Ellul’s book Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes, is an analysis of propaganda in modern Western societies. This work was the second in his trilogy, the first being The Technological Society, which primarily discusses the forms and characteristics of technique. The third was The Political Illusion, an analysis and critique of the machinations of modern political systems. A vital feature of this trilogy is that the first book describes technique (the realm of necessity), while the second and third books describe two realms that are entailments of technique. The spheres of propaganda and politics are separate but interdependent domains of technique.[1]
The analysis of propaganda remains one Ellul’s most overlooked intellectual achievements. Ellul systematically described propaganda and its characteristics in order to awaken the public to its nefarious consequences. But at the current date, there are few readily available scholarly works on Ellul’s book Propaganda, other than a handful of journal articles, book reviews, and dissertations.[2] Unfortunately, this leaves Ellul scholars with an incomplete understanding of his work, much like the common ignorance of his dialectical worldview.[3]
One of the most pernicious aspects of modern capitalist society is propaganda. It is found on the internet, television, radio, billboards, magazines, newspapers, textbooks, religious tracts, political pamphlets, and in many other areas of society. Many people, however, never stop to question propaganda. Perhaps they believe that it is not harmful or that it is a necessary evil. Even more likely, perhaps they do not recognize it as part of reality that can and should be critiqued and challenged. Ellul believed that propaganda was a cancerous component of modern life that robbed individuals of their freedom. In Propaganda, published in 1962, he presented one of its first sociological analyses. Here, Ellul discussed at length the characteristics of modern propaganda, and also its ethical implications. He outlines the methods used to entangle individuals into the sphere of necessity. These methods include limiting options in decisions, omitting information, and the use of psychological manipulation. These entanglements and their relationship to technique and necessity will now be discussed.
According to Ellul, propaganda is necessarily linked to technological development and the technological mindset, that is, technique. As we have seen, technique includes specific technologies such as computers, cars, and phones, and it also includes a mindset that sees the world through the lens of progress, efficiency, and instrumental value. Additionally, technique is necessarily linked to the state. Propaganda only exists in a symbiotic relationship with technique and the state. As we will see, Ellul argues convincingly that technological and political “progress” cannot take place without propaganda.
The closest Ellul comes to defining propaganda is in the following statement, which he refers to as only a “partial” definition: “Propaganda is a set of methods employed by an organized group that wants to bring about the active or passive participation in its actions of a mass of individuals, psychologically unified through psychological manipulations and incorporated into an organization.”[4] Ellul maintains that in its broadest sense, propaganda usually (but not necessarily) involves one or more of the four following components.[5] First, there is psychological action, in which the propagandist seeks to manipulate and modify public opinion using psychological means. In other words, appeals to fear, pity, guilt, sexual desire, and the like are employed in order to unconsciously sway the audience. This can be clearly seen in visual advertisements that display scantily clad men and women in provocative sexual positions—even when the commodities being sold have nothing to do with sex. One can also observe this psychological manipulation in political and military campaigns that rely on fear. Clearly, there are many other examples all around us, reminding us that psychological action appeals to the irrational and unconscious with very effective results.[6]
Second, propaganda often involves what Ellul calls psychological warfare. Here, the propagandist tries to “break down” the public’s self-confidence in their own decision-making abilities. In other words, the propagandist tries to convey that its message supersedes the knowledge of the individual and the public. Often a group of people working for a corporation or institution, the propagandists seeks to win the trust of the masses, to the extent that we stop trusting ourselves. This creates a society where people become ever more dependent upon the media and other social institutions. People cease to think critically and analytically about the messages they are receiving, and they simply allow the propagandist to spoon-feed them the “truth.”[7]
Third, Ellul points out that propaganda often involves reeducation or brainwashing. This can be seen clearly when sources of public information are limited, textbooks are edited, and certain political websites are banned or shut down in order to further a dominant ideology.[8]
