Imagine a London in which the inhabitants of Kensington are afraid to visit old friends in Chelsea; in which nobody from Camden Town dares to drink in Hampstead pubs; in which a youth from Wimbledon would be risking his life by strolling through Green Park; in which a change of taxis is sometimes necessary between Putney and Richmond because few drivers are willing to venture outside their native borough. A London suffering from an acute housing shortage though row after row of solid, spacious dwellings stand empty with bricked-up doors and windows. A London where policemen are likely to be shot dead within moments of entering certain districts – and so never do enter them – and where large buildings are frequently razed by uncontrollable swarms of small boys. A London in which only the West End is comparatively safe for all Londoners to shop in, because it has been securely barricaded off from the rest of the capital and is constantly patrolled by large numbers of heavily armed troops. Such a London could happen only in science fiction – we hope. Yet all the world knows that one city in the United Kingdom has been reduced during the past decade to this almost unimaginable way of life.
I did not choose the most auspicious season for my first visit to Belfast. All over Northern Ireland, but especially in the capital, communal relations deteriorate during the weeks before the Twelfth of July. Even in the country, Protestants who normally are well-disposed towards everybody won’t salute Catholics and Catholics know better than to approach Protestant neighbours for the sort of help that would gladly be given in March or October. To me this weird annual cycle is one of the most incomprehensible features of an often incomprehensible scene. Are Protestants afraid that without regular practice they might be unable to maintain the necessary (for tribal preservation) inner level of hostility towards Catholics? During the marching season Orangemen indulge in provocation of the most infantile sort. A good example is the butcher’s shop which advertised ‘Lourdes-cured ham’. This brand of wit is much relished by Protestants and in the peaceful old days was good-humouredly tolerated by Catholics. But the Taigs’ years of accepting jeers and sneers merely lowered them in the Orange estimation.
When I crossed the River Bann – broad and brown between flat banks – it seemed much more real, as a frontier, than the border between North and South. It divides the western, more Catholic and more economically underprivileged region of Northern Ireland from the predominantly Protestant counties of Antrim and Down. Antrim is Paisley country; when I stopped at a crossroads petrol station to ask the way a young attendant abruptly (and absurdly) said, ‘Don’t know.’ Further down the road two youths curtly gave directions while eyeing me with a mixture of suspicion and derision. On the outskirts of Ballymena I cycled between rows of preternaturally clean bungalows with shining windows, fresh paint, gleaming brass ornaments on gleaming tiled mantelpieces, washed and ironed curtains and not the tiniest weed visible in any garden. An hour later, on a quiet country road, an overtaking car slowed and began to follow me. My heart lurched, as it would not have done west of the Bann, and the next few minutes seemed long. When the ancient Mini overtook me the passenger door was opened by one of the two youths to whom I had spoken earlier and I was treated to an indecent gesture. This was such a relief, when I had been half-expecting a bullet, that I almost said ‘Thank you.’
Six miles short of the city I stopped at a new, opulent ‘inn’. It was fortified with a roof-high steel wire enclosure and had a car barrier and a ‘sentry-box’ in which a security man sat doing the pools. But as usual no attention was paid to Roz’s bulging saddle-bag. At the bar I got into conversation with two elderly friendly sisters who run a large café in central Belfast. One of their employees – a young man, recently married – had been blown to bits in a pub a few weeks previously. No one mentioned the three men who had been shot dead the evening before in a pub just down the road. Around Belfast there is a marked tendency not to discuss recent local tragedies.
I spent the next two nights with friends in a residential area which looked the epitome of tranquil respectability but had within the past fortnight suffered three sectarian murders. In one case a thirty-five-year-old Catholic pub owner was shot dead in his bed by a man on a ladder. This victim had allowed his bar staff to serve soldiers on patrol who slipped in through a back door for a quick pint during a heatwave. The Provos do not approve of pampering the Brits. As I went to bed on my first night it occurred to me that I might wake up dead. A gunman could break in and shoot me in my sleep, mistaking me for my brave host. A few weeks earlier he had risked his life on the Antrim Road to give aid to a soldier wounded by a sniper; meanwhile other members of the foot-patrol were firing in the sniper’s direction and eight people stood impassively in a nearby bus queue, pretending not to notice.
