Historical Records of the Five Dynasties

Earlier, in the third year of the Tang dynasty’s Tianyou reign [C.E. 906], the Prince of Liang wanted a favored aide, Zhang Tingfan, posted as chamberlain for ceremonials. Chief minister Pei Shu demurred, pointing to dynastic practice where chamberlains are officials with pedigree, whereas Tingfan was a mere commander’s attendant to the Prince of Liang. A thoroughly incensed Prince exclaimed, “I often cited Pei Shu as pure and genuine, not given to indulge frivolity. Still, he responds so callously!” In the fourth month of that year, a comet in the northwestern skies passed over the stellar spheres of Wenchang, Xuanyuan, and Tianshi. Chief minister Liu Can, at the Prince of Liang’s prodding, held senior courtiers responsible. In this way, left associates at the Secretariat Pei Shu and Dugu Sun, right associate Cui Yuan, acting grand guardian emeritus Zhao Chong, vice minister of war Wang Zan, minister of public works Wang Pu, and minister of personnel Lu Yi—all innocent men—were banished and, on the same day, ordered to commit suicide at Baima Post. And civilian courtiers supporting the Tang over the Liang were uniformly branded factionalists: several hundred men were exiled or slain, the court purged in the process.

In the third month of the next year, Emperor Ai relinquished the Tang throne to the Liang. He named Zhang Wenwei, deputy director of the Palace Secretariat with ministerial powers, as dignitary for investiture protocol, and minister of rites Su Xun as his deputy; deputy director of the Palace Secretariat with ministerial powers Yang She as dignitary for conveying the seal for dynastic succession, and Hanlin academician and Secretariat drafter Zhang Ce as his deputy; censor-in-chief Xue Yiju as dignitary for conveying the gold imperial seal; and left administrative aide at the Imperial Secretariat Zhao Guangfeng as his deputy. On the sixteenth day of the fourth month, arriving from Shangyuan Post, Wenwei and cohort presented the articles of investiture; riding sedan chairs, they led the Imperial Insignia Guard and chamberlain for attendance at the Liang court’s Jinxiang Hall. The Prince donned the imperial robe and hat, then faced south as Subject Wenwei and Subject Xun ascended the hall to present investiture documents. After stepping forward for the citation, Subject She and Subject Ce presented the seal of dynastic succession; Subject Yiju and Subject Guangfeng presented the gold seal. In sequence, each ascended the stairs and stepped forward to read the citation. Upon their descent, the myriad of civil and military officials were ushered in for felicitations; facing north, they glided into multiple bows.

Which is more critical: the single post of ceremonies chamberlain or the ritual altars of dynasty? Based on earlier stands in the chamberlain controversy, if Pei Shu and cohort had not died, would they have willfully ceded empire to another? Had they tried, Shu and cohort may not necessarily have preserved Tang rule, yet they most certainly would have refused to help overturn the dynasty, then survive in its wake.

WE LAMENT. When the Tang perished, wise and moral men expired with it. Those to survive were all mediocre cowards of little worth, men of sinister cunning who exploited peril and rushed to profit as traitors to their country. How else can we explain such shamelessly demeaning deeds at the Liang court? Thus, I write these “Biographies of Six Courtiers of the Tang.”

With the courtesy name Youhua, Zhang Wenwei [d. C.E. 908], was native to Hejian County. Early on, he won recognition for literary talents and personal deportment, passing the doctoral examination and becoming Hanlin recipient of edicts in the Tang reign of Zhaozong. The Son of Heaven was enfeebled at the time and institutions already shattered. From his post in the Hanlin academy, Wenwei issued edicts to the four corners and singularly held the élan of the empire together. Once Zhaozong relocated to Luoyang, he became deputy director of the Palace Secretariat with powers as chief minister. Liu Can later murdered seven courtiers, including Pei Shu, while others implicated met with summary executions. The literary officials stared at each other in disbelief, sensing that they were defenseless, but Wenwei spoke forcefully to win their release, and many a courtier survived unscathed through his intervention.