Finally, in its broadest sense, propaganda commonly employs public relations. Institutions and corporations are always concerned with their relationship to the public and the public’s perception of them. Thus, these entities often rely on a group of public relation experts to “sell” their product or service. According to Ellul, this will always include a restriction of the truth and a misrepresentation of the institution in order that it might appear more palatable to the masses. Furthermore, public relation technicians often use manipulatory means to sway the public.[9]
The key to understanding these four domains of propaganda is to recognize that each of them is a method. The first two employ psychological methods and the last two employ a method of limiting or manipulation of information. All four, according to Ellul, are based on the propagandist’s knowledge of modern psychology and sociology. He states, “The propagandist builds his techniques on the basis of the knowledge of man, his tendencies, his desires, his needs, his psychic mechanisms, his conditioning—and as much on social psychology as on depth psychology.”[10] Public relation technicians, advertisers, and marketers use these basic procedures and principles to achieve a calculated outcome. Propaganda, therefore, has become a highly specialized technique that is generally not discussed in the public realm. Furthermore, propaganda, even though it is all around us, is in many ways invisible. This is so because many propagandists are skilled in camouflaging their message with music, graphics, political rhetoric, and a myriad of other cultural spheres.[11]
It is vital that we recognize that modern propaganda is not simply a “trick” or a “gimmick,” as many people suppose. Rather, propaganda is incredibly complex and multifaceted. It is created by experts who specialize in psychological, sociological, and cultural knowledge. The average person is usually completely unaware of the propagandists’ involved techniques and methods.[12] For this reason we should analyze what Ellul and others have written about propaganda. By doing so, we will become more aware of our surroundings, enabling us to think for ourselves and become authentic, engaged members of a democratic society.
According to Ellul, modern propaganda is aimed at both the individual and the masses concomitantly. This is the first specific external characteristic of propaganda. The propagandist always creates his or her message for the crowd, but also for the individuals that make up the crowd. In other words, individuals are only recognized insofar as they are related to the masses. Knowledge of average likes, dislikes, and emotional responses are used in order to address the specific person within society.
For example, consider a solitary woman watching a political debate on television. She knows that she is alone, but she is also aware that she is part of a large group. The televised debate is not aimed at the individual or at a sector of society. Yet, using emotional appeals and selective information, the speakers manage to “communicate” to the audience as both individual and crowd.[13] This is significant for one main reason: the individual is not seen as a unique being that has value. Rather, the individual is an abstraction of the greater whole. Specific personal eccentricities and idiosyncrasies are not taken into account. Nontraditional groups of people are not considered; only the average person—the mean—is recognized and validated.[14]
This is clearly a type of marginalization. The person who does not have the average tastes or predispositions is considered weird, different, or even an extremist. Thus, the people who fall into this category are pushed to the margins of the discussion (political, religious, ethical, etc.) and more often than not, ignored.[15]
In addition, this abstraction of the average person unconsciously motivates people to think in certain preordained categories. Even those on the margins find themselves entering into dialogue using the discourse and categories of thought determined by the propagandist, lest they be labeled as crazy or abnormal. This is incredibly effective. Many people simply want acceptance from others and will do whatever is necessary in order to feel accepted. Thus, nontraditional ideas and the people who hold them are becoming increasingly rare. People cease to think for themselves and begin to concern themselves only with what they are instructed to think about. Propaganda, in aiming at the “average” individual, creates a one-dimensional society where increasing numbers of people are thinking the thoughts of others—the propagandists.[16]
The second external characteristic of modern propaganda is that is must be total.[17] In other words, propagandists—if they want to truly be effective—must use all forms of media. Propaganda must use all available means in order to spread its message as fast as possible. After all, propaganda is driven by a desire for efficiency and effectiveness. This is so, because, according to Ellul, totality is a necessary entailment of technique. If efficiency is to be accomplished, the propagandist must use all of the means available for this end.[18]