I was advised to study the religious geography of the city before cycling around it and a friend lent me his detailed British Army Tribal Map of Belfast, which marks the ghetto areas orange and green. Then my host introduced me to the Catholic ghettos. With a prominent doctor notice displayed on his windscreen he was less likely than other motorists to be delayed at security checkpoints, hijacked by bombers or stoned by gangs of bored boys who for the moment could find no more exciting target.
Perhaps because I never see television, and so was quite unprepared, those ghettos really shattered me. Yet I have known far worse slums in Asia. But Belfast is in affluent Europe and why should large areas of it be swarming with undernourished wild children and knee-deep in stinking litter, and strewn with broken glass glinting in hot sun under a blue sky – all on a summer’s day … So many bricked-up houses, reminding me of dead people with their eyes shut – some of them fine substantial buildings from which Protestants had had to flee in terror taking only their resentment with them. So many high brick, or corrugated iron, barricades between identical streets of little working-class homes, to prevent neighbours seeing and hearing each other, and so being provoked to hurt and kill each other. Sometimes, over the barricades, I could glimpse Union Jacks flying from upstairs windows. And I remembered a friend of mine in another part of the North – a retired naval officer – saying how much he resented the British flag being abused as a provocative sectarian symbol.
A filthy four- or five-year-old boy was playing all alone on a broken pavement with a length of stick; it was his gun and he was aiming at us. One wouldn’t even notice him in London or Dublin but in Belfast I wondered, ‘How soon will he have the real thing?’ Already, in his little mind, possession of a gun is equated with bravery and safety, with having the will and ability to defend his own territory against ‘the Oranges’. Around the next corner two slightly older children were carefully placing cardboard cartons in the middle of the narrow street. ‘Are these pretend bombs?’ I asked, appalled. ‘They might not be pretend,’ replied Jim, driving on to the pavement to avoid one. Even more appalled, I said nothing. Jim looked at me and laughed. ‘You’ll get used to it!’ he said. ‘Almost certainly they are pretend. But hereabouts sensible people don’t take chances.’
Everywhere stones and broken bricks were available to be thrown at passing army vehicles. Jagged broken bottles lay in gutters, flashing as they caught the strong sunlight. We passed an elaborately fortified barracks and then a famous ‘confrontation spot’. ‘In the afternoons,’ explained Jim, ‘you get the locals out here stoning the troops. And the same evening the same people will run across to the sentry-box and ask could they ever use the phone to ring the aunt in Armagh.’
When we took a wrong turning Jim became slightly tense. At the end of an artificial cul-de-sac – concrete-filled tar-barrels were blocking the road to motor traffic – he turned quickly. A group of gum-chewing youths came sauntering round a corner and jeered at the posh car on principle. ‘There’s a wee bit of trouble on the way,’ remarked Jim. ‘It’s funny, when you live here you develop a sixth sense – you always can tell when something’s brewing.’ He warned me then never to loiter when entering or leaving ghettos. Sectarian assassins do not always pick out individuals; often they just go to areas where they can be almost certain of their victim’s religion. But for them actually to enter a ghetto would be too dangerous. Everyday life in Belfast takes some getting used to, yet contrary to my expectations I found the city quite attractive.
Despite its population of 360,000 one never feels trapped in Belfast. On Roz, I could be away among green fields, or on a mountain, or by the sea, within half an hour of leaving the City Hall. And some of the most wretched areas are within sight of brilliantly fresh countryside – though this fact somehow made them seem even more tragic and squalid.
I parted from Jim a little apprehensively and cycled back to slumland to spend the rest of the day with Catholic families to whom I had been given introductions by a community worker. Outside a huge newish block of flats children swarmed raucously on wasteland while half-starved Alsatians snarled at each other; the lower walls of the building were daubed with exhortations to join the Provos, fuck the UVF and defend the Republic. ‘Best mind them dogs,’ said Tom, ‘they’d ate you.’
