 22, 2002.—Ed.]
3[Ruth O’Brien, Crippled Justice: The History of Modern Disability Policy in the Workplace (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 195.—Ed.]
4[Michael Kinsley, “Genetic Correctness,” Washington Post, April 18, 2000.—Ed.]
5[Michael Parenti, Democracy for The Few, 6th ed. (Boston: St. Martin’s Press, 1995).—Ed.]
Chapter 8: Handicapitalism Makes Its Debut
1Joshua Harris Prager, “People with Disabilities Are Next Consumer Niche,” Wall Street Journal, December 15, 1999.
2Jeremy Kahn, “Creating an Online Community—And a Market—For the Disabled,” Fortune Magazine, February 7, 2000.
3CBS Infomercial, February 12, 2000.
4[Prager, “Next Consumer Niche.”—Ed.]
Chapter 9: Disablement, Prison, and Historical Segregation
1Dorothy Otnow Lewis, “Neuropsychiatric, Psychoeducational, and Family Characteristics of 14 Juveniles Condemned to Death in the United States,” American Journal of Psychiatry 145, no. 5 (May 1988): 584–89.
2James D. Watson, “President’s Essay,” Cold Springs Harbor Laboratory 1996 Annual Report (Cold Springs Harbor, NY: Cold Springs Harbor Laboratory, 1996), 14.
3Christian Parenti, Lockdown America: Police and Prisons in the Age of Crisis (London: Verso, 1999), 238.
4See Victor Finkelstein, Attitudes and Disabled People: Issues for Discussion (New York: World Rehabilitation Fund, 1980); Michael Oliver, The Politics of Disablement (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990); Marta Russell, Beyond Ramps: Disability at the End of the Social Contract (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1998); and Joanna Ryan and Frank Thomas, The Politics of Mental Handicap (New York: Penguin, 1980).
5Pauline Morris, Put Away: Institutions for the Mentally Retarded (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969).
6Michael Oliver, “Capitalism, Disability and Ideology: A Materialist Critique of the Normalization Principle,” in R. Flynn and R. Lemay, eds., A Quarter-Century of Normalisation and Social Role Valorization, Evolution and Impact, ed. R Flynn and R. Lemay (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1999).
7Louis Harris, The 2000 National Organization on Disabilities/Harris Survey of Americans with Disabilities (New York: Louis Harris & Associates, 2000). See also the 1998 Report.
8“When Punishment is the Crime: The Privatization of Prisons,” Out of Time 31 (February 1996), 3.
9The authors wish to credit the psychiatric survivors’ movement for a large body of literature examining America’s social policies with regard to people who have been labeled “mentally ill.” Among its sharpest commentary has been the movement’s critique of language; analysts point out that such terms as “the mentally ill” are highly charged, pejorative cultural constructs. They observe that such labels have been assigned to them by an entrenched power structure, relying for its authority on the DSM—the Diagnostic & Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders—a reference book that has repeatedly and justly been challenged for the subjectivity and bigotry underlying many of its socially constructed “diagnoses.” Psychiatric survivors point out that throughout history, individuals who have been identified by the dominant class as “mentally ill” have in many cases been iconoclasts and mavericks whose behavior has been provoked by social injustice. In a paper which examines the situation of people who have been incarcerated—whether in prisons, nursing homes, or mental institutions—we particularly want to avoid the assumption that those labels which have been used to justify incarceration are appropriate or just. Readers are referred to Support Coalition International of Eugene, OR, http://MindFreedom.org, and to its newsletter, Dendron News.
10Heather Barr, Prisons and Jails, Hospitals of Last Resort: The Need for Diversion and Discharge Planning for Incarcerated People with Mental Illnesses in New York (New York: Correctional Association of New York; Urban Justice Center, 1999).
11Jean Stewart, “Life, Death & Disability Behind Bars,” New Mobility 9 (June 1998). See also Jean Stewart, “Inside Abuse: Disability Oppression Behind Bars,” The Disability Rag 15 (November–December 1994).
12US District Judge Wilkie Ferguson Jr., “Prisons: An American Growth Industry,” Miami Herald, April 9, 1995.
Chapter 10: Stuck at the Nursing Home Door
1[Sabin Russell, “Hospital Workers Bask in Bond Victory / Unions helped get out the vote for Laguna Honda,” San Francisco Chronicle, November 4, 1999.—Ed.]
2[Ibid.—Ed.]
