14

December 3, 1896
Ensign Stephen L. Morrison, USN
United States Cruiser Brooklyn
FPO 46
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
United States of America

My dear Stephen,

I can’t begin to tell you how much your last letter cheered me! I wish it wasn’t a matter of months between the time we write to each other and the arrival of the letters. Nonetheless, it delights my soul to hear from you. You certainly sound as if you are doing well and that a career in the United States Navy agrees with you.

How exciting it must be to sail on a brand new ship like the Brooklyn! And how proud you must be to be a commissioned officer! When are you next slated for a promotion? Remember, I will not be content until you are an admiral and are well on your way to becoming the American president!

How did you like South America when you were there earlier this year? You never told me whether you behaved like an officer or not. I’ll take it as a matter of faith that you represented your country well. How proud your father would be if he were alive to see how you’ve grown and developed into the man I knew he hoped you would be. As for my father, we barely acknowledge each other’s existence. I believe our relationship is a metaphor for the relationship between the Russian government and the people it supposedly serves. Yes, my friend, things continue to deteriorate here.

I know you are aware that Nicholas has been Tsar since Alexander III died over two years ago. Yes, he’s now Tsar Nicholas II, a lofty sounding title for such an unworthy individual! I can’t recall if I told you that in his first public speech after the death of his father, what does he choose to talk about? His right to an absolute autocracy! He and the state are one. My God, Stephen, he sounded like Louis XIV: “L’etat, c’est moi!” What a message he picked to begin his reign! He merely gave Russia a preview of things to come. But I must tell you about his coronation.

As per our church protocol, there was a mourning period for Alexander for over a year. No official state celebrations of any kind were observed. It was finally decided to have Nicholas’ coronation last May. Russian tradition, going back to the start of the Romanov dynasty, has dictated that the Tsar will be formally anointed in Moscow. My family was invited to attend all of the coronation proceedings and, of course, we attended. The crowning ceremony took place on May 14 at the Assumption Cathedral, and I must admit that it was a beautiful ceremony. My family was in the third pew and, due to my father’s distinguished position, we were invited to attend the Bolshoi that evening along with the royal family and several other prominent families. As is tradition, they performed the first and last act of “Life of the Tsar,” as well as a new ballet called “The Pearl.” It was a pleasant, if not over-indulgent, evening.

The next several days were endless parties and balls. Remember, dear friend, virtually all of the crowned heads of Europe were in Moscow for the festivities. It was quite a spectacle, and I suppose the royal family was quite pleased. The final day of the coronation festivities was to be May 18. That day, Stephen, was a day of horrors that will live in my mind forever. I almost cannot describe to you the terrible events of that day. I get furious even thinking about it. Again, it has to do with our Russian traditions.

I know it probably sounds somewhat quaint to a world-traveling American such as yourself, but after a coronation in Russia, it is customary for the peasantry to gather in tribute to the new Tsar, and for the Tsar to have a celebration for the masses. Hundreds of thousands of people, mainly peasants, gather on the outskirts of Moscow for the gala where the Tsar provides them free food and beverage, as well as ceremonial mugs. It was arranged for them on the Khodynka Field where tents were set up for the festivities. Khodynka Field was not a wise choice. It was not quite big enough to accommodate the huge crowds. In addition, there are several ditches in the terrain in between where the crowds were assembled and where the tents were set up. I understand there were over a half million people present.

No one knows exactly how it all started. Some suspect that rumors were starting to circulate that they were running out of food, mugs, and beverages. The crowd started surging forward and people began to be knocked off their feet to the ground. The people on the edge of the ditches lost their footing and fell into the shallow little valleys as the waves of people moved forward and trampled them. A general panic soon broke out, and the crowds became uncontrollable. Men, women, children — hundreds were crushed to death by the crowds. I later saw a police report, and it was shocking. They estimated that nearly two thousand people were trampled to death on the Khodynka Field that morning. I am told that the grounds looked like a battlefield with broken bodies, shattered limbs, and blood everywhere.

This shocking tragedy would seem to be the sad but logical end of the coronation ceremonies. Incredibly, this was not the case! The government decided to go on with the festivities! Broken bodies were discretely removed in wagons so as not to disturb the gaiety of the evening where the royals danced at their opulent balls! His people are crushed to death, and yet the Tsar and his fellow oppressors dance on! Stephen, you can’t imagine my horror — no, my shame — at this spectacle! I have never been so ashamed to be a Russian as I was that day. And yet, the story gets worse.