Taizu of Liang, upon formal enthronement, retained Wenwei as chief minister. Indeed, the institutions of early Liang were all constituted by Wenwei. At home he was known to be filial and fraternal. In the second year of Kaiping [C.E. 908], Taizu led a northern inspection and left behind Wenwei in the western capital, where he died of sudden illness. Posthumous rank as right associate at the Secretariat was conferred.

Yang She’s grandfather, Shou, had been chief minister in the Tang reign of Yizong.² His father, Yan, had risen in office to vice minister of war. He personally passed the doctoral examination and served as minister of personnel in Zhaozong’s reign, then deputy director at the Palace secretariat with ministerial powers, once Emperor Ai was enthroned. Yang She hailed from an eminent Tang family, which for generations had adhered to rules of ritual propriety. He possessed a personality especially circumspect and magnanimous, but haplessly encountered the tumult of late Tang, and during his days as chief minister he tended to shed tears in the company of family members. Turning to his son Ningshi, he said, “I cannot escape this net of calamity soon to envelop us, a net certain to entangle you as well.” After the Tang collapse, Yang She served the Liang as deputy director of the Chancellery with ministerial powers. He chose to bow his head and do nothing of substance over his three-year tenure, leading to demotion to left associate at the Secretariat and administrator of civil service examinations. He died several years later.

His son, Yang Ningshi, was a man of literary finesse with a talent for drafting documents. Holding office through the Liang, Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou, he repeatedly retired for psychological reasons to reside at Luoyang. His highest rank was grand guardian to the heir-apparent.

A native of Dunhuang Prefecture, Hexi circuit, Zhang Ce [d. C.E. 914] had the courtesy name Shaoyi. His father, Tong, had served the Tang as regional military commissioner for Rongguan. A youth nimble of mind and fond of learning, Ce acquired a comprehensive command of commentaries on the classics. When his father, Tong, lived in the Dunhua ward of Luoyang, he once scooped up an ancient tripod from a well with the inscription, “crafted by Jiqian of the Wei dynasty, in the second month of the inaugural year of Huangchu.” Tong marveled at the object. Thirteen sui at the time, Ce sat beside Tong and explained, “In the Han dynasty’s twenty-fifth year of Jian’an [C.E. 220], Gentleman Cao Cao perished and the reign was changed to Yankang. In the tenth month of the same year, Emperor Wen assumed the Wei throne and further changed the reign to Huangchu. Thus, the inaugural year of Huangchu has no second month. How can a genuine inscription be in error?” Tong was flabbergasted and considered him a prodigy.

In youth, Zhang Ce was drawn to the teachings of Buddhism and even cropped his hair to become a monk, residing at the Ci’en temple of Changan. Once the rebel Huang Chao invaded Changan, Ce resumed wearing his original attire and assisted parents in evading the turmoil, residing on a farm for more than ten years. The court later named him erudite at the Guangwen academy, as Wang Xingyu of Binzhou arranged his posting as assistant to the surveillance commissioner. Once Xingyu came under attack from the Prince of Jin, Li Keyong, Ce and a female servant had to carry his aging mother by sedan chair to the east, along roads covered with snow. The spectacle elicited pity from passersby.

The future Taizu of Liang, then concurrent governor of four commands, arranged for Zhang Ce’s posting as governor’s deputy for Zheng and Hua prefectures. Relieved of duties to mourn his mother’s death, he served the Tang court as assistant director of catering after the mourning period. An assignment as administrative aide was arranged by Han Jian of Hua‡ Prefecture. Jian’s relocation to Xuzhou‡ caused Ce to be nominated administrative secretary to him. Jian once selected him as emissary to the future Taizu, who delighted upon meeting Ce, exclaiming, “Master Zhang has arrived, alas!” Taizu retained him as his own administrative secretary and even recommended him to the court, Ce eventually rising to drafter at the Palace Secretariat and Hanlin academician. Assignment as edict recipient for the vice minister of public works occasioned Taizu’s formal accession to the Liang throne. In the second year of Kaiping [C.E. 908], Ce became vice minister for punishments with chief ministerial standing and later vice director of the Palace Secretariat. Owing to cold-related illness, he retired with rank of minister of punishments, dying in Luoyang.