Tom and Maire are in their forties but look a lot older. Tom is small, slim and bearded – a professional cat-burglar who slipped when crossing a roof one night last year and broke his back. Now he is ‘out of work’ and has to use a complicated walking-machine provided by the NHS. I found his accent very difficult but Maire was quite comprehensible. With the end of her skirt she wiped bright yellow cake crumbs and a smear of tomato ketchup off the leatherette settee and invited me to be comfortable beside her. Then – sitting bolt upright with bony hands clasped tightly in her lap – she told me about her son. He was twenty-two when he was ‘executed’ last year as a punishment for deserting from the Stickies. (The Official IRA.) He had been married six months previously and his eighteen-year-old bride was with him when he was shot dead in the street. She was nearly three months pregnant and she lost the baby next day. I was shown the wedding photographs, snapshots already dog-eared, taken with a neighbour’s camera. His mother had begged him not to join the Stickies – to join the Provos if he must but never the Stickies. It was no good – he wouldn’t listen – he thought the Stickies could do more for the poor. ‘For the likes of us, who never had nothin’ but what we get from the Buroo [i.e. National Assistance] and maybe a bit extra when Tom could do an office – he never went near nobody’s house, I swear to God!’ But soon enough the young man repented his obstinacy, when he was ordered to shoot someone with whom he had grown up on the same street and gone to school. His mother advised him to say nothing but to get away quietly across the water. The snag was that he didn’t want to leave Belfast – he had no mind for travelling – he’d never in his life been out of the city except once to go on a football excursion to Dublin. And he was very fond of his parents – a bit spoiled – an only child. ‘Somethin’ went wrong the time he was born and I couldn’t have no more. There are days I’m terrible tempted to be bitter and to wish to see them dead that killed him. I know them, too. I know the very fella that fired the shot. I could tell you where he is this minute. Wouldn’t you feel the bitterness, if ’twas yourself? But I prays to God above not to be that way. What good would it do, to have another mother with all this sadness on her?’
It was comforting to be reminded that in Northern Ireland Christianity still occasionally fulfils its original purpose.
Next day I met another bereaved mother in a very different sort of home. Aine lives in an area that has only recently become exclusively Catholic; a few years ago it was a mixed estate of respectable skilled workers with Prods and Taigs living happily side by side in solid little red-brick terraced houses. Now the place is a shambles – burnt-out houses, bricked-up houses, the few remaining shops steel-shuttered, the post office (which has been raided eight times) fortified like an army barracks, every front garden a wilderness, the streets strewn with glass, stones and half-bricks, violent slogans on the ‘Peace Line’ barriers and vicious dogs threatening every unfamiliar passer-by. Yet the interior of Aine’s house was neat and spotless; no Presbyterian home in Ballymena could have outshone it.
Aine apologised for her red eyes; she had not been expecting any caller. ‘I was just havin’ a wee cry in the kitchen. Mostly now I’m all right but sometimes it comes over me around this time – when he’d be comin’ in to his supper with his dad. They worked together at the plumbin’, see. And you know how a young lad loves his food – he’d say, “Great, Mum! It’s onions tonight and you’ve been cryin’!” People say I’ll forget all them details but sure how could I? It was Corrymeela got me where I am now. I could never have come to myself without it. I never felt at Mass what I felt at those prayers together in Corrymeela. Protestants and Catholics we were, all together, and the Protestants knew ’twas one of their lot killed my son and they prayed special for me – and it worked! I’ll never again be happy, see. But I’m not angry no more.’
There were six large colour photographs of Frank on top of the television set and along the mantelpiece; a tall, handsome young man with blond hair, merry eyes and a kind, open face. In one picture he had an arm around the shoulder of the girl he was planning to marry. ‘By now I could have been a grandmother,’ said Aine. Sadie and he had just bought a second-hand car between them – she was a secretary – and Frank had recently moved to a new semi-detached house in a mixed area. Then one evening after supper he gave his mother a lift to the youth club where she helps as a volunteer – ‘tryin’ to keep the kids off the streets’. He said good-night and drove on to his own little house and was shot eight times in the head and chest as he sat in an armchair watching television.
Sadie was a Protestant. And possibly Frank’s assassin thought it his duty to prevent a Protestant girl’s children being brought up in the Romish faith. Any regular reader of Paisley’s Protestant Telegraph might come to feel thus if he took what he read seriously.
‘They well knew it was dangerous to stay,’ said Aine. ‘But they were young and happy and they didn’t believe it could happen to them. I told them straight – “Go yous away across the water! Yous’ll never have it easy here!” But Frank didn’t want to go. He loved the fishin’ and the hikin’ in the hills – down to the Mournes he’d be with his big boots and his knapsack as often as he could get away.’