Romanov family politics and squabbling soon took over the situation. Nicholas’ mother, Empress Marie Feodorovna, knowing what a weakling her son is, insisted on the immediate creation of a commission of inquiry with the purpose of punishing the guilty parties. She knew full well that her brother-in-law, Alexander’s brother Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, as Governor-General of Moscow and organizer of the coronation ceremonies, would shoulder the blame. She also demanded that Nicholas cancel the remaining coronation festivities. I am told that he initially agreed to do this.

But as you can see, dear Stephen, nothing in Tsarist politics is simple. Apparently, there is much bad blood between the empress-mother and the new Tsarina. Alexandra forbade Nicholas to cancel the remaining balls and receptions. As if this weren’t enough of a conflict for the spineless Nicholas, there was another factor in play here. Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich is husband of Alexandra’s sister! There was absolutely no way that she would allow her brother-in-law to become the scapegoat for the Khodynda debacle. Needless to say, Nicholas changed his mind and sided with his wife, much to the fury of his mother. That night, they danced and celebrated as if nothing had happened. This resulted in much gossip throughout Russia about the new Tsar’s lack of compassion, as you can well imagine.

The final farce to the whole Khodynka incident was the commission of inquiry that Nicholas finally did appoint. I learned that the empress-mother personally picked its figurehead leader, another sycophant, Count Pahlen. Apparently, the commission wanted to at least give the appearance of a genuine investigating authority that was interested in getting to the truth. Again, Romanov politics intervened. Two of the Tsar’s uncles threatened to resign from the court if Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich was harmed because of the investigation. So the entire affair was whitewashed, and some minor bureaucrat took the fall. A disgusting resolution to a horrid affair!

It has been months since this event occurred, and do you know what galls me most, Stephen? The total lack of response by the peasantry! They turn the other cheek and do nothing, except to virtually invite the Tsar and his cabal to strike them again! As you no doubt have detected by the tone of my past several letters, I have been coming to a sad but necessary conclusion. That is this: the philosophy of populism, bringing up the peasantry to lead the revolution, is flawed; it is wrong. The peasants are not the answer — they are only interested in increasing their status to become capitalists, not revolutionaries. It pains me to think of the hours, the years, I have spent on this quest, only to learn that it is not the right way.

I now believe the answer lies with the workers to lead the revolution. My colleagues and I are enthralled by the writings of Georgii Plekhanov. This visionary of a man has elucidated the tenets of Marxism to the Russian revolutionary activists such as myself. Although he is in exile, his work, “On the Question of Developing a Monistic View of History,” is sheer brilliance and has galvanized us! Yes, we will continue our two-phased strategy as before. First, the establishment of a “bourgeois democracy” to prime the revolution. But now, it is the workers of Russia, not the peasantry, who will accomplish this goal. The second phase will remain that of a socialist revolution that will seize power for the workers and all the people of Russia! To further my participation in this great endeavor, I have joined with the Marxists in St. Petersburg.

Already we are making a difference. We Marxists are not only spreading our message with propaganda, but we’ve also resorted to mass agitation in the form of labor strikes. You would be amazed, Stephen, but last year we actually organized a massive labor strike in St. Petersburg. We had over thirty thousand workers in the streets protesting. The price of our success was high. Two of my esteemed colleagues, Julius Martov and Vladimir Ulyanov, were arrested and jailed. I myself barely escaped the authorities. But we all realize that the cost of freedom is high, and we are willing to pay the price.

I’m not sure how long I can remain at Putilov. My revolutionary activities are becoming a full-time job, and I have more disgust each day when I see our workers toiling under such exploitive conditions. I believe my father will be relieved to see me go.

So, Stephen, the hour grows late, and I must prepare for a meeting. Forgive me for venting so to you, but you know that it is therapeutic for me to share all of these things with you. You will never know what an important thing your friendship is to me. I am longing for the day when we can get together for dinner in a free Russia. I pray it happens in our lifetimes! Remain safe, my friend, and know I am thinking of you.

Your friend always,

Yuri