Zhao Guangfeng had the courtesy name Yanji, his father Yin a one-time left associate at the Secretariat in Tang times. Guangfeng had earned some personal renown under the Tang for literary skills and moral character. Contemporaries even celebrated his combination of direct honesty and amiable personality with the nickname “Jade Yardstick.” In the reign of Zhaozong, he was named Hanlin recipient of edicts and deputy censor, only to forfeit office owing to tumultuous times: living in Luoyang, he shut his doors and spurned public affairs for five or six years. The rise of Liu Can to chief minister caused Guangfeng’s resuscitation as vice minister of personnel and chamberlain for ceremonials, his friendship with Can of long standing.

Zhao Guangfeng proceeded to serve the Liang after the Tang collapse, as deputy director at the Palace secretariat with ministerial powers. Further promotions culminated in his being named left associate at the Secretariat. He retired with the rank of grand guardian to the heir-apparent; his resuscitation as dignitary for public works with ministerial standing attended Emperor Mo’s accession. He retired again as dignitary of education, and in the Tiancheng reign of Tang he received honors at home as grand guardian, invested Duke of Qi. The rank of grand mentor followed his death.

Xue Yiju [d. C.E. 912] had the courtesy name Xiyong. Native to Wenxi, Hedong, he served the Tang as vice minister of war and Hanlin recipient of edicts. Emperor Zhaozong had returned to Changan from Qizhou‡ to conduct a mass execution of eunuchs precisely as Yiju was writing the caption for a portrait of Han Quanhui, a eunuch commandant, for which he received a demotion. Yiju hence allied with the future Taizu of Liang, whose favorable words to the court led to appointment as minister of personnel and later censor-in-chief.

In the third year of Tianyou [C.E. 906], when Taizu returned from Changlu to his command, Emperor Ai dispatched Yiju to confer awards on him. Yiju greeted Taizu with the protocol of subject, as Taizu cordially waived clenched hands in the air, inviting him to ascend the stairs. Yet Yiju insisted, “Your Highness’s merit and virtue extend to humanity, while the spirits of Heaven and Earth now portend Your Majesty as undertaking the sacred mission of [ancient rulers] Shun and Yu. How dare Your Subject violate protocol?” He proclaimed himself royal subject and performed an elaborate bow of submission, Taizu shifting his own body to avoid him. After returning to the capital, Yiju prodded Emperor Ai to relinquish the throne. He became deputy director of the Palace Secretariat once Taizu assumed the throne, with ministerial powers. Honors as dignitary for public works eventually followed. He served as minister of Liang for five years, receiving rank as director of the Chancellery upon death.

Nothing is known of the background of Su Xun. Crafty and obsequious, he flattered others with no sense of shame, assuming any posture of benefit to him. He served the Tang as minister of rites. The future Taizu of Liang had committed regicide against Zhaozong by now, installing Emperor Ai. The senior statesmen of Tang were uniformly outraged and indignantly critical: some bowed their heads for fear of calamity, while others left the capital to avoid service. Yet Xun’s shameless patronizing of the Liang to win advancement was unparalleled. As Liang armies assaulted Yang Xingmi and suffered a rout at the Pi River, an indignant Taizu turned impatient about transferring imperial powers and sought the nine official privileges with vestments. The official rank and file dared not discuss so sensitive a matter, making Xun the sole advocate of conferral: “The Prince of Liang has evinced such merit and virtue that Heaven’s mandate has reverted to him. The abdication should be executed promptly.” Taizu formally assumed the throne a year later, Xun presiding as deputy master of investiture protocol.