Ellul calls this the “organized myth” of propaganda.[19] In all forms of media, the same messages are being systematically conveyed, infiltrating every aspect of the individual’s life and creating a narrative that is based on partial or distorted truths. Ellul describes this organized myth: “Through the myth it creates, propaganda imposes a complete range of intuitive knowledge, susceptible of only one interpretation, unique and one-sided, and precluding any divergence. This myth becomes so powerful that it invades every area of consciousness, leaving no faculty or motivation intact.”[20] According to Ellul, propaganda is always one-sided and only conveys its message in one direction—toward the masses. There is no dialectical or dialogical relationship between the propagandist and the individual. Propaganda excludes all contradictory viewpoints and opinions. Thus, it must be total, and it must dominate every aspect of the human’s psychological and social life. It is no longer simply a technique; propaganda is totalitarian in its very being.[21]
We see this clearly in our political system as conveyed to us by the media. We are told that there are only two legitimate options: Republicans and Democrats. Nearly everywhere we look—television, newspaper, Internet, magazines—only these two groups are represented. Of course, we occasionally hear about other options. However, in the same breath that they are mentioned, we are virtually always told that endorsing one of these “nontraditional” parties is only for extremists or kooks, or that voting for them will do nothing but take away votes from one of the “real” parties. The media establishment only provides its audience with limited options, ensuring a calculated outcome while providing the appearance of free choice (voting).[22]
The all-encompassing nature of technique entails the totalizing nature of propaganda in the realm of necessity. Later, we will see that both of these factors produce what Ellul calls the ubiquitous political illusion.[23]
The third external characteristic of propaganda is continuity and duration.[24] According to Ellul, propagandists do much to keep up appearances and perpetuate the organized myth. This entails repetition ad nauseam and the constant appropriation of new means. Any new form of technology that develops and is used widely must immediately be usurped. The new form is, in turn, used for the duration, until a newer form of technology replaces the old. This cycle is unceasing. Ellul states, “Propaganda must be continuous and lasting—continuous in that it does not leave any gaps, but must fill the citizen’s whole day and all his days.”[25] This method is necessary in order to keep the individual’s point of reference within the circle of myth. After all, if there were any holes in this system, they might expose the individual to a form of thinking that does not cohere with the propagandist’s narrative. This constant flow of information creates a total environment that is self-referential and self-justifying. Born into this realm, and numbed by it, the individual submits to propaganda’s power, uses its language, thinks in its categories, and engages in its game.
The fourth external characteristic to which Ellul refers is the organization of propaganda. By this, he means the necessary and concrete linkage between propaganda and other institutions in modern capitalist, technological societies. Propaganda is always directly and indirectly related to political, military, educational, healthcare, and other institutions. These establishments provide propaganda with a concrete referent; their relationship to propaganda demonstrates to the individual that the myth he or she has accepted has a true basis—an illusion of legitimate ground for the propagandist’s narrative. However, simply because propaganda refers to actual institutions in society, this does not necessarily mean that these are legitimate, truthful, or altruistic.[26]
The fifth external characteristic of propaganda is orthopraxy. For Ellul, this is perhaps the most important ethical entailment of modern propaganda. The primary aim of the contemporary propagandist is to provoke action. Of course, the propagandist wants to manipulate individual’s ideas and beliefs. This manipulation, however, is only a means to an end: action that serves capitalism and technique. Ellul describes propaganda’s orthopraxy in this way: “It is no longer to change adherence to a doctrine, but to make the individual cling irrationally to a process of action. It is no longer to transform an opinion, but to arouse an active and mythical belief.”[27] This fact is evidenced in the immense deal of advertising we encounter daily. For the most part, advertisers do not care about the religious or political affiliations of the consumers. Advertisers do not care what its audience believes, as long as they are enticed to consume or purchase a particular product. The same is true in political campaigns. For example, politicians do not seem to be concerned with changing how the public perceives them (unless it affects how people vote). Politicians are concerned primarily with obtaining the vote—the action of the masses. This is why politicians do not use intellectual persuasion. Instead they rely on irrational, emotional appeals. If politicians were to engage in intellectual dialogue—which is, in its pure form, a dialectical process—with the public, this would be extremely time-consuming and inefficient. The politician is instead concerned with quick and efficient action on the part of the individual.[28]