3[Lennard Davis, Enforcing Normalcy: Disability, Deafness, and the Body (New York: Verso, 1995).—Ed.]
4[While the eugenic politics of Rockefeller and Bell were more straightforward in that they categorically opposed marriage and sex between disabled individuals (with the former going so far as to fund sterilization programs to this end), Goldman’s were more contradictory. Goldman biographer Clare Hemmings writes, “Goldman endorsed an early eugenics movement’s focus on quality of offspring, in what makes for quite uncomfortable reading from a contemporary feminist point of view…. Although I would not want to minimize the dangers of eugenics arguments emerging out of Goldman’s development of her quality arguments with respect to women and birth control, then, it is important to bear in mind that she never supported [a] eugenics view that privileged propagation as a mode of national or racial belonging, but rather as a route to women’s freedom.” Clare Hemmings, Considering Emma Goldman: Feminist Political Ambivalence and the Imaginative Archive (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998), ebook. For the eugenic politics of Rockefeller, see Edwin Black, “North Carolina’s Reparation for the Dark Past of American Eugenics,” Guardian, June 28, 2011. For Bell, see “Signing, Alexander Graham Bell and the NAD,” Through Deaf Eyes, PBS, March 2007, http://pbs.org/weta/throughdeafeyes/deaflife/bell_nad.html.—Ed.]
5[Ed.—See, e.g., Fred Pelka, What We Have Done: An Oral History of the Disability Rights Movement (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2012), 11.]
6[Ed.—The Chicago Code of 1911 (Chicago: Callaghan and Company, 1911), 645.]
7[Ed.—Marta Russell, Beyond Ramps: Disability at the End of the Social Contract (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1998), 96–108.]
Chapter 11: Targeting Disability
1[The President’s Commission to Strengthen Social Security, “Strengthening Social Security and Creating Personal Wealth for All Americans,” December 21, 2001, http://ssa.gov/history/reports/pcsss/Final_report.pdf.—Ed.]
2[See “Memo on Social Security,” Wall Street Journal, January 5, 2005, http://wsj.com/articles/SB110496995612018199.—Ed.]
3[Ibid., 149.—Ed.]
4Linda Fullerton (Social Security Disability Coalition), statement before Subcommittee on Social Security of the US House of Representatives Committee on Ways and Means, September 30, 2004.
5[General Accounting Office, “Potential Effects on SSA’s Disability Programs and Beneficiaries: Report to the Ranking Member, Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies, Committee on Appropriations, US Senate,” January 2001.—Ed.]
6For data on benefits see “Benefits Awarded—Time Series for All Benefit Types,” Social Security Administration, http://ssa.gov/cgi-bin/awards.cgi; http://socialsecurity.gov/OACT/FACTS/fs2004_12.html; and http://ssa.gov/policy/docs/statcomps/ssi_monthly/2004–12/table1.html.
7Edward D. Berkowitz, Disabled Policy: America’s Programs for the Handicapped (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 118, 121.
8[“Memo on Social Security.”—Ed.]
Chapter 12: Between Dependence and Independence
1[Laura Hershey, “SSA Still Punishes People with Disabilities Who Work—and Their Advocates,” Crip Commentary, August 17, 1999, http://cripcommentary.com/cc081799.html.—Ed.]
2[Mollie Orshansky, “Counting the Poor: Another Look at the Poverty Profile,” Social Security Bulletin 28, no. 1 (January 1965): 3–29.—Ed.]
3[Patricia Ruggles, Drawing the Line: Alternative Poverty Measures and Their Implications for Public Policy (Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press, 1990).—Ed.]
4[Louis Harris, The 2000 National Organization on Disabilities/Harris Survey of Americans with Disabilities (New York: Louis Harris & Associates, 2000).—Ed.]
Chapter 13: “Crips Against War”
1[See Ewan MacAskill, “George Bush: ‘God told me to end the tyranny in Iraq’,” Guardian, October 7, 2005.—Ed.]
2[In 1982, Disabled Peoples’ International (DPI) adopted a Peace Statement at the Peace Memorial Park in Hiroshima Japan. In 2002, DPI held its Sixth World Assembly in Sapporo, Japan, where it reaffirmed and updated its original Peace Statement. “DPI Peace Statement,” Disabled People’s International, Hiroshima, Japan, June 24, 1982; updated, Sapporo, Japan, October 2002, http://ccdonline.ca/en/international/policy/newsletter/2003/01a.—Ed.]