Dan came in then and Aine insisted that I stay for supper. An excellent meal it was, too, though I had interrupted the preparing of it.
Dan and Aine are the sort of Belfast people one rarely hears of – moderate working-class Catholics who refuse to admit that the IRA have achieved anything worthwhile by bringing about Direct Rule and would be thankful if only life could again be as good as it was in 1968. ‘ ’Twasn’t perfect for the Catholics then,’ said Dan, ‘but by God ’twas a lot better than what it is now!’ I mentioned the area where I had spent the previous day, with its chronic unemployment problems and its demoralising awareness of always having been discriminated against. Dan nodded. ‘Aye, surely they have it tough. But how much of it’s their own fault? You get a rare lot o’ feckless lads up thataway! There’s many up there, and if you put them to work on Monday they’d be out sick on Tuesday. Never had no stomach for work, they didn’t. You can’t shove all the blame on the Orangemen. I’ve always wanted to do an honest day’s work and thank God I’ve never been idle. Most o’ my jobs I’m doin’ for Protestants but they don’t seem to care I’m Taig so long as I does the job good and honest. OK – I could never get a government contract – you had to be Orange for that. But in a city there’s plenty work besides. Surely we never got a fair crack from Stormont, but didn’t we boycott it in the first place? We’d never have got our rights, I know. But we could have put a wee bit of a brake on the Orangemen if we’d mucked in with the politics from the start. And let me tell you, there’s plenty Catholics here think the way we do. Without this new bother things would have got better and better for us – or anyways for our children. Now we’re destroyed, with the hate and the fear stirred up since ’68.’
Earlier that same day I had got the opposite view from a Provo supporter. ‘Things had to get worse before they could really get better. We couldn’t wait for ever while O’Neill was pussy-footin’ about tryin’ to keep Paisley calm. He was a fool of a Prime Minister. Brave enough though, I’ll say that for him. There was a time back in the sixties when a whole crowd of his own lot were itchin’ to bump him. But he stuck with his principles, for all the good they were to anyone. Too much nambypamby Eton carry-on. That kinda crap’s no good in Belfast. He always went on like he was in London. Paisley could knock him flat with a look – and often did. He’s bad news, Paisley. But at least he’s a real Irishman.’
Cycling through Belfast’s slums, I often thought about Lord O’Neill’s celebrated speech on the BBC in 1969 when he made the following statement: ‘The basic fear of the Protestants in Northern Ireland is that they will be outbred by the Roman Catholics. It is as simple as that. It is frightfully hard to explain to a Protestant that if you give Roman Catholics a good job and a good house they will live like Protestants, because they will see neighbours with cars and television sets. They will refuse to have eighteen children. But if the Roman Catholic is jobless and lives in a most ghastly hovel, he will rear eighteen children on National Assistance. It is impossible to explain this to a militant Protestant because he is so keen to deny civil rights to his Roman Catholic neighbours. He cannot understand, in fact, that if you treat Roman Catholics with due consideration and kindness they will live like Protestants in spite of the authoritative nature of their church.’
Tony Gray described this speech as ‘almost stupefying in its tone of condescension’. But as well as being grossly offensive, it is partly true. It is also an excellent illustration of how Orangeism marks a man for life. By all accounts Lord O’Neill is an intelligent, well-meaning and honourable man who felt so strongly about civil rights for Catholics that he sacrificed his political career in an attempt to secure them. And yet, so deeply ingrained are his Orange prejudices that he could speak thus of Catholics over the BBC while sincerely regarding himself as their champion.
It is of course unfair to scorn Lord O’Neill for his immortal howler. He, as much as any shipyard worker in East Belfast, is a victim of centuries of anti-Catholic propaganda. I have heard it argued that Eton and the Guards should have been able to counteract his Orange heritage; but this is to miss the point. These institutions did, obviously, counteract those parts of it which were accessible to outside influence. The fact that he was able to see (as the vast majority of Orangemen are not) how badly Catholics had been treated, and that as Prime Minister he struggled so hard to improve their position, is proof of that. But no school and no regiment could soak the Orange dye out of his emotions. His remarks betrayed that however sincere his dedication to the cause of justice for the minority – and nobody ever seriously questioned its sincerity – he simply cannot regard Catholics as fully paid-up members of the human race. Some whites feel the same about blacks and some Indians feel the same about other Indians and all Chinese used to feel the same about all non-Chinese (and perhaps still do). I believe this sort of prejudice cannot be eradicated by the individual, however good his intentions and clear his thinking. He may act contrary to his prejudices, as Lord O’Neill did, but he cannot feel contrary to them.