Here we should recall the fourth external characteristic of propaganda: organization. Propaganda only has meaning when it brings about the convergence of the individual’s actions with a particular institution. This locks the individual into a dependent relationship with various institutions, while at the same time integrating the individual into a society whose thoughts and actions have been prescribed and determined by these institutions. According to Ellul, this circular and self-referential system makes it nearly impossible to reverse the effects of propaganda.[29]
Enticing and locking the individual into the system requires what Ellul calls “pre-propaganda.”[30] He distinguishes this from “active propaganda” (which we have been discussing). Ellul maintains that the goal of pre-propaganda is to prepare individuals to act. He states, “Pre-propaganda does not have a precise ideological objective; it has nothing to do with an opinion, an idea or a doctrine. It proceeds by psychological manipulations, by character modifications, by the creation of certain feelings or stereotypes useful when the time comes.”[31] In other words, in order to prepare one for orthopraxy, one must be conditioned beforehand. One needs to think in certain categories and truly believe that one’s actions are necessary and efficacious. Pre-propaganda involves two methods according to Ellul: conditioned reflex and myth.[32]
Propagandists first try to condition reflexes through training the individual from a very young age. They train people to respond to certain signs, symbols, words, and authority figures. By doing this, the propagandist can predict with accuracy the given response.[33] An example of conditioned reflex is found in the symbol of the US flag. From a young age, those of us who grew up in the United States have been programmed to unquestioningly respect and honor the flag. Reciting the Pledge of Allegiance in grammar school, singing the “Star-Spangled Banner” at sporting events with hand on heart, and watching presidential debates take place with the flag in the background all add to this pre-propaganda. As a symbol, the flag evokes in many a deep sense of pride and patriotism. Furthermore, if anyone disrespects or damages the flag, then he or she is often assumed to be disrespecting the United States and all of its good qualities. This is an excellent example of a conditioned reflex shared by most Americans.[34]
The second method of pre-propaganda is myth. According to Ellul, propagandists create myths, narratives and images that shape the individual’s consciousness. Myths help to create a worldview that is rarely questioned. Some examples include a blind faith in the superiority of one’s country, political system, race, rituals, and customs. This faith creates individuals who never stop to question the common beliefs with which they were raised. Instead, they simply assume that their worldview is legitimate and beneficial. This, in turn, creates a firm foundation of pre-propaganda that prepares the individual to further participate in the technological system.
Consisting of the general tendencies and goals of the propagandists, Ellul’s internal characteristics of propaganda are made up of the specific knowledge and methods employed by propagandists. The first internal characteristic is psychological knowledge. In other words, the propagandist must be familiar with the psychological impulses, desires, and motivations of the individual. The propagandist relies heavily on psychology.[35]
Furthermore, in order for propaganda to be effective, it must connect itself to the basic motivations of humans. The first of these motivating factors are external bodily needs, such as food, shelter, clothing and protection. Exploited by the propagandist to achieve his or her goals, these needs are explicitly and implicitly appealed to in order to manipulate the masses.[36]
Additionally, humans have certain universal internal motivations: fear, sexual desire, and longing for acceptance, among many others. As with the external needs, the propagandist exploits his or her knowledge of these internal propensities to further the agenda at hand. Indeed, it would be impossible for propaganda to be effective if the most basic psychological terrain of humanity was not exploited.[37]
The second basic internal characteristic of propaganda is its knowledge of and its appeals to societal impulses, currents, and ideologies. This requires an acute awareness of particular social inclinations and motivations of the constituents of a given society. It is the job of the propagandist to mirror this social knowledge in his or her work.[38]
There are two essential forms of this societal knowledge. The first consists of presuppositions regarding one’s society. By this, Ellul means “a collection of feelings, beliefs, and images by which one unconsciously judges events.”[39] These collective presuppositions, which are both created by and consist of pre-propaganda, provide the propagandist with knowledge of the social milieu. Propagandists must utilize and build upon the collective presuppositions of the West.[40] If propaganda did not do this, then no one would take it seriously.