Chapter 14: Disability and the War Economy
1[Paul Krugman, “Stating the Obvious,” New York Times, op-ed, May 27, 2003.—Ed.]
2[Jonah Goldberg, “Baghdad Delenda Est, Part Two,” National Review, April 23, 2002.—Ed.]
3[Elliott Abrams et al., “Statement of Principles,” Project for the New American Century, June 3, 1997, http://bit.ly/1LD2sSV.—Ed.]
4[See Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund, “Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act of 2003: Many Improvements but Ongoing Concerns,” News Release, June 24, 2003, http://dredf.org/2003/06/24/individuals-disabilities-education-improvement-act-2003/.—Ed.]
5[George W. Bush, “Speech to the Council on Foreign Relations” (Washington, DC, December 7, 2005).—Ed.]
6[John Spragens, “The Faces of TennCare,” Nashville Scene, November 24, 2005.— Ed.]
7[As of March 2018, the total cost of the ongoing US wars and military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan since 2001 had climbed to an estimated $1.8 trillion. “Cost of National Security,” National Priorities Project, http://nationalpriorities.org/cost-of/.—Ed.]
Chapter 15: Un-Natural Disasters
1[See Lex Frieden, “The Impact of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita on People with Disabilities: A Look Back and Remaining Challenges,” National Council on Disability, August 3, 2006.—Ed.]
2[See Associated Press, “Video Shows Bush Was Warned Before Katrina,” New York Times, March 1, 2006.—Ed.]
3[See, e.g., John McQuaid and Mark Schleifstein, “The Big One: A Major Hurricane Could Decimate the Region, But Flooding from Even a Moderate Storm Could Kill Thousands. It’s Just a Matter of Time,” Times-Picayune, June 24, 2002; and Mark Schleifstein, “Bush Budget Cuts Levee, Drainage Funds; Backlog of Contracts Waits to be Awarded,” Times-Picayune, February 8, 2005.—Ed.]
Chapter 16: The Affordable, Accessible Housing Crisis
1[Eugene T. Lowe et al., A Status Report on Hunger and Homelessness in America’s Cities, 2000 (Washington, DC: United States Conference of Mayors, 2000).—Ed.]
2[Marca Bristo et al., “Reconstructing Fair Housing,” National Council on Disability, November 6, 2001, ncd.gov.—Ed.]
3[See Jennifer Loven, “HUD Lax in Upholding Anti-Bias Law,” Associated Press, November 5, 2001.—Ed.]
Chapter 17: The United States versus the World
1[In 2003, as a representative of the American Association of People with Disabilities, Marta Russell participated in a series of meetings of the United Nations ad hoc committee charged with taking preliminary steps toward the drafting of what would become the UN’s official Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (ratified by the UN General Assembly in 2006). As of 2018, the US has still not ratified this convention.—Ed.]
2[Dave Reynolds, “U.S. Will Not Sign U.N. Disability Rights Treaty,” Inclusion Daily Express, June 18, 2003, retrieved online from Minnesota Governor’s Council on Developmental Disabilities, http://mn.gov/mnddc/news/inclusion-daily/2003/06/061803unadv.htm.—Ed.]
3[As of 2018, the US remains the only UN member state that has not ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child; is one of only a handful of states which have not ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; is neither a signatory nor a ratifying party to the UN Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction (i.e., the Land Mine Ban Treaty); is not one of the 124 member-nations of the International Criminal Court; and has not ratified the Kyoto Protocol (nor subsequent Doha Amendment) of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. “Multilateral Treaties Deposited with the Secretary-General: Status of Treaties,” United Nations Treaty Collection, http://treaties.un.org/Pages/ParticipationStatus.aspx.—Ed.]
Chapter 18: Dollars and Death
1[“[I]n the final analysis, economics, not the quest for broadened individual liberties or increased autonomy, will drive assisted suicide to the plateau of acceptable practice.” Derek Humphry and Mary Clement, Freedom to Die: People, Politics, and the Right-to-Die Movement (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998), 313.—Ed.]
2[Jack Kevorkian, Written Statement to Oakland County, Michigan, Superior Court, August 17, 1990, quoted in Nat Hentoff, “Not Dead Yet,” Washington Post, June 8, 1997, A15.—Ed.]
3[Charles Krauthammer, “A Critique of Pure Newt,” Weekly Standard, September 17, 1995.—Ed.]
4[Linda Peeno, “Managed Care Ethics: A Close View,” written testimony accompanying oral statement for the US House of Representatives Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Health and Environment, May 30, 1996.—Ed.]
