A cultural wargame is a conflict simulation that places the social, demographic, and cultural aspects of the participants in a conflict at the center stage of a game. This is in contrast to games where the focus might be on hardware, logistics, maneuver, or kinetic combat.
A cultural wargame might use a range of different game structures, including some that look very like conventional operational military games. The key difference is one of focus. So, in a typical cultural wargame, players are briefed with their background and objectives that reflect their culture. These might reflect organizational infighting (“Your primary objective is to achieve promotion”), social factors (“Whatever happens, you must ensure that the Nervii tribe do not gain more honor or status than your tribe”), or personal factors (“You need to make money out of this conflict”). These are all distinct from the “pure” problem-solving found in many wargames, in which the task is to optimize operational outcomes or most efficiently maximize the effective use of resources. This distinction is useful when designing games that replicate “wicked problems” or issues where military operations are conducted in a complex human terrain.
Many cultural wargames are designed in the form of seminar games (e.g., “Barwick Green”—see later in this chapter), but the principles have also been applied to large multiplayer map games (e.g., “Crisis in Binni,” “Sengoku,” “Crisis in Britannia”) and games using game boards and counters (e.g., “Henchmen”).
A cultural wargame works by deliberately placing the participants in the position of an unfamiliar culture, with rules and procedures and objectives that reflect that culture specifically and then expose them to a scenario that places strains on their assumptions and challenges them to respond culturally to the crisis. This has educational and developmental outcomes. So, the cultural wargame can be characterized thus:
I have spent many years developing wargames for diverse audiences.1 These have ranged from designs for school educational settings all the way through to games for leadership development of senior two-star leaders in the diplomatic, military, and defense fields. In between these two extremes have been games for military training establishments, the UK Ministry of Defense, museums, corporations, and charities—and of course, for recreational wargamers. Many of those games have used the technique of cultural wargaming, especially with the more senior players.
One of the opportunities created by working with such a variety of audiences is to be able to compare a wide range of organizational cultures and attitudes to wargaming. Within the defense sector, for example, there is considerable interest in reflecting human terrain and soft factors, in particular looking at how, in a future war context, military forces can engage with civilian populations and governments, given that the shape of conflict in the twenty-first century is increasingly being conducted within such complex human terrain.
One of the most common insights from facilitating wargames for organizations in the commercial and the third (i.e., charity) sectors is that they are often most concerned with issues related to organizational functionality and communication. These are not always obvious at the outset, but it comes up again and again in the debriefing and gathering insights stage of games.
There have been three main strands of organizational interest that the cultural wargaming technique has been useful in addressing:
In developing a cultural wargame, we look at the key questions that explore motivation and decision making within the game. As the game unfolds, we find that in the majority of cases a player’s actions were based on either a set of assumptions that were untested, or on some underlying assumptions about the other players, their attitudes, or their behaviors. And in interrogating these assumptions we find that they are very often culturally influenced. Every society has its rules, taboos, norms, and conventions. In the wider context, an organization is a microcosm of society as a whole. However, it isn’t always fully representative of that wider culture and can easily become a specific, self-selected, subset—in some ways even blind to alternatives or different perspectives.
My wargame designs for educational and recreational audiences have, over many years, expanded on this theme: looking at familiar subjects and historical periods through the lens of another culture or civilization. I quickly discovered that these approaches and methods are, and have been, eminently transferable to the “serious” world of professional wargaming. To give some examples of what I mean:
This “countercultural” gaming exposes players to some key experiences and can, on a good day, not only fundamentally challenge their understanding of the scenario but also create some profound reflections on the nature of their own culture.
In a cultural wargame we use the scenario to expose assumptions. These are grouped into four types and then reflected in the game structure and team/player briefings at one level or other.
Built into every wargame, every scenario, and (I would argue) every participant are both spoken and unspoken cultural assumptions. Military audiences have readily identifiable spoken assumptions: their hierarchies, professional skills, organizational habits, and rituals; these are generally known to all parties and can be easily accessed. On the other hand, the unspoken assumptions are both more interesting and more likely to cause friction. Unpacking these unspoken assumptions is a challenge, but it can be managed by the imaginative use of a wargame in the right setting, and in a cultural wargame this is an explicit outcome or insight from a given game. Additionally, one may want to expose participants to cross-cultural communication from the operational environment: things such as working with allies, engaging the political environment at the village level, or interacting with the more general human terrain in the game.
This is a game and scenario that I have run as a non-theater-specific example. It is deliberately rather fantastic in order to illustrate the point.