One of the best examples of a collective presupposition is the belief in unending progress. Without question, the majority of people in modern societies today firmly believe that science, technology, and humans are evolving—and that this is all undoubtedly good. Advertisers use this presupposition endlessly in marketing new products. Politicians use this assumption in arguing for change. Educators use this belief to argue for new pedagogical techniques. Ellul explains, “a person listens to a particular propaganda because it reflects his deepest convictions without expressing them directly.”[41] The propagandist knows this and uses this societal knowledge to manipulate the thoughts and behavior of the individual.[42]
In addition to appealing to societal presuppositions, the propagandist must also have knowledge of current events and must be ready to appeal to these. This is the third basic internal characteristic of propaganda. According to Ellul, most people do not have a deep knowledge of history. Instead, the majority of individuals live within a worldview dominated by present events only (or events in the immediate past). Knowing this, propaganda relies heavily on appealing to the latest scientific findings, social trends, and products. The propagandist rarely refers to ancient history or historical figures to persuade the public. Rather, he uses popular culture, celebrities, and the latest fashions to manipulate the masses. These current images are symbols of the new—of progress and innovation. By utilizing current events, the propagandist taps into the tacit assumptions of society.[43]
Of those who stop to reflect on propaganda, many assume it is simply the dissemination of lies. Believing that they are quite capable of discerning truth from falsehood, these people assume they can recognize propaganda and easily dismiss it. Ellul points out that this is a dangerous position to maintain for two reasons. First, propagandists often use a combination of true and false statements in their appeals. (In fact, for Ellul, this is the most effective type of propaganda.) Second, propagandists often rely on true statements in their appeals, while leaving out other relevant and factual information. This creates the illusion of objectivity, when in fact it is a one-sided presentation of the issue at hand. Both of these methods contradict the notion that propaganda simply consists of lies.[44]
Ellul is not a relativist when it comes to truth. He believes that truth should be defined as the accurate description of reality.[45] However, when institutions and their propagandists begin to manipulate the masses through the constant use of corporate media, truth becomes hard to decipher. Ellul recognizes this, and maintains that as institutions have presented their false and distorted descriptions of reality, these filtered descriptions have become “truth” to millions. This is quite similar to Michel Foucault’s reflections on truth. In his essay entitled “Truth and Power,” Foucault writes,
Each society has its regime of truth, its general politics of truth: that is, the type of discourse which it accepts and makes function as true; the mechanisms and instances which enable one to distinguish true and false statements, the means by which each is sanctioned; the techniques and procedures accorded value in the acquisition of truth; the status of those who are charged with saying what counts as true.[46]
Here Foucault argues that those in power determine what is true. He wants to challenge systems of power and exhort individuals to discover truth without relying exclusively on media, government, educational, and other institutions. With Foucault, Ellul argues that we need to stand up against the institutions that create and ordain a “regime of truth.” In order to do this, we need to distinguish between overarching categories of propaganda.[47]
According to Ellul, there are two primary categories of propaganda in modern societies. The first and clearest form is political.[48] This type of propaganda is concerned with achieving two goals. The first, and most important, is to inspire people to place their faith in the political system and in politicians. A political regime cannot function if the majority of people do not support it. For this reason, politicians hire public relations firms and spend millions of dollars on advertising in order to propagandize the masses. An additional goal of political propaganda is to make military acts of war acceptable to the public. As we will see, Ellul believes that in societies governed by technique, the military is inextricably tied to economic systems; and in order for a country to be economically stable, it must always be at war or be preparing for war. For this reason, political propaganda has become ubiquitous.
The second type of propaganda is what Ellul refers to as social or “sociological.”[49] For Ellul, this is a form of propaganda that aims to influence society’s “style of life.”[50] This propaganda appeals to and reinforces common societal assumptions. Examples in the United States include the conviction that forty hours constitute a work week; that more money equals a better job; that traditional gender roles should be followed; and that democracy is better than other political systems. All of these deeply held convictions are nothing more than ideologies, according to Ellul.[51] These ideologies lead individuals to believe that their society—including their government, educational, and economic systems—offers the best way of life. It follows from this form of reasoning that other societies and cultures are inadequate at best and evil at worst. We see a clear example of this when people refer in a pejorative manner to those who are acting “un-American” or “anti-Christian.” These terms expose the underlying ideology of the speaker.