Xun’s son Su Kai had passed the doctoral examination in the Qianning era [C.E. 894–898], but Zhaozong directed academician Lu Yi to delete him from the list, causing Kai to feel frequent chagrin. Once Zhaozong fell to regicide and Tang administration reverted to the Liang, Kai became imperial diarist. This permitted him to cultivate ties to Liu Can and Zhang Tingfan, intimating to the latter, “In selecting a posthumous title to replace the personal name, credibility is critical. Earlier court authorities gave the Former Monarch the posthumous name ‘Zhao’ [Illustrious], but the titular and actual status were inconsistent. You, Sir, are chamberlain for ceremonials while I am court historian. We cannot but address the matter.” Su Kai now argued the issue at court, point by point. Originally a commander’s attendant under the Liang, Tingfan had once sought appointment as chamberlain of ceremonies; failing to obtain it, he similarly harbored resentment for the Tang dynasty. Kai’s petition was thereby presented to Tingfan, who argued before the court, “For former monarchs who are unstintingly devoted to conducting affairs, it is said, the appropriate posthumous title is Dedicated [Gong]. For monarchs who face chaos but elude personal harm, the appropriate title is Astute [Ling]. For monarchs who are martial but fail in their goals, the appropriate title is Sober [Zhuang]. For monarchs who reign over a beleaguered empire, the appropriate title is Disconsolate [Min], and for monarchs who make strides during crises, the appropriate title is Facilitator [Xiang]. I petition that the posthumous title for Emperor Zhaozong be changed to the Dedicated, Astute, Sober, Disconsolate, and Facilitating Emperor with the temple name Xiangzong.³

After acceding the throne, Taizu held a banquet at Xuande Hall, where, glancing at courtiers, he professed himself too deficient in virtue to deserve the Mandate of Heaven, attributing his elevation to their efforts. Senior courtiers of Tang like Yang She and Zhang Wenwei stood in embarrassed shock, left speechless as they bowed. In fact, only Su Xun, Zhang Yi, and Xue Yiju proceeded to praise the merits of the Prince of Liang profusely, characterizing his accession as faithful to Heaven and responsive to the people. Xun and Kai, father and son, both acquired trust through submission to the Liang, yet rarely managed further advancement at court, despite protruding their heads from morning to night. Jing Xiang held them in particular contempt, saying to Taizu, “A newly ascendant Liang dynasty should recruit upright scholars to enrich current customs. The deficiencies in deportment of Xun and son make them unacceptable for the new dynasty.” Father and son were thereby prodded to return to their village, where they enjoyed the patronage of Zhu Youqian of Hezhong.

Zhu Youqian later defected from the Liang to capitulate to the Prince of Jin [Li Cunxu]. As the Prince of Jin prepared for his accession, he solicited former officials of the Tang dynasty to fill vacancies in the civil service, Youqian sending Xun to his Weizhou camp. At the time, many a Jin commander preferred that the Prince not accede the imperial throne, for the purge of Liang had yet to occur. The Prince’s commanders, ministers and senior courtiers remained unsupportive as well, even in the face of his own urgency. From the outset of Xun’s arrival at Weizhou, however, he bowed during official visits to the prefectural offices, characterizing himself as “bowing before the imperial hall.” When entering to meet with the Prince personally, he would glide into an elaborate bow, extend felicitations for “ten thousand years,” and profess himself a “royal subject”—all to the Prince’s immense delight. On the next day, Xun presented thirty “brushes for painting the sun” [to celebrate an ascendant monarch]. This pleased the Prince still more and resulted in appointment as deputy governor. Later dying of illness, Xun was posthumously entitled left associate at the Secretariat upon Zhuangzong’s accession.

When the Tang dynasty collapsed, there was also a man named Du Xiao [d. C.E. 913], whose courtesy name was Mingyuan. His grandfather Shenquan and father Rangneng both served as chief ministers of Tang. In the Zhaozong reign, after assaults on the capital by Wang Xingyu and Li Maozhen, Zhaozong killed Rangneng at Lin’gao as a scapegoat for himself. Xiao considered his father’s death unjust and physically wasted away while mourning for him. He donned the attire and headband of commoners, once mourning was over, to spend the next ten years in abandoned despair. With Cui Yin serving as senior administrator of the salt and iron monopolies, he nominated Xiao as patrol officer, and the court offered assignments as sheriff for a metropolitan county and auxiliary at the Zhaowen academy. Xiao spurned them all. Senior administrator for finance Cui Yuan similarly nominated him as patrol officer, whereupon someone reminded Xiao, “Upon the death of Ji Kang [centuries ago], his self-abnegating son, Shao, initially refused only later to accept office, once a reproachful Shantao pragmatically assessed things. My friend, can you imagine your own progeny, in seasonal rites to ancestors, being reduced to the protocol for commoners?” Xiao now agreed to be resuscitated. Successive appointments culminated in director of palace catering and Hanlin academician.