This is a map-based seminar game. It is facilitated by “Game Control,” one or two entities who represent all the external factors and create, in the minds of the players, the game environment by adding to descriptions in the briefings, introducing key events (following a set of event guidelines), and ruling on the outcomes of interactions or players’ actions. Gameplay takes place with a large reference map of the village and its environment, and ideally with some breakout space for private discussion between the main players.
At some undetermined time in an alternative present day, England is undergoing a bitter quasi-civil war. Outside the big cities the rural villages are run by traditionalists who hold on to ancient rituals and beliefs (such as belief in the Church of England, listening to or watching the BBC, drinking tea, and eating fish and chips), and these are often infiltrated by the violent extremists from the Albion First Movement and the National Freedom Front. UN forces have been deployed on peacekeeping in the County of Borsetshire, with troops patrolling the various villages. The game focuses on the tiny fictional village of Barwick Green.
Player roles:
The villager players (some of them in teams) are all aware of their place in the economy and society of the village. They have personal status, which they are encouraged to guard jealously. They need to work to make some in-game money (the game system has players generating income via the “day job”), although the game’s background of unrest and insurgency has an impact on their income. Taken altogether, these factors create a working environment and set an important part of the context.
Some of the villagers have private sympathies with the extremists. However, there are no village players briefed to be part of the extremist faction at the start of the game. The UN players do not know this, and might make assumptions that the village contains active insurgents—this last bit is important, as the core scenario model is of an otherwise peaceful village placed in an unusual, challenging, and potentially stressful new situation.
Into this peaceful village scenario comes a UN military force. This force does not need to be played, but it can add to the scenario when it is; it can also easily be run by Game Control. Where the game participants are military in real life, then the incoming force must be one utterly unfamiliar to them—say, UN troops from Bangladesh, Nigeria, or Angola, for example. In some cases—for example, if this is being played outside the United Kingdom—the basic cultural assumptions will be unfamiliar. In one game played in the United States, an American player playing one of the villagers had to have it explained that everyone didn’t own a pistol and no civilians have automatic weapons legally in the United Kingdom (although farmers might have a shotgun).
Issues that arise from the peacekeepers might include:
The villager players get to explore the concerns, objectives, and daily life in a village and test these assumptions against what they think might be the motivations and objectives of the UN forces.
If the UN peacekeepers are played, they will have objectives based in their home culture, including attitudes to women, alcohol, music, and religion and their own social norms. For example, a predominantly Muslim peacekeeping force might have to take particular measures to keep their troops out of the pub. Care is taken with these briefings not to resort to simple cultural stereotyping; however, the UN briefing gives depth and can be educational for players unfamiliar with an alien culture.
Usually, in this sort of game, the villager players quickly become frustrated at their lack of power and how they are marginalized and (unintentionally perhaps) treated with disrespect. In many games like this, some players quickly become militant, as one would expect, though it is also the case that players engage with their roles so that conflict and tension among the villagers is as important as between the villagers and the UN.
Typically “Barwick Green” takes about half a day; there are longer versions that can run for a couple of days, with a more complex scenario and additional injects such as rural council meetings and activities by extremists. These specific crisis points can deepen the game considerably, but the game doesn’t need to be long or especially elaborate for the point to be made; it can achieve some really good outcomes in just a couple of hours.
The outcome and insight debrief of a game such as this is essential, as participants will often reflect on their own communication practices, especially if they are explicitly invited to do so. Open questions such as, “How did you feel your decisions/actions affected the interplay between the villagers and the UN, and how might that have been different?” start meaningful conversations about cultural difference, assumptions, and most important, perceptions of the other.
Typical outcomes and insights from a game like “Barwick Green” include:
Through games like “Barwick Green,” the cultural wargame, either as a stand-alone game or as a key component of a conventional wargame, has a great deal of utility in reflecting the social and human terrain aspects of a wargame scenario. In its use of different perspectives and its careful development of roles and briefings, it brings out insights that might be much harder to achieve using other techniques.
Jim Wallman is a professional game designer specializing in manual games for developing insights, strategy, and team development and for education, with more than twenty years of experience in the field. He has designed and delivered map wargames at the political, strategic, and operational level for the UK Defense community; board games for the British Army; more than forty published sets of sand table wargaming rules; and command and decision games covering issues such as equipment development, political crises, strategic planning, and civil disorder. He has worked extensively with the corporate, public educational, and voluntary sectors, in particular designing and implementing games for senior leadership development and analytical wargames for the UK Ministry of Defense. His background and training is primarily in the social science and history fields, with a particular interest in the practical application of positive psychology to game structures.