Of course, there are many other types of societal assumptions appealed to in social propaganda. These include ideologies concerning the free market, private property, and individual status, among others. These, along with the aforementioned examples, all serve one primary purpose: to integrate the individual into the system of necessity; that is to say, technique. Once this occurs, the system can continue to develop, grow, and dominate.[52]
The modern state—whether socialist, communist, or capitalist—is inextricably linked to technology, the military, and propaganda. In fact, propaganda is needed once the population of the state numbers in the millions. Large populations are united by mass transportation, and corporate media links the constituents of a society with its leaders. Politicians and those in charge of large institutions must pay careful and constant attention to the masses. In order to maintain leadership and control, these commanders must precisely choose what to communicate with the people. Through various forms of media, the authorities of both the media and the state present the public with a selective collection of information. In doing so, the state manipulates and shapes the opinion of the masses. The state cannot give the people full and complete information—this would invoke distrust. Rather, it decides what is in its best interest: technological progress, economic growth, and public obeisance and compliance.[53]
The question arises, then: If the state is so concerned with the public’s opinion, isn’t this an example of true democracy? According to Ellul, no; this does not imply an authentic democracy. Democracy is based on two basic principles: a rational public, and a fully informed public. Ellul argues that, due to constant manipulation of the public through propaganda, more and more people think and act in irrational ways. Furthermore, the private control of the mass media and the limiting and distortion of information has left the public far from fully informed. This results in a modern society that is largely undemocratic. There is an illusion of democracy, but in reality it does not exist. More will be said concerning democracy and the state later on.[54]
The state also needs propaganda in order to secure its military. Individuals are called upon and enticed to fight for the state in order to secure it. The state must necessarily use propaganda in order to convince individuals to fight and die for its own subsistence. If the state truly and fully released all information—from real motivations to likely effects—about a particular war in which it was engaging, very few people would choose to fight for it. So the state uses psychological appeals such as appeals to patriotism, fear, freedom, and security in order to maintain its military.[55]
It should be noted that the military is always a necessary component of the modern state, according to Ellul. Modern motivations for war include securing natural resources and establishing centers of control worldwide. Because of these, the state will always be at war in some capacity. Meanwhile, traditional motives for war—protection of one’s family or property—no longer exist. These have been replaced with what is in the state’s best interest. Ellul believes that this causes the modern individual to “live in a permanent atmosphere of war.”[56]
This leads us to question the relationship between technique, propaganda, and the state. It should be clear that all three, according to Ellul, are interdependent. In order for this connection to become clearer, it is necessary to turn to the third book of Ellul’s trilogy, an insightful sociological description and damning critique of the political dimension in the realm of necessity: The Political Illusion.
The political dimension, in Ellul’s view, is entirely the domain of the state. Ellul maintains that as a consequence of technique, the state has become a totalizing phenomenon in the modern era, with complete centralization and total organization in its hands, owing to technique. Both of these inevitabilities are guided by technique’s infiltration into the public sector, largely due to propaganda. The outcome of this infiltration is what Ellul calls the “politization” or political saturation of society.[57]
Ellul defines politics in the following manner:
The term political must be taken here in its precise and restricted sense, i.e. with relation to the state and not to just any power, or just any social activity. Max Weber’s definition is both classic and excellent: “Politics is the leadership by a political body called the state, or any influence exerted in that direction.” I also agree with Weber that the state can be defined sociologically only by its specific means, which is force.[58]
Here we see that politics for Ellul comes down to control by the state. Furthermore, the state uses force to direct society. Like technique, the state must work for its own progress and for it alone. It is not concerned with the well-being of all its constituents, only with those who benefit the state.