According to Lord O’Neill the correct policy is so to treat Roman Catholics that they will live like Protestants. One can read too much into a statement made on the wireless during a period of considerable political and personal stress. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to ask how Lord O’Neill would react if Catholics were treated justly but chose not to live like Protestants. Under a system that guaranteed civil rights for all, Catholics would soon be able to challenge successfully the dominance of Protestants in every sphere of Northern life. In 1969 the proportion of Catholic children in Northern Ireland’s schools was 51 per cent though Catholics form little more than a third of the entire population. No wonder, as Lord O’Neill said, ‘The basic fear of the Protestants in Northern Ireland is that they will be outbred by the Roman Catholics.’
At intervals, Belfast’s habitual sectarian violence is augmented by feuding within or between the various Orange or Green paramilitary groups. At the time of my first visit to the city the Provos and Stickies were indulging in gang warfare, with the Irps playing some part in the background which I could never understand. Not even the best-informed student of Belfast’s underworld can fully unravel these quarrels. On the Orange side they are often a result of rivalry in the protection-racketeering business while amongst the Greens they are more likely to be caused by bitter ideological differences. And there are some strange anomalies. In the summer of 1975 the Stickies’ newspaper printed an article said to be from the UVF and demanding the killing of all Irps. During the past few years sinister links seem to have been forged between some Stickies and some UVF members and nobody is sure what these portend – or even which element in the UVF is involved. These are the apparently trivial mysteries which can wear your nerves to bits if you happen to live in an area dominated by paramilitaries. From the ghetto dwellers’ point of view such feuds and unaccountable alliances are far more demoralising than ‘normal’ campaigns; there can be no clearly defined refuge from the bullets and knives of fellow-Catholics or fellow-Protestants. And after only a few days in Belfast I could appreciate what this means.
My own rapid adaptation to tribal life both astonished and irritated me. Against the Belfast background customary attitudes, principles and convictions mean little; what mattered most was my Southern brogue by which I could instantly be identified in an Orange area as an ‘enemy’ and in a Green area as a ‘friend’. I soon discovered that many in the Orange areas kindly welcome Southerners – who in the Green areas may be suspected of spying. Yet at an instinctive, animal level I felt safe in Green territory and unsafe in Orange territory. I used to watch the walls attentively and feel my nerves relaxing or tensing according to whether I saw JOIN THE IRA, UP THE PROVOS, OR UVF RULE HERE, FTP – or any of the innumerable variations on these themes. Just once I saw a neutral inscription on a Green wall: DEAR TERRY IS DEAD. There was a mildness and tenderness about this expression of grief, in the midst of so many brutal and blasphemous slogans, that quite devastated me.
On my second night in Belfast I went to a Provo Sinn Fein meeting which was attended by several mothers who had recently lost sons in the Provo/Stickie feud. About thirty people were present in a small room – from articulate girls and boys in their teens to Old IRA veterans in their late seventies who spoke vigorously against the Provos. Practically every male in the room had been interned and only then did I begin to see the unwisdom of indiscriminate internment. When it was first introduced by Brian Faulkner in 1971 I had thought it a desperate remedy, but one that seemed justified. However, I was wrong. The individuals in the Catholic community who could most effectively have counteracted the Provos were the moderates among the Old IRA, men of my own father’s stamp and generation who had been ‘out’ in 1918–21 and whose patriotism nobody could question. To have interned such men was an indication of how little the Stormont–Westminster–Military Intelligence combination understood the Northern Catholic scene. Of course there are many Old IRA veterans who support the Provos and have always done so. But to sort these out from the moderating influences should not have been beyond the resources of British Intelligence.