5[Kurt Vonnegut, God Bless You, Dr. Kevorkian (New York: Seven Stories Press, 1999).—Ed.]
6[Diane Coleman, “Disabled Activists Outraged by Kevorkian’s Media Circus,” news release, Not Dead Yet, November 23, 1998.—Ed.]
7[“‘What they apparently did was pull up his sweater … cut the belly open and pull the kidneys out,’ said Dragovic, likening the technique to a ‘butcher at your corner store.’ Tushkowski’s sweater was blood-soaked, said Dragovic, emphasizing that the removal of the organs was not sterile.” Ellen Warren, “Kevorkian Controversy Sheds Light on a Problem,” Chicago Tribune, June 10, 1998.—Ed.]
8[Quoted in Pam Belluck, “Prosecutor to Weigh Possibility of Charging Kevorkian,” New York Times, November 23, 1998.—Ed.]
9[Hemlock Society USA, “Mercy Killing: A Position Statement Regarding David Rodriguez,” news release, December 3, 1997.—Ed.]
10Final Exit, directed by Derek Humphry (1999), VHS.
Chapter 19: Eugenics and the “Sole Possible Economic Order”
1Alfred Hoche and Rudolf Binding, Die Freigabe der Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens (Leipzig, 1920) in Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis ed. Robert Proctor (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), 178.
2Herbert Spencer, Principles of Biology, vol. 1 (D. Appleton and Co, 1914), 530.
3Charles Darwin, The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex (New York: P. Appleton and Co., 1922), 136.
4Proctor, 29, 98; and Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killings and the Psychology of Genocide (New York: Harper Collins, 1986), 24.
5Darwin, 632.
6Lifton, 30.
7Proctor, 96.
8R. C. Elmslie, The Care of Invalid and Crippled Children in School (London: School Hygiene Publishing, 1911); Lifton, 23.
9Lifton, 30.
10Proctor, 117.
11Friedrich Nietzsche, Twilight of the Idols (1889; reprint, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1997), 70.
12Proctor, 185.
13Ibid., 183–84.
14Ibid., 66.
15Lifton, 65–66.
16Proctor, 186.
17Ibid., 187.
18Description by Reich chemist August Becker, quoted in Proctor, 190.
19Hugh Gregory Gallagher, By Trust Betrayed: Patients, Physicians, and the License to Kill in the Third Reich (New York: Henry Holt, 1990), 146–47.
20Ibid., 243.
21Alexander Mitserlich, The Death Doctors (London: Eleck Books, 1962), 239.
22Gallagher, 259.
23Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 10.
24Adolph Hitler, Der Führer, US edition (1926), 287.
25Walter Russell Mead, “Long After War, Taint of Nazis Remains in Europe,” Los Angeles Times, November 3, 1996; Howard Zinn, A People’s History ofthe United States (New York: Harper & Row, 1980), 401.
26Baker quoted by Alexander Cockburn, “Eugenics Nuts would have Loved Norplant,” Los Angeles Times, June 30, 1994.
27Proctor, 180.
28Ibid., 16.
29Rockefeller and Carnegie quoted in Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971).
30Ward quoted in Hofstadter, 82.
31Charles A. Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950–1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1984).
32Gallagher, 78.
33Proctor, 22.
34Ibid., 259.
35Ibid., 265.
36Carl N. Degler, In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 11.
37[Roy Cohn was a notoriously reactionary federal attorney during the 1950s. J. Edgar Hoover was the FBI Director who spearheaded a massive campaign of repression against civil rights, labor, and socialist activists in the 1960s. Michael Milken was a top Wall Street financier indicted for racketeering and fraud in 1989. Charles Keating was a banking executive repeatedly convicted of racketeering and fraud in the 1990s.—Ed.]
38Figures reported by the Los Angeles Times, April 17, 1996.
39United Nations 1996 Human Development Report. [As of 2017, there were 2,043 billionaires in the world possessing a combined wealth of $7.6 trillion; this is equivalent to the combined wealth of the bottom 70 percent of the world’s adults, or roughly 3.5 billion people! See Kerry A. Dolan, “Forbes 2017 Billionaires List: Meet The Richest People On The Planet,” Forbes.com, March 20, 2017; Credit Suisse Research Institute, Global Wealth Report 2017 (Zurich: Credit Suisse Group AG, 2017), 21.—Ed.]
40Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Times (Boston: Beacon Hill Press, 1944), 57.