According to Ellul, in the modern era, politization is total. In every sector of society, political values, judgments, and consequences affect every individual. Ellul explains,
The state is the great ordainer, the great organizer, the center upon which all voices of all people converge and from which all reasonable, balanced, impartial—i.e., just—solutions emerge. If by chance we find this not so, we are profoundly scandalized, so filled are we with this image of the state’s perfection. In our current consciousness no other center of decision in our social body can exist.[59]
Here we see another characteristic of the politization of society: like technique, it is a type of consciousness. This consciousness is informed by the values of technique and is furthered by various types of propaganda. It has changed human consciousness and has become a central judge and decision maker for nearly all we do. Politics, therefore, has been reduced to ideology: a false consciousness.[60]
Ellul maintains that because of the various types of propaganda that surround us, we believe the “myth” of the state. This mirrors the title of his book: The Political Illusion. But what is the myth? What specifically is the illusion? It is the false belief that the state equals freedom. This erroneous assumption has been foisted upon us by technique through the agency of propaganda. We center our lives on this conviction, thinking that we are offered freedom with the political and consumerist choices we are given. But, according to Ellul, this is the inversion of reality.[61]
Ellul insists that the political realm is a “fusion of two contradictory elements: the necessary and the ephemeral.”[62] Here we see Ellul’s dialectical methodology, once again, in practice. Ellul believes that these two opposing factors expose vital aspects of politics. Primarily, they show that politics leads to an ever-greater loss of individual freedom, and they reveal that political involvement is ultimately futile.[63]
The first element involved in the political realm, the necessary, is characterized by a loss of possibility or freedom.[64] This is seen clearly in the limiting of political choices and the restriction of information, both of which are a prevalent consequence of technique’s desire for efficiency or efficacy. Ellul explains,
From the moment efficacy becomes the criterion of political action, new limitations restrict all decisions. This is exactly what is happening today. Even with the best intentions, no one nowadays could select any other political criterion than efficacy. Already democracy’s game rests entirely on success. . . . Yet the choice of efficiency, if not dictated in advance or unanimous, is, at the given moment under the prevailing circumstances, not a free choice at all.[65]
For this reason, we see that the realm of the political is the realm of the necessary. It follows the rules that have been set for it by technique.[66] It is a reality that is determined beforehand and thus limits human freedom.
The necessary’s counterpole, the ephemeral, exists at the other end of the political arena. According to Ellul, the ephemeral is “perhaps the most tragic sign and characteristic of our day.”[67] The ephemeral, in Ellul’s work, refers to a state of existence where individuals believe that their political decisions are concrete and lasting, but in fact they are illusory. It also describes a society where individuals have lost all sense of historical consciousness: a society that focuses only on the immediate events of the day.[68]
On the one hand, these characteristics mirror Ellul’s description of the necessary; they point out the fact that political choices are already predetermined, so no individual decision really has any firm affect. On the other hand, the ephemeral specifically relates to the mass media. Ellul spends a great deal of time critiquing corporate media, arguing that it has created mass ignorance.[69]
By consuming meaningless, unrelated information via the media, one ceases to think for oneself. Furthermore, without historical knowledge, the framework needed for recognizing and discovering truth vanishes. Together with his description of the necessary and its lack of freedom, Ellul’s description of the ephemeral demonstrates the sad futility of our political actions.[70]
Ellul argues that, like technique, the political realm—the state—has become autonomous. No longer are politics a matter of choice or freedom; they are now a matter of power and efficiency. Ellul says, “The autonomy of political affairs is essentially the result of . . . force.”[71] The very existence of the state is dependent on, and inseparable from, its own use of force and violence. In contrast, the state’s laws do not permit the people to use this kind of violence or power. In fact, Ellul calls the modern state a “monopoly” of power and violence.[72]
Examples of this monopoly are ubiquitous. For instance, it is unacceptable for a labor union or for activists to use violent means, but the state certainly can. Similarly, it is against the state’s laws for individuals to kill others, but the state itself can execute murderers. According to Ellul, no state or political party is truly “legitimate”; that is, they all require and make use of violence in order to maintain themselves.[73] It would be difficult to find a counterexample to refute Ellul’s claim. The use of violence and force is an inescapable reality of the modern political sphere.