The Provo representative who addressed us – an intense young man, tall, slim and wavy-haired – was so enmeshed in his own obsessions that it was impossible to get any sense out of him. At the start he antagonised everybody – even those who were clearly pro-Provo – by announcing that he could easily talk above our heads but would be careful not to. Despite this claim, whenever anybody disagreed with Provo ‘policies’ his only reply was to accuse them of cynicism. He drivelled on interminably about the IRA’s ‘great and glorious past’ but looked very annoyed when a forceful young man asked what exactly a Provo victory would mean in terms of the future. An equally forceful young woman then stood up and asked how it was proposed to run a state on ideals without money. She was curtly told to read the Provo Policy Document wherein is set out the Federal Solution. An Old IRA man at once demanded, ‘When, where and by whom was the Federal Solution voted on?’ Another Old IRA man answered him by saying, ‘It was foisted on the cumann by the leaders! It doesn’t represent the hopes or ambitions of anyone but a few crackpots.’ To those our speaker replied smoothly that, ‘A policy is only a short-term thing you’re prepared to try out and if it doesn’t work you try something else.’ When this definition provoked sardonic laughter he added that ‘Provisional Sinn Fein is not a political party working within the system – it’s out to destroy the system!’
An elderly woman then observed, ‘What we need is a sort of cross between the Provos and Stickies and SDLP.’ Her husband agreed, remarking, ‘When all’s said and done, most people want to be respectable. That’s why you get thousands voting for the SDLP even though half their hearts is with the Provos.’ But the young woman beside me strenuously denied this. ‘We don’t want to be respectable! Not if that means going along with some new Stormont substitute. We only vote SDLP because we’re realists and there’s no other way to get things done at the moment – no one else to help us deal with the authorities.’
Several times our speaker was pulled up for using ‘we’ and ‘us’ when discussing the organisation of the Provisional People’s Assembly. He was reminded that the Provos have no right whatever to regard themselves as representatives of Belfast’s Catholics and there was much opposition to the idea of their taking over – or even helping to run – any of the existing community organisations.
The subject that aroused the strongest feeling, however, was the Provo–Stickie feud. In a corner sat two middle-aged women who had been friends and neighbours all their lives though in 1970 their husbands had ‘split’, one supporting the Provos, the other the Stickies. Not long before the meeting the Provo mother’s son had been murdered by the Stickie mother’s son – who within a few days had himself been killed. These two women stood up together and begged for a truce. ‘For God’s sake – for our sons’ sakes – can’t you all agree!’ I gathered that the feud was being carried on exclusively by the younger generation on both sides; it is almost unknown for their elders to attack each other, however bitterly they may disagree. When our speaker insisted that the Stickies were ‘Stalin-dominated’ and wanted the Brits to stay, and that in every organisation ‘a few youths get out of control’, he was shouted down by enraged and bereaved parents. ‘Nonsense! You’re keeping it going on both sides with your filthy rags! You’re urging each other on to kill – you’ve gone mad, the lot o’ yous!’ One man of about fifty called out, ‘I’ve just left the Stickies and I don’t care who knows – when our sons are being riddled on the streets by each other we should cease to be Stickies or Provos and become Irishmen! All I want now is to stop this killing!’ Listening to him, I wondered if he ever thought about the English and Welsh and Scottish parents whose sons have also been shot on the streets of Belfast.
During the evening I became accustomed to references to ‘the war’, made quite unselfconsciously, just as the British might refer to their world wars. There were also many references to ‘dropping Brits’. This activity was plainly regarded as praiseworthy by most of the younger people present. It had been suggested that I should attend this meeting to increase my understanding of Belfast Catholic attitudes but I left it doubting if anybody would ever be able to understand them. The Catholics themselves are in a massive muddle. Most of the younger people seem to sympathise with the Provos in their war against the security forces while fiercely resenting any Provo interference in their own areas and not wishing to be associated with Provo attacks on civilian targets. This means that their willingness to give the Provos practical help is rather half-hearted. The day after the meeting I visited another Catholic district where three householders had been knee-capped within the previous year for refusing to hand over their car keys to ‘volunteers’. Now, in that area, people do hand over car keys on demand – and who can blame them?