Taizu’s accession to the Liang throne saw Xiao become edict recipient for the vice minister of public works. Promotion ensued, in the second year of Kaiping [C.E. 908], to deputy director of the Palace Secretariat with ministerial powers. Reassignment as minister of rites and academician for Jixian Hall attended the installation of Zhu Yougui. Later, in the suppression of renegade Yougui, the armies of Yuan Xiangxian pillaged widely, Xiao perishing at the hands of unruly troops. The posthumous title of right associate at the Secretariat was conferred.

WE LAMENT. Who will first raise the factionalist banner? I believe most emphatically that those most devoid of benevolence will cast the first mold [to stigmatize others].

During a visit to Fancheng, I once read the Wei-dynasty stele, “Commemorative for the Abdication,” where courtiers of the preceding Han celebrated the merits and virtues of the new Wei dynasty. The large letters incised deep into the stone cited their names to celebrate contributions to their times. I have also read the Veritable Records for the Liang, where Wenwei and cohort comported themselves similarly. I can never read such passages without sobbing. To cede one’s country to another and celebrate oneself as glorious, only later to minister to the new regime, who deigns to do so save for petty men?

At the end of the Han and Tang dynasties of old, the courts contained only petty men. Where were its superior men? As the Han faced imminent ruin, first came charges of factionalism to persecute the wise and morally superior, leaving the court with only petty men, and the Han collapse ensued. Similarly, as the Tang faced imminent ruin, initially factional slanders provided cause to liquidate the court’s entire cohort of literati, residuals representing unfit mediocrities who induced the peril that brought the Tang to its knees.

Persons seeking to empty the people’s empire and purge its superior men will surely accuse others of factionalism, those wanting to isolate the powers of the people’s ruler and mask his eyes and ears will surely accuse others of factionalism, and those given to usurping empire for surrender to another will surely accuse others of factionalism. For moral men who commit some minor misdeed, petty men will try to elevate the misdeed to a crime, thereby providing something to malign. For others with nothing to malign, extending recrimination becomes impossible. Yet by simply raising the banner of “factionalism,” petty men can purge moral men across the world for simply associating with their own kind. In this way, one’s relatives and old associates can be branded as factional partisans, one’s companions and friends can be branded factional partisans, fellow officeholders and classmates can be branded factional partisans, even student disciples and former secretaries can be branded factional partisans. And to the extent that these several groups share a common character, they all tend to be noble persons. Thus, it is said, persons intent on emptying the people’s empire and eliminating its superior men need only allege factionalism, and no one will escape persecution.

It is naturally inherent for moral men to relish in associating with others of common character. Upon learning of other moral men, praise for one another will surely occur, and such simple praise leads to slurs of factionalism; in recruiting moral men for government, recommendation of one for another will surely occur, and such a simple recommendation leads to slurs of factionalism. If persons hear of moral men but dare not offer praise, then news of such men below never reaches our ruler’s ears; and if people observe moral men but dare not recommend them, then the witnessing of such men never reaches our ruler’s eyes. And with each day the moral become estranged as the petty become intimate. Who will then assist a dumbfounded ruler of humanity in laying plans for political order? As the saying goes, “Persons wanting to isolate the powers of the people’s ruler and mask his eyes and ears will surely accuse others of factionalism.”

In the presence of a single superior man, swarms of petty men, despite their vast numbers, will surely have some inhibitions, some moves that they dare not make. Upon purging the empire of all superior men, the petty are free to indulge their own fancy, leaving nothing beyond their reach. This was precisely the case for transitions from the Han to Wei dynasties as well as the Tang to Liang. Thus, the potential to usurp and even surrender empire to another emanates from the absence of superior men, and their total absence at court emanates from purges related to factionalism.