Some argue that the state is not a product of violence, but a result of law and order. Ellul counters this claim by pointing out the fact that nearly every modern state breaks its own laws concerning torture, violence, and war, when its own well-being is in danger. This hypocrisy demonstrates that the rule of political law is no longer an overarching guiding ethical principle. The only laws that the state actually follows are the laws of technique: efficiency, power, control, and so on.[74]
The state is not only governed by technique; it also mirrors technique in its autonomy and monopoly of violence.[75] Ellul argues that the individual no longer has any role in politics, other than to support the predetermined rules and regulations of the state. Therefore, there are really no substantive differences in political parties. All of the dominant parties, especially the main two on the right and the left, always support the decisions and goals of technique and of the state. Because of this, “the entire political enterprise is de facto autonomous.”[76]
One result of the autonomy of the state is that it disintegrates authentic values and morality. Ellul maintains that the larger the state grows, the more power it has, and the more it becomes the arbiter of justice and truth. However, the state has no concern with what is truly good or virtuous. Its ultimate concerns, as pointed out earlier, are with its own survival and with the values of technique. This means that whatever is opposed to the state it is seen as a priori evil, and whatever supports the state, good.[77]
In order for the state to continue with its autonomy, it must have the consent of public opinion. This is where propaganda comes in. In our previous discussion of propaganda, we saw clearly how public opinion is manipulated and perverted. This is a necessary entailment of the political realm. The state must make use of propaganda for its own survival. This is another crucial fact that supports the autonomous nature of the political sphere.[78]
Some might ask the following: If the state determines what is just and true, and if the state must use propaganda, then isn’t it a totalitarian entity? Ellul answers yes. Any political system guided by technique—whether democratic or fascist—will be totalitarian in practice. Herein, the best interest of the people is not of primary concern; only the best interest of the ruling powers of the state ultimately matters. For these reasons, Ellul maintains that the political sphere is constituted by illusions. These illusions come in the form of values, of truth, of the state’s intentions, and most glaringly in the form of propaganda.[79]
If the political realm is an illusion, what is the solution? If involvement in politics leads to a loss of freedom, how can we regain freedom and still make a concrete impact on society? Ellul’s clearest answers come out of his theology. It is important to remember that the two tracks of Ellul’s work, the sociological/philosophical and the theological, are necessarily interdependent. We cannot find the answers to the aforementioned questions within the realm of necessity; for solutions we need to turn to the realm of the spirit.
At the outset of this work, Ellul’s dialectical methodology and worldview were presented. We then detailed, analyzed, and discussed the three central themes of Ellul’s sociology and philosophy: technique, propaganda, and politics. How are these matters related specifically to his theory of dialectic? Broadly speaking, Ellul asserts that there are two contradictory realms of reality: technique (necessity) and the spirit (freedom). Technique is the sphere of determinism and ultimately, death; propaganda and politics exist within this realm. Conversely, the realm of the spirit is one of liberty and life.
The domain of technique—including propaganda and politics—is comprised of all four aspects of dialectic itself. First, technique always includes a permanent process of change. This is illustrated in the fact that technique is continually evolving and progressing toward more efficiency. Second, technique contains contradictory elements that can never be synthesized. For example, technique envelops the human sphere and is constantly changing, but ultimately humans exist as contraries to technique. Their essence is not efficiency, like that of technique, but something qualitatively different, and thus they remain fundamentally unsynthesizable aspects within technique. Third, technique includes noncontradictory elements that can be synthesized. The realm of the artificial falls into this category. It is noncontradictory to technique, and technique continues to synthesize the artificial further into itself. Finally, technique’s ultimate goal is to reconcile all of nature and humanity into itself. This may happen to a large extent, but in the end, according to Ellul, this is impossible.
As we have seen, Ellul argues that the realm of the spirit—the domain of Christ—is the only place that can offer to reconcile and redeem all of reality. In this realm, history is moving toward the final goal of salvation for all, humans and the earth included. In order to further understand the realm of the spirit—the dialectical counterpart to technique (and necessity)—we must now detail and analyze three additional central components of Ellul’s theology; namely, the role of hope in the life of the Christian, nonviolence, and Christian anarchism.