After the meeting gigantic pots of tea appeared and several people kindly gave me the sort of information they have learnt keeps journalists happy. Thus I discovered that to get booze into ‘the Kesh’ you dehydrate a whole grapefruit and then inject it with gin through a needle borrowed from your local doctor if he’s a good sort and stolen from your local clinic if he isn’t. I also learned that teenage girl snipers are regarded as the most accurate of all for long-distance work and that ‘something off the lorry’ means hijacked goods. I was given the addresses of three seemingly deserted and boarded-up shops which are very well-stocked behind their blank façades. In one of them the best Bushmills was then going for £3 a bottle. But devoted as I am to Bushmills, and parsimonious as is my nature, I reckoned that life in Belfast was quite complicated enough without getting myself into gaol as a receiver – or imbiber – of stolen goods.
An unexpected complication of Belfast life caught up with me at the end of that tea-party. It was 1.30 a.m. on a still, balmy midsummer night and in two hours more the dawn would break. But meanwhile it was very dark. And suddenly I realised that I was afraid to cycle the five miles to my friends’ house just off the Antrim Road, which had recently been nicknamed ‘Murder Mile’. Fear of immediate danger I know all about; what I am not accustomed to is fearing something that may happen but probably won’t. The sensation was as unfamiliar as it was humiliating. But I was past being shamed into bravery. I was gut-frightened at the thought of cycling through a series of Orange and Green ghettos when I couldn’t see the graffiti and wouldn’t know to whom I was talking if I got lost – as I well might, in total darkness, only forty-eight hours after arriving in the city. So I cravenly accepted the offer of a lift home and had it not been offered I would have asked for it.
In retrospect, I found this experience interesting. When I tried to analyse my uncharacteristic timidity I came to the conclusion that what I had been suffering from was contagious mass-fear. This is not, I hope, mere self-justification. After all, you could drop me in the middle of the night on to an Ethiopian plateau or into a Himalayan valley and I would positively relish the experience; but then I would be alone and creating, as it were, my own atmosphere. In a city of 360,000 people, however – most of whom are all the time subconsciously slightly afraid – the atmosphere can be very odd, especially at night. Of course one eventually adjusts to it and when I had learned my way around I did occasionally cycle at night – though never without wishing that I were doing something else.
Many Belfast people claim not to notice the city’s tensions but the staggering quantities of tranquillisers consumed annually tell another story. Also, most city-centre pubs are not crowded at lunch-time; and the manager of a bookshop told me that business is declining because so many country people have given up shopping in Belfast while regular customers tend not to browse. Again, a bus driver who takes excursions to Dublin said that he could always pick out his passengers from a Southern crowd – ‘They seem so watchful and worn-looking, alongside the Dubliners.’ Yet despite their strained faces there is a gallant sort of cheerfulness about the Belfast people, a good-humoured acceptance of the manifold inconveniences of everyday life. Shopping within the city-centre security zone is a most tedious ritual, especially in very hot weather. One pities the exhausted elderly folk and the young mothers surrounded by fretful children who can’t understand why they are not allowed to walk through the barriers to the ice-cream man. Nor is midsummer pleasant for the traffic wardens, civilian searchers and RUC and army patrols; the checkpoint shelters become like glasshouses and the air seems an almost unbreathable concoction of dust, heat and diesel fumes. However, the challenge of coping with a crisis seems to keep most people going though by now the ‘crisis’ has become permanent.
Belfast today is often compared with London during the blitz. But at least the Londoners were united against an identifiable foreign foe and not exposed to the furtive exploits of members of their own society. It is the unpredictability rather than the frequency of Belfast’s hazards that makes them so nerve-wracking; and the seemingly elaborate security arrangements are a deterrent rather than a protection. The prim-looking young woman ahead of you on the pavement carrying a plastic bag just might be on her way to blow up Marks and Spencers. Or the neatly dressed, respectable elderly man carrying a tidy brown paper parcel just might be going to hide it in that pub towards which you are heading. Can people really get used to living with this sort of thing? After ten days I fancied that I had become reasonably immune to it. Then one evening as I was writing in a friend’s empty house a door banged upstairs and for the next five minutes I could scarcely breathe, so violently was my heart hammering. Yet in any other part of the world I simply do not react to sudden loud noises.
The different social classes are exposed to different degrees and sorts of tension. In the poorer Catholic areas, where army harassment is commonest and paramilitary harassment (or involvement) is most widespread, tension is least. Things are happening all the time, people are active, there is less time for brooding and more awareness of solidarity with the neighbours. At the other extreme is the Catholic middle class, which must be the smallest social group in Belfast. As a minority within a minority its general feeling of insecurity is intense. Also, it has the sort of pride which inhibits it from giving in to intimidation as promptly as most ghetto people do when seriously threatened. Families with adolescent children, or university students living at home, are especially vulnerable to intimidation from both sides. I stayed with one couple whose medical student son had had to leave Belfast in 1972, halfway through his training, because night after night the Provos had forced him to attend to their wounded and his mother was afraid that in the end they would shoot him as a ‘security risk’. He had been told that if he refused to cooperate his father would be killed. And that is but one of many similar stories in my notebook.
I visited another family who live in what used to be a mixed street, running parallel to one of the ironically named ‘Peace Lines’. (It seems inexpressibly degrading that within a city of the British Isles neighbours have to be kept apart by tangles of wire, sheets of tin, brick walls, concrete barricades and piles of burnt-out cars. This was an aspect of Belfast I never got used to; on my fifth visit it upset me as much as it had done the first time I saw it.) A Loyalist paramilitary group is anxious to gain control of this whole area and most of the Catholic families have by now been forced out, to the shame and grief of their Protestant neighbours who of course dare not protest at what is happening. Within the previous month my friends had received three threatening letters, several telephone calls and a warning spray of machine-gun bullets around their hall-door. They had complained to the police, who regretted their inability to help. Such experiences underline the extent to which law and order have broken down under paramilitary pressure, even in the more ‘respectable’ districts of Belfast. A few days before my visit that whole street had been shaken by an explosion just around the corner, when the house of another Catholic family who had ignored all warnings was blown up. I could not understand my friends’ dogged determination to stay in their home; I would have been gone after the first letter. They explained that since all their children have grown up and emigrated they feel justified in joining the élite who defy intimidation – especially as the husband is due to retire in 1978 and they can then retreat without dishonour from the urban scene.
At the far end of that district I cycled up a once attractive street past nine empty semi-detached houses from which Catholic families had recently been driven. Workmen were busy around some of them and by now I dare say all are occupied by Loyalist paramilitary supporters. But one Catholic was standing fast – a widower, recently retired from his profession and resolved not to move whatever the paramilitaries might do. ‘I’ve lived here with it all my life,’ said he. ‘My father was shot dead by the Tans in ’21 as he was standing in a city-centre pub having a pint. And I well remember going to school through holes in garden walls, from garden to garden, because the streets of Belfast were considered too dangerous for children. But y’know – maybe this will surprise you – I reckon we’re over the worst. The modern world is going to be too much for Northern Ireland. What was acceptable in the twenties won’t wash in the eighties. We just need a little more patience – we don’t need to do anything. And I’ll bet Britain sees this. The Brits may look stupid in Westminster but they’ve an awful lot of grey cells tucked away in Whitehall. If we all sit back and wait, the whole bigotry-based structure of Northern Ireland is bound to collapse. Simply because it’s against European human nature towards the end of the twentieth century. Even in Spain, they wouldn’t stand for it now. Moderation will overtake us whether we want it or not.’
My next middle-class Catholic was rather a special case, a senior civil servant who is a target for both Green and Orange paramilitaries. His home has several times been stoned by rioting mobs; the last one consisted of some forty Loyalist youths from a nearby housing estate. The RUC had not long before found the numbers of his own and his wife’s car on a list of those due to be booby-trapped by the IRA, and a Loyalist assassination attempt was made during 1975 on the elder of his schoolboy sons. His house now has bullet-proof windows and all sorts of alarm devices which are set off so often by the cat that nobody pays any attention to them. He assured me that one gets used to it all – that he never feels afraid – that one has to be fatalistic. I can well believe that he never allows himself to feel afraid yet he is obviously living under great stress. Westminster has now abolished religious dis–crimination in the civil service; but will many Catholics choose a career that would expose them to the hatred of both Orange and Green extremists? And this unfortunate man’s wife is another source of anxiety. In an attempt to bring down the sectarian barriers she does voluntary social work twice a week in a Catholic area and twice a week in a Protestant area. Those are the truly brave people and one can see the price of bravery written